ruki sound law

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Template:Short description

Script error: No such module "Unsubst". The Template:Translit sound law, also known as the Template:Translit rule or iurk rule, is a historical sound change that took place in the satem branches of the Indo-European language family, namely in Balto-Slavic, Armenian,[1] and Indo-Iranian. According to this sound law, an original Script error: No such module "Lang". changed to Script error: No such module "Lang". (a sound similar to English ⟨sh⟩) after the consonants Script error: No such module "Lang"., Script error: No such module "Lang"., Script error: No such module "Lang"., Script error: No such module "Lang". and the semi-vowels Script error: No such module "Lang". (*u̯) and Script error: No such module "Lang". (*i̯), as well as the syllabic allophones Script error: No such module "Lang"., Script error: No such module "Lang"., and Script error: No such module "Lang".:

Script error: No such module "Lang". > Script error: No such module "Lang". / Script error: No such module "Lang". _

Specifically, the initial stage involves the retraction of the coronal sibilant Script error: No such module "Lang". after semi-vowels, Script error: No such module "Lang"., or a velar consonant Script error: No such module "Lang"., Script error: No such module "Lang". or Script error: No such module "Lang".. In the second stage, leveling of the sibilant system resulted in retroflexion (cf. Sanskrit ष Script error: No such module "Lang". and Proto-Slavic), and later retraction to velar Script error: No such module "Lang". in Slavic and some Middle Indic languages. This rule was first formulated by Holger Pedersen, and it is sometimes known as Pedersen's law, although this term is also applied to another sound law concerning stress in the Balto-Slavic languages.

The name Template:Translit comes from the sounds (r, u, K, i) which triggered the sound change. The law is stated as a mnemonic rule because the word Script error: No such module "Lang". (Template:Translit) means 'hands, arms' in Russian, or is the genitive singular form ('of the hand') of рука (compare rule of thumb).

Applications to language groups

The rule was originally formulated for Slavic languages. It was later proposed to be valid in some degree for all satem languages, and exceptionless for the Indo-Iranian languages. (There appears to be one exception at least in some Nuristani languages, however.) In Baltic and Albanian, it is limited or affected to a greater or lesser extent by other sound laws. Nevertheless, it has to have been universal in these branches of the IE languages, and the lack of Slavic reflexes before consonants is due rather to their merger with the reflexes of other sibilants.

Slavic languages

In Slavic languages the process is regular before a vowel, but it does not take place before consonants. The final result is the voiceless velar fricative Script error: No such module "Lang"., which is even more retracted than the Script error: No such module "Lang".. This velar fricative changed back into Script error: No such module "Lang". before a front vowel or the palatal approximant Script error: No such module "Lang"..

Examples:

  • PIE Script error: No such module "Lang". > Proto-Balto-Slavic *saušás > Proto-Slavic Script error: No such module "Lang". "dry"
  • PIE Script error: No such module "Lang". "to sprinkle, spatter" > Proto-Balto-Slavic *paršás > Proto-Slavic Script error: No such module "Lang". "dust"

Indo-Iranian languages

In Indo-Iranian *r and *l merged, and the change worked even after the new sound; e.g. Avestan karš-, Sanskrit Template:Wikt-lang kárṣati 'to plough' < PIE Template:Wikt-lang.[2][3] This has been cited as evidence by many scholarsScript error: No such module "Unsubst". as an argument for the later influence of Iranian languages on Proto-Slavic. There are obvious drawbacks in the theory. First, the two sounds must have been very close (r or l), so that both could have triggered the change in Indo-Iranian. Second, there are no real examples of this change working in Slavic, and it is also doubtful that only this change (Template:Translit) and no other such change of sibilants (e.g. Script error: No such module "Lang". > h) was borrowed into Slavic.

The syllabic laryngeal *H̥ becomes *i in Proto-Indo-Iranian, and this also triggered Template:Translit.[4][3]

A later extension of Template:Translit was particular to the Iranian languages: *s, *z shift to *š, *ž also after the labial stops *p, *b, including even secondary *s from Proto-Indo-Iranian *ć < PIE *ḱ.[2][5]

Nuristani

The Template:Translit rule also displays a rather different behavior in Nuristani, however recent research on the inherited layer of the Nuristani lexicon has revealed further details on the Template:Translit law pointing to a different conclusion.[6][7][8]

  • The reflex of the Proto-Indo-European sequences *tḱ and *ḱs is Proto-Nuristani *ċċ, reflected in all Nuristani languages as ċ (pronounced [t͡s]), different to that of plain *ḱ > *ċ (ċ in most Nuristani languages, s in Ashkun and z in Prasun), thus in this context there is no evidence of the operation of Template:Translit. For example, the word for "bear", reflecting Proto-Indo-European *h₂ŕ̥tḱos (Sanskrit ṛ́kṣa "bear", Avestan arṣ̌a) shows a dental affricate in most Nuristani languages, such as Ashkun and Katë iċ, and Nuristani Kalasha oċ, but Prasun has itru with an apparently irregular reflex.
  • Proto-Indo-European sequences *ks and *kʷs appear to have become c̣ in modern Nuristani. Thus Proto-Indo-European *ksurós "razor" is reflected as kṣurá in Sanskrit, but c̣uři "sickle" in the Southeastern Katë dialect. However, this is explained by Halfmann as a sound development found in borrowings from Indo-Aryan, and is in no way indicative of the inherited reflex, which appears to be a retracted sibilant yielding š in Katë and Nuristani Kalasha, and ṣ in Prasun. One example of the inherited reflex is *ksen- "to card wool" > *(wi-)kšan- > Northeastern Katë višn- and Prasun -ṣn-.
  • Various cases where Template:Translit failed to operate after *i and *u in Nuristani exist. Hegedűs notes that these all seem to trace back to PIE etyma where the *us and *is sequences were earlier *uHs and *iHs, meaning the laryngeals seem to have blocked the operation of Template:Translit. For example, PIE *múh₂s "mouse" > Sanskrit mū́ṣ, Avestan mūš, but Northeastern Katë musë, Prasun müs, while Nuristani Kalasha pusa is of dubious etymology on account of the different initial consonant, and Ashkun moṣ shows the Indo-Aryan reflex, probably due to borrowing. However, examples such as Proto-Indo-European *dowséh₂ "evening" > Sanskrit doṣā́ show s in Katë dus and Prasun wulus, both meaning "yesterday". However, the apparent application of Template:Translit after *i, such as PIE *wisós "poison" > Katë viš, also occurs before *i, as in PIE *-si "second-person singular verbal ending" > Katë -š. This is therefore related to palatalization near *i, which is cross-linguistically common and is therefore separate from the actual Template:Translit rule.
  • Proto-Indo-European *rs and *ls merge into Nuristani *ṣ, thus after *r we do actually see proper Template:Translit-like behavior in Nuristani, such as Proto-Indo-European *kʷels- yielding Southeastern Katë kṣō- "to pull". While this occurs in inherited words, the sound change may be due to later convergence with Indo-Aryan.

Halfmann therefore concludes that the apparent lack of Template:Translit in Nuristani is not an archaism, but more likely the merger of Proto-Indo-Iranian *s and *š as s after the emergence of the retracted sibilant deriving from *ks, with a series of palatalizations occurring after the merger.

Albanian

According to Orel (2000: 62),[9] Albanian shows a limited Template:Translit-like development, where *s becomes sh only after PIE *y, *w (including their vocalic counterparts *i, *u). E.g.

  • lesh 'wool, fleece, hair' < *laysa, cf. Slavic *listъ 'leaf' < *leys-to-
  • dash 'ram' < *dawsa, cf. Germanic *deuzą < *dʰews-om
  • pishë 'pine' < *pisā, cf. Latin pīnus 'pine' < *pi(t)snos
  • prush 'ember' < *prusa, cf. Latin prūna 'ember' < *prusnā; Sanskrit ploṣati 'to burn' < *prews-

This differs from the development of *rs, *ks, and of *s after other vowels, e.g.

  • djerr 'fallow land' < *dersa, cf. Greek χέρσος 'dry land' < *ǵʰers-
  • hirrë 'whey' < *ksirā, cf. Sanskrit क्षीर / kṣīrá 'milk'
  • kohë 'time' < *kāsā, cf. Slavic *časъ 'time' < *kʷeh₁s-eh₂

However, this view of Albanian is controversial. Firstly, the words in question that Orel bases this theory on have shaky etymologies. Dash has a disputed etymology, with rival versions attributing the word not to Proto-Indo-European *dʰews-om but instead *dʰeh₁-l-,[10] or *demh₂ from *dmh₂ "to tame".[11] Pishë meanwhile is argued to not be inherited from Proto-Indo-European at all; rather it and its soundalikes in Greek and Latin are in fact substrate vocabulary.[12] Lesh is alternatively attributed instead to *h₂welh₁- "wool", making it cognate to Latin vellus.[13]

Meanwhile, no Template:Translit-like rule is included in other studies of Proto-Albanian diachrony. Michiel de Vaan (2015) instead has a Proto-Albanian *ʃ emerging from different means, which barely resemble a Template:Translit law: Indo-European *ks shares the fate of simple *s in becoming *ʃ before *t (as occurred for jashtë "outside" and gjashtë "six", but not other cases with *ks where *t did not follow), with *t as the conditioning factor, rather than the prior *k.[14] Meanwhile, the development of *s itself is highly disputed,[15] but in contrast to Orel's view that it was conditioned on a Template:Translit-like phenomenon, De Vaan[14] prefers Kortlandt's[16] view that *s became *ʃ when either followed by an unstressed vowel or intervocalically, regardless of the quality of nearby vowels.

See also

Notes

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  1. ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
  2. ↑ a b Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
  3. ↑ a b Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
  4. ↑ F. B. J. Kuiper. 1976. "Old East Iranian dialects." Indo-Iranian Journal 18, p. 242.
  5. ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
  6. ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
  7. ↑ Hegedűs, Irén. "The RUKI-rule in Nuristani." The sound of Indo-European: phonetics, phonemics and morphophonemics (Copenhagen studies in Indo-European vol. 4) (2012): 145-168.
  8. ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
  9. ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
  10. ↑ Aleksandar Loma, Albano-Caucasica Pastoralia, 2006
  11. ↑ Demiraj, Bardhyl. (1997). Albanische Etymologien. Amsterdam - Atlanta: Rodopi, 1997. Pp 124-5
  12. ↑ Beekes R. 2010. Etymological dictionary of Greek. [Leiden Indo-European etymological dic-tionary series 10]. Leiden, Boston. Pages 1198-1199.
  13. ↑ Demiraj, Bardhyl (1997). Albanische Etymologien. Amsterdam, Atlanta: Rodopi. Page 238.
  14. ↑ a b Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
  15. ↑ Historische Phonologie. In: Stefan Schumacher and Joachim Matzinger. Die Verben des Altalbanischen. Belegwörterbuch, Vorgeschichte und Etymologie. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 205−276. Pages 258-265
  16. ↑ Kortlandt, Frederik (1987). Reflexes of Indo-European consonants in Albanian. Orpheus 8 (Georgiev Memorial Volume): 35−37.

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