Checked tone

Template:Short description A checked tone, commonly known by the Chinese calque entering tone, is one of the four syllable types in the phonology of Middle Chinese. Although usually translated as "tone", a checked tone is not a tone in the western phonetic sense but rather a type of syllable that ends in a stop consonant or a glottal stop. Separating the checked tone allows -p, -t, and -k to be treated as allophones of -m, -n, and -ng, respectively, since they are in complementary distribution. Stops appear only in the checked tone, and nasals appear only in the other tones. Because of the origin of tone in Chinese, the number of tones found in such syllables is smaller than the number of tones in other syllables. Chinese phonetics have traditionally counted them separately.

Final voiceless stops and therefore the checked "tones" have disappeared from most Mandarin dialects, spoken in northern and southwestern China, but have been preserved in southeastern Chinese branches like Nanjing Mandarin, Yue, Min, and Hakka.

According to Zhang Taiyan, an advocate of Old National Pronunciation, checked tone is a signature of Han culture. Tones are an indispensable part of Chinese literature, as characters in poetry and prose were chosen according to tones and rhymes for their euphony. This use of language helps reconstructing Old Chinese and Middle Chinese pronunciations since Chinese writing system is logographic, rather than phonetic.

Phonetics

Template:More citations needed section From a phonetic perspective, the prototypical entering tone is simply a syllable ending with a voiceless stop that has no audible release: , and/or a glottal stop depending on the language variety. Middle Chinese has only the first three.

It is customarily called a tone regardless of whether a tonal distinction is possible in such syllables. In languages such as Early Middle Chinese and most varieties of Wu, such syllables do not have contrastive tones (i.e. the tone or pitch of the syllable is entirely predictable) and are therefore phonologically toneless. In languages such as Cantonese or Hakka, a small number of tonal distinctions exist (typically 2), which historically developed as a substitute for the lost Middle Chinese initial voicing.

Some Chinese varieties have innovated new final consonants from such historical syllables. A few dialects of Gan have (from historical ). In some dialects of Cantonese and Gan, the final stop is voiced.

History

The voiceless stops that typify the entering tone date back to the Proto-Sino-Tibetan, the parent language of Chinese as well as the Tibeto-Burman languages. In addition, Old Chinese is commonly thought to have syllables ending in clusters , , and (sometimes called the "long entering tone" while syllables ending in , and are the "short entering tone"). Such clusters were later reduced to /s/, which, in turn, became and ultimately "departing tone" in Middle Chinese.

The first Chinese philologists began to describe the phonology of Chinese during the Early Middle Chinese period (specifically, during the Northern and Southern dynasties, between 400 and 600 AD), under the influence of Buddhism and the Sanskrit language that arrived along with it. There were several unsuccessful attempts to classify the tones of Chinese before the establishment of the traditional four-tone description between 483 and 493. It is based on the Vedic theory of three intonations (Template:Zhi). The middle intonation, Template:Transliteration, maps to the "level tone" (Template:Zhi); the upwards intonation, Template:Transliteration, to the "rising tone" (Template:Zhi); the downward intonation, Template:Transliteration, to the "departing tone" (Template:Zhi). The distinctive sound of syllables ending with a stop did not fit the three intonations and was categorised as the "entering tone" (Template:Zhi), thus forming the four-tone system. The use of this system flourished in the Sui and Tang dynasties (7th–10th centuries), during which the Qieyun (Template:Lang-zh) rime dictionary was written.

Note that modern linguistic descriptions of Middle Chinese often refer to the level, rising and departing tones as tones 1, 2 and 3, respectively.

By the time of the Mongol invasion (the Yuan dynasty, 1279–1368), the former final stops had been reduced to a glottal stop in Old Mandarin. The Zhongyuan Yinyun (Template:Zhi), a rime book of 1324, already shows signs of glottal stop disappearing and the modern Mandarin tone system emerging in its place. The precise time at which the loss occurred is unknown though it was likely gone by the time of the Qing dynasty, in the 17th century.

Example

Chinese character	Fanqie spelling and Middle Chinese reconstruction	Modern varieties of Chinese having entering tone					Sino-Xenic pronunciations			Standard Mandarin (no entering tone)	Gloss
		Hakka	Min (Fuzhou dialect)	Jianghuai Mandarin (Nanjing dialect)	Wu (Ningbo dialect)	Yue (Cantonese)	Classical Japanese	Korean	Vietnamese
Template:Linktext				ho⁵	[]		gapu, kapu	hap	hợp / hạp	Template:Zhi	'union', 'close'
Template:Linktext				shr⁵	[]		zipu, sipu	sip	thập	Template:Zhi	'ten'
Template:Linktext				fu⁵	[]		butu, putu	bul	phật	Template:Zhi	'Buddha'
Template:Linktext				ba⁵	[]		pati, patu	pal	bát	Template:Zhi	'eight'
Template:Linktext		,		i⁵	[], []		yaku, eki	yeok	dịch	Template:Zhi	'change', 'exchange'
Template:Linktext		,		kä⁵	[]		kyaku, kaku	gaek	khách	kè	'guest'

怒髮衝冠，憑欄處，瀟瀟雨

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抬望眼，仰天長嘯，壯懷激

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三十功名塵與土，八千里路雲和

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莫等閒，白了少年頭，空悲

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靖康恥，猶未

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駕長車，踏破賀蘭山

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待從頭，收拾舊山河，朝天

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Entering tone in Chinese

Mandarin

Template:More citations needed section The entering tone is extant in Jianghuai Mandarin and Minjiang Sichuanese. Other dialects have lost the entering tone, and syllables that had the tone have been distributed into the four modern tonal categories, depending on their initial consonants.

The Beijing dialect that forms the basis of Standard Mandarin redistributed syllables beginning with originally unvoiced consonants across the four tones in a completely random pattern. For example, the three characters Template:Zhi, all pronounced in Middle Chinese (William Baxter's reconstruction), are now pronounced , with tones 1, 3 and 4 respectively. The two characters , both pronounced , are now pronounced and respectively, with the character splitting on semantic grounds (tone 3 when it is used as a component of a name, mostly tone 2 otherwise).

Similarly, the three characters (MC ) are now pronounced . The four characters (MC ) are now pronounced .

In those cases, the two sets of characters are significant in that each member of the same set has the same phonetic component, suggesting that the phonetic component of a character has little to do with the tone class that the character is assigned to.

In other situations, however, the opposite appears to be the case. For example, the group Template:Zhi of six homophones, all in Middle Chinese and divided into a group of four with one phonetic and a group of two with a different phonetic, splits so that the first group of four is all pronounced and the second group of two is pronounced . Situations like this may result from the fact that only one of the characters in each group normally occurs in speech with an identifiable tone, and as a result, a "literary pronunciation" of the other characters was constructed based on the phonetic element of that character.

The chart below summarizes the distribution in the different dialects.

Mandarin dialect	Voiceless	nasal or /l/	Voiced obstruent
Peninsular / Jiao-Liao	3	4	2
Northeastern	1, 2, 3, 4 (mostly 3, irregular)	4	2
Beijing	1, 2, 3, 4 (no obvious pattern)	4	2
North-Central / Ji-Lu	1	4	2
Central Plains	1		2
Northwestern / Lan-Yin	4		2
Southwestern	2 (mainly), 1, 4 or preserved (Minjiang dialect)
Yangtze/Jianghuai	entering tone preserved

Identifying checked tones in Modern Standard Mandarin

There are several conditions that can be used to determine if a character historically had a checked tone in Middle Chinese based on its current reading in Modern Standard Mandarin. However, there are many characters, such as Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi and Template:Zhi which do not satisfy any of these conditions at all.

Initial	Final	Tone	Exceptions
Tenuis obstruent: ㄅ、ㄉ、ㄍ、ㄐ、ㄓ、ㄗ (b, d, g, j, zh, z)	Non-nasal final	Second tone	Template:Zhi
Alveolar consonant: ㄉ、ㄊ、ㄋ、ㄌ、ㄗ、ㄘ、ㄙ (d, t, n, l, z, c, s) or ㄖ (r)	ㄜ (e)	(any)	Template:Zhi（Template:Zhi~）、Template:Zhi
Velar consonant: ㄍ、ㄎ、ㄏ (g、k、h) Retroflex consonant：ㄓ、ㄔ、ㄕ、ㄖ (zh, ch, sh, r)	ㄨㄛ (uo)	(any)	咼（渦、堝、過、鍋、禍） 果（猓、粿、裹、蜾、輠、餜、夥） Template:Zhi（~Template:Zhi）、Template:Zhi
Bilabial consonant: ㄅ、ㄆ、ㄇ (b, p, m) Alveolar non-sibilant consonant: ㄉ、ㄊ、ㄋ、ㄌ (d, t, n, l)	ㄧㄝ (ie)	(any)	Template:Zhi
Non-labial tenuis obstruent: ㄉ、ㄍ、ㄗ (d, g, z) Non-labial fricative: ㄏ、ㄙ (h, s)	ㄟ (ei)	(any)	Template:Zhi
ㄈ (f)	ㄚ、ㄛ (a, o)	(any)
Alveolar sibilant：ㄗ、ㄘ、ㄙ (z, c, s)	ㄚ (a)	(any)	Template:Zhi
(any)	ㄩㄝ (üe)	(any)	Template:Zhi's variant reading of Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi

• A character with a nasal final in Modern Standard Mandarin will Template:Em have the checked tone in Middle Chinese. (The only exception is Template:Zhi.)
• A character with the sibilant final // in Standard Chinese, i.e. those with initials Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi and final Template:Zhi, will Template:Em have the checked tone in Middle Chinese.
• A character with the final -uai or -uei in Modern Standard Mandarin will Template:Em not have the checked tone in Middle Chinese. (Exceptions: Template:Zhi, and others)
• A character with a tenuis obstruent initial (pinyin: Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi）in Standard Mandarin and the third tone will Template:Em not have the checked tone in Middle Chinese. (Exceptions: Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi when used as a surname, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, among others)
• Characters that begin with an unaspirated obstruent and end in a nasal final (Template:Zhi or Template:Zhi) in Mandarin almost never have light level tone (or second tone in Modern Standard Mandarin, marked in pinyin with an acute accent). This is a corollary of the first condition in the table above, where characters that begin with an unaspirated obstruent (pinyin Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi), end in a vowel, and have a light level tone (Template:Zhi) in Mandarin (corresponding to a rising tone in Standard Mandarin) almost always derive from an entering tone (e.g. Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi,Template:Zhi and Template:Zhi all come from entering tones). As such, Template:Zhi and Template:Zhi are not recognised syllables in Standard Chinese.
• If a character has a phonetic component that is known to have an entering tone, other characters that have that phonetic component probably have an entering tone. For example, if one already knows that Template:Zhi has entering tone, one can conjecture (correctly) that Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi also have entering tone. However, there are plenty of exceptions, such as Template:Zhi and Template:Zhi, which lack the entering tone.

Wu

Most varieties of Wu Chinese preserve the entering tone. However, no contemporary Wu varieties preserve the , or distinction, but instead merges them all into a glottal stop . For example, in Shanghainese, the three lexemes Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, Template:Zhi, historically ending in , and , all end in a glottal stop, and are pronounced Template:Transliteration .

In some modern Wu varieties such as Wenzhounese, even the glottal stop has disappeared, and the entering tone is preserved as separate tone, with a falling-rising contour, making it unequivocally a phonemic tone in modern linguistics.

The pitch of the entering tones are divided into two registers, depending on the initials:

• "dark entering" (Template:Zhi), a high-pitched checked tone, with a voiceless initial.
• "light entering" (Template:Zhi), a low-pitched checked tone, with a voiced initial.

Many terms with grammatical functions also undergo sporadic evolution and gain a checked tone. This process can be considered a form of lenition, and is sometimes considered a form of glottalization.

Term	Gloss	Wu										Non-Wu
		Shanghai	Suzhou	Ningbo	Jinhua	Chongming	Changzhou	Wuxi	Jiaxing	Tiantai	Hangzhou	Beijing	Guangzhou	Nanchang	Xining
Template:Zhi	diminuitive	aq⁷	aeq⁷	aq⁷	eq⁷	aeq⁷	aq⁷	aq⁷	aq⁷	aq⁷	aq⁷	a	aa³
Template:Zhi	possessive	gheq⁸	keq⁷	goq⁸	keq⁷	geq⁸	geq⁸	keq⁷	keq⁷	koq⁷	koq⁷	gè	ko³

Romanization used is Wugniu. This phenomenon can also be seen in many pronouns, such as Shanghainese Template:Translit (Template:Zhi, "we") and Yuyaonese Template:Translit (Template:Zhi, "they").

Cantonese

In general, Cantonese preserves the Middle Chinese finals intact, including the differentiation between -p, -t and -k final consonants. Standard Cantonese does not use any glottal stops as final consonants; an exception is the sentence suffix (laak).

There are a few isolated cases where the final consonant has changed as a result of final dissimilation, but they remain in the checked tone.

Chinese character	Middle Chinese (Baxter)	Standard Cantonese (Jyutping)	Hakka (PFS)	Sino-Korean	Sino-Vietnamese
	pjop	faat3	fap	(beop)	pháp
	bjop	fat6	fa̍t	(pip)	phạp

Like most other Chinese variants, Cantonese has changed initial voiced stops, affricates and fricatives of Middle Chinese to their voiceless counterparts. To compensate for losing that difference, Cantonese has split each Middle Chinese tones into two, one for Middle Chinese voiced initial consonants (light) and one for Middle Chinese voiceless initial consonants (dark). In addition, Cantonese has split the dark-entering tone into two, with a higher tone for short vowels and a lower tone for long vowels. As a result, Cantonese now has three entering tones:

• Upper dark entering / short dark entering (Template:Zhi/Template:Zhi)
• Lower dark entering / long middle entering (Template:Zhi/Template:Zhi)
• Light entering (Template:Zhi)

Some variants of Yue Chinese, notably including that of Bobai County (Template:Lang-zh) in Guangxi and Yangjiang (Template:Lang-zh) in Guangdong, have four entering tones: the lower light tone is also differentiated according to vowel length, short vowels for upper light and long vowels for lower light. Thus in such varieties:

• Upper dark entering / short dark entering (Template:Zhi/Template:Zhi)
• Lower dark entering / long middle entering (Template:Zhi/Template:Zhi)
• Upper light entering / short light entering (Template:Zhi/Template:Zhi/Template:Zhi)
• Lower light entering / long light entering (Template:Zhi/Template:Zhi)

Chinese character	Middle Chinese (Baxter)	Standard Cantonese (Jyutping)	Vowel length in standard Cantonese	Bobai dialect (IPA)	Sino-Vietnamese
	pok	bak1	short		bắc
	paek	baak3	long		bách
	bak	bok6	short		bạc
	baek	baak6	long		bạch
	tsyowk	zuk1	short (the final -uk /ʊk̚/ does not distinguish long from short)		trúc
	tsraewk	zuk3, zuk1			tróc
	dzyowk, draewk	zuk6			trạc
	draewk	zuk6			trọc

Hakka

Hakka preserves all Middle Chinese entering tones and is split into two registers. Meixian Hakka dialect often taken as the paradigm gives the following:

• "dark entering" (Template:Zhi) , a low-pitched checked tone
• "light entering" (Template:Zhi) , a high-pitched checked tone

Middle Chinese entering tone syllables ending in whose vowel clusters have become front high vowels like and shifts to syllables with finals in some of the modern Hakka, as seen in the following table.

Character	Guangyun fanqie	Middle Chinese reconstruction	Hakka Chinese	Gloss
				vocation, profession
力				strength, power
食				eat, consume
色				colour, hue
德				virtue
刻				carve, engrave, a moment
北				north
國				country, state

Min

Southern Min (Minnan, including Taiwanese) has two entering tones:

• Upper (dark, Template:Zhi), also numbered tone 4
• Lower (light, Template:Zhi), tone 8

A word may switch from one tone to the other by tone sandhi. Words with entering tones end with a glottal stop ([-ʔ]), [-p], [-t] or [-k] (all unaspirated). There are many words that have different finals in their literary and colloquial forms.

Eastern Min, as exemplified by Fuzhounese, also has two entering tones:

• Upper/dark entering, Template:Zhi, which in Fuzhounese has the tonal value and ends in the glottal stop /ʔ/. This tone contour is not shared with any other tone category.
• Lower/light entering, Template:Zhi, which in Fuzhounese has the tonal value and also ends in the glottal stop /ʔ/.

Within its complex tone sandhi laws, Fuzhounese has a split in sandhi behavior between two separate upper/dark entering Template:Zhi tones. This is believed to be a reflex of an earlier stage in its development, where final /k/ was distinguished from final /ʔ/.

In the related Fuqing dialect, a proportion of entering tone lexemes have lost their glottal stop and have merged into the phonetically equivalent tones:

• Upper/dark entering, Template:Zhi, with value , is merging into upper/dark departing, Template:Zhi, with value .
• Lower/light entering, Template:Zhi, with value , is merging into upper/dark level, Template:Zhi, with value .

Outcomes of Glottal Stop Retention in Fuzhou vs Loss in Fuqing

Historical Entering Tone	Dark entering (陰入)			Light entering (陽入)
Entering Tone Character	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize
Fuzhou dialect (colloquial reading)	gáh	só̤h	kuóh	siŏh	diăh/diĕh	uăh	dĭk
Historical Other Tone	Dark departing (陰去)			Dark level (陰平)
Other Tone Character	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize	Template:Resize
Fuzhou dialect (colloquial reading)	gá	só̤	kuó	suŏ	diă/diĕ	uă	dĭ/tĭ
Fuqing dialect (colloquial reading)

This merger can also affect sandhi environments, but there is the option to use the sandhi pattern of the former checked tone while still eliminating the final glottal stop.Template:R

Additionally in Fuqingnese, sandhi environments where the light entering Template:Zhi tone is non-final cause the glottal stop to weaken and in some tones lost, and where the tone changes to a low sandhi tone , the glottal stop is completely lost.Template:R The dark entering Template:Zhi tone on the other hand retains its glottal stop in sandhi environments.Template:R

Entering tone in Sino-Xenic

Many Chinese words were borrowed into Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese during the Middle Chinese period so they preserve the entering tone to varying degrees.

Japanese

Because Japanese does not allow a syllable to end with a consonant except ん n, the endings -k, -p, -t were rendered as separate syllables -ku or -ki, -pu, and -ti (Modern -chi) or -tu (Modern -tsu) respectively. Later phonological changes further altered some of the endings:

• In some cases in which the ending is immediately followed by an unvoiced consonant in a compound, the inserted vowel ending is lost, and the consonant becomes geminate.
  • Examples: Template:Langx + Template:Langx (> Modern Japanese Template:Transliteration) becomes Template:Langx, and Template:Langx + Template:Langx (> Modern Japanese Template:Transliteration when standing alone) becomes Template:Langx (breakthrough)
• The Template:Transliteration ending changes into Template:Transliteration. (Template:Transliteration). That process can be followed by Template:Transliteration and Template:Transliteration.
  • Example: Template:Langx becomes Template:Transliteration (phonologically Template:Transliteration)

Recovering the original ending is possible by examining the historical kana used in spelling a word, which has also aided scholars in reconstructing historical Chinese pronunciation.

Korean

Korean keeps the Template:Transliteration and Template:Transliteration endings while the Template:Transliteration ending is represented as Template:Transliteration (tapped Template:Transliteration, Template:IPAblink, if intervocalic) as Sino-Korean derives from a northern variety of Late Middle Chinese where final Template:Transliteration had weakened to Template:IPAblink.

Vietnamese

Vietnamese preserves all endings , and (spelt ). Additionally, after the vowels or , the ending - changes to , giving rise to and , and (pronounced ) also occurs for some words ending with .

Only the and tones are allowed on checked tones. In Sino-Vietnamese vocabulary, those tones were split from the Middle Chinese "entering" tone in a similar fashion to Cantonese. Whether the syllable tone should be or depends on the original Middle Chinese syllable's initial consonant voicing.

Chinese character	Middle Chinese reconstruction	Vietnamese
Template:Zhi	(voiceless initial)
Template:Zhi	(voiced initial)
Template:Zhi	(voiceless initial)
Template:Zhi	(voiced initial)
Template:Zhi	(voiceless initial)
Template:Zhi	(voiced initial)
Template:Zhi	(voiced initial)
Template:Zhi	(voiced initial)
Template:Zhi	(voiceless initial)	or

See also

• Historical Chinese phonology
• Sino-Japanese vocabulary
• Sino-Korean vocabulary
• Sino-Vietnamese vocabulary
• Tone name

External links

• Template:Webarchive