Nabataean Kingdom

Template:Short description Template:Infobox Former Country Template:Sidebar with collapsible lists The Nabataean Kingdom (Nabataean Aramaic: 𐢕𐢃𐢋𐢈 Nabāṭū), also named Nabatea (Template:IPAc-en) was a political state of the Nabataeans during classical antiquity. The Nabataean Kingdom controlled many of the trade routes of the region, amassing large wealth and drawing the envy of its neighbors. It stretched south along the Tihamah into the Hejaz, up as far north as Damascus, which it controlled for a short period (85–71 BC). Nabataea remained an independent political entity from the mid-3rd century BC until it was annexed in AD 106 by the Roman Empire, which renamed it to Arabia Petraea.

History

Nabataeans

The Nabataeans were one among several formerly nomadic Arab tribes that roamed (later settled) the Arabian Desert and moved with their herds to wherever they could find pasture and water.Template:Sfn They became familiar with their area as seasons passed, and they struggled to survive during bad years when seasonal rainfall diminished.Template:Sfn The origin of the specific tribe of Arab nomads remains uncertain. One hypothesis locates their original homeland in today's Yemen, in the southwest of the Arabian Peninsula, but their deities, language and script share nothing with those of southern Arabia.Template:Sfn Another hypothesis argues that they came from the eastern coast of the peninsula.Template:Sfn

The suggestion that they came from the Hejaz area is considered to be more convincing, as they share many deities with the ancient people there; nbṭw, the root consonant of the tribe's name, is found in the early Semitic languages of Hejaz.Template:Sfn Similarities between late Nabataean Arabic dialect and the ones found in Mesopotamia during the Neo-Assyrian period, as well as a group with the name of "Nabatu" being listed by the Assyrians as one of several rebellious Arab tribes in the region, suggests a connection between the two.Template:Sfn The Nabataeans might have originated from there and migrated west between the 6th and 4th centuries BC into northwestern Arabia and much of what is now modern-day Jordan.

Nabataeans have been falsely associated with other groups of people. A people called the "Nabaiti", who were defeated by the Assyrian King Ashurbanipal, were associated by some with the Nabataeans because of the temptation to link their similar names. Another misconception is their identification with the Nebaioth of the Hebrew Bible, the descendants of Ishmael, Abraham's son.Template:Sfn

Emergence

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Trading routes of the ancient Middle East, when Petra was the last stop for caravans carrying spices before being shipped to European markets through the Port of Gaza

The literate Nabataeans left no lengthy historical texts. However, thousands of inscriptions have been found in their settlements, including graffiti and on minted coins. The Nabataeans appear in historical records from the 4th century BC,Template:Sfn although there seems to be evidence of their existence before that time. Aramaic ostraca finds indicate that the Achaemenid province Idumaea must have been established before 363 BC, after the failed revolt of Hakor of Egypt and Evagoras I of Salamis against the Persians.Template:Sfn The Qedarites joined the failed revolt and consequently lost significant territory and their privileged position in the frankincense trade, and they were presumably replaced by the Nabataeans.Template:Sfn It has been argued that the Persians lost interest in the former territory of the Edomite Kingdom after 400 BC, allowing the Nabataeans to gain prominence in that area.Template:Sfn All of these changes would have allowed Nabataeans to control the frankincense trade from Dedan to Gaza.Template:Sfn

The first historical reference to the Nabataeans is by Greek historian Diodorus Siculus who lived around 30 BC. Diodorus refers accounts made 300 years earlier by Hieronymus of Cardia, one of Alexander the Great's generals, who had a first-hand encounter with the Nabataeans. Diodorus relates how the Nabataeans survived in a waterless desert and managed to defeat their enemies by hiding in the desert until the latter surrendered for lack of water. The Nabataeans dug cisterns that were covered and marked by signs known only to themselves.Template:Sfn Diodorus wrote about how they were "exceptionally fond of freedom" and includes an account about unsuccessful raids that were initiated by Greek general Antigonus I in 312 BC.Template:Sfn

neither the Assyrians of old, nor the kings of the Medes and Persians, nor yet those of the Macedonians have been able to enslave them, and... they never brought their attempts to a successful conclusion. - Diodorus.Template:Sfn

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Ed-Deir monastery, located at the ancient capital city of Petra, Jordan

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A Nabataean tomb, Qasr al-Farid, part of Mada'in Saleh archaeological site, located at al-Ula, Hejaz, Saudi Arabia

After Alexander the Great's death in 323 BC, his empire split among his generals. During the conflict between Alexander's generals, Antigonus conquered the Levant, and this brought him to the borders of Edom, just north of Petra.Template:Sfn According to Diodorus, Antigonus sought to add "the land of the Arabs who are called Nabataeans" to his existing territories of Syria and Phoenicia.Template:Sfn The Nabataeans were distinguished from the other Arab tribes by wealth.Template:Sfn The Nabataeans generated revenues from the trade caravans that transported frankincense, myrrh and other spices from Eudaemon in today's Yemen, across the Arabian Peninsula, passing through Petra and ending up in the Port of Gaza for shipment to European markets.Template:Sfn

Antigonus ordered one of his officers, Athenaeus, to raid the Nabataeans with 4,000 infantry and 600 cavalry, and loot herds and processions. Athenaeus learned that every year the Nabataeans gathered for a festival during which women, children, and elders were left at "a certain rock" (later interpreted by some as the future city of "Petra", "rock" in Greek.) Athenaeus attacked "the rock" in 312 BC while the Nabataeans were away trading; the inhabitants were taken by surprise, and tonnes of spices and silver were looted. Athenaeus departed before nightfall and made camp to rest 200 stadion away, where they thought they would be safe from Nabataean counter-attack. The camp was attacked by 8,000 pursuing Nabataean soldiers and—as Diodorus describes it—"all the 4,000 foot-soldiers were slain, but of the 600 horsemen about 50 escaped, and of these the larger part were wounded";Template:Sfn Athenaeus was killed.Template:Sfn The army had deployed no scouts, a failure that Diodorus ascribes to Athenaeus's failure to anticipate the rapidity of the Nabataean response. After the Nabataeans returned to their rock, they wrote a letter to Antigonus accusing Athenaeus and declaring that they had destroyed his army in self-defence.Template:Sfn Antigonus replied by blaming Athenaeus for acting unilaterally, intending to lull the Nabataeans into a false sense of security.Template:Sfn But the Nabataeans, though pleased with Antigonus' response, remained suspicious and established outposts on the edge of the mountains in preparation for future attacks.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn

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Marble bust of Demetrius I Poliorcetes. Roman copy from 1st century AD of a Greek original from 3rd century BC.

Antigonus' second attack was with an army of 4,000 infantry and 4,000 cavalry led by Antigonus' son Demetrius "the Besieger".Template:Sfn The Nabataean scouts spotted the marching enemy and used smoke signals to warn of the approaching army.Template:Sfn The Nabataeans dispersed their herds and possessions to guarded locations in harsh terrain—such as deserts and mountain tops—which would be difficult for the Demetrius to attack, and garrisoned "the rock" to defend what remained.Template:Sfn Demetrius attacked "the rock" through its "single artificial approach", but the Nabataeans managed to repulse the invading force.Template:Sfn A Nabataean called out to Demetrius pointing out that his aggression made no sense, for the land was semi-barren and the Nabataeans had no desire to be their slaves.Template:Sfn Realizing his limited supplies and the determination of the Nabataean fighters, Demetrius accepted peace and withdrew with hostages and gifts.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn Demetrius drew Antigonus' displeasure for the peace, but this was ameliorated by Demetrius' reports of bitumen deposits in the Dead Sea, a valuable commodity.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn

Antigonus sent an expedition, this time under Hieronymus of Cardia, to extract bitumen from the Dead Sea. A force of 6,000 Arabs sailing on reed rafts approached Hieronymus's troops and killed them with arrows. These Arabs were almost certainly Nabataeans.Template:Sfn Antigonus thus lost all hope of generating revenue in that manner. The event is described as the first conflict caused by a Middle Eastern petroleum product.Template:Sfn The series of wars among the Greek generals ended in a dispute over the lands of modern-day Jordan between the Ptolemies based in Egypt and the Seleucids based in Syria. The conflict enabled the Nabataeans to extend their kingdom beyond Edom.Template:Sfn

Diodorus mentions that the Nabataeans had attacked merchant ships belonging to the Ptolemies in Egypt at an unspecified date, but were soon targeted by a larger force and "punished as they deserved".Template:Sfn While it is unknown why the wealthy Nabataeans turned to piracy, one possible reason is that they felt that their trade interests were threatened by the gradual understanding of the nature of monsoon in the Red Sea from the 3rd century BC onwardTemplate:Sfn (see Periplus of the Erythraean Sea).

Political state

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Al-Khazneh was carved into rock by the Nabataeans in their capital, Petra.

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The Great Temple of Petra

The Nabataean Arabs did not emerge as a political power suddenly; their rise instead went through two phases.Template:Sfn The first phase was in the 4th century BC (ruled then by an elders' council),Template:Sfn which was marked by the growth of Nabataean control over trade routes and various tribes and towns. Their presence in Transjordan by the end of the 4th century BC is guaranteed by Antigonus' operations in the region, and despite recent suggestions that there is no evidence of Nabataean occupation of the Hauran in the early period, the Zenon papyri firmly attest the penetration of the Hauran by the Nabataeans in the mid-3rd century BC, and according to Bowersock it "establish[es] these Arabs in one of the principal areas of subsequent splendor".Template:Sfn Simultaneously, the Nabataeans had probably moved across the 'Araba to the west into the desert tracts of the Negev.Template:Sfn In their early history, before establishing urban centers the Nabataeans demonstrated on several occasions their impressive and well organized military prowess by successfully defending their territory against larger powers.Template:Sfn

The second phase saw the creation of the Nabataean political state in the mid-3rd century BC.Template:Sfn Kingship is regarded as a characteristic of a state and urban society.Template:Sfn The Nabataean institution of kingship came about as a result of multiple factors, such as the indispensabilities of trade organization and war;Template:Sfn the subsequent outcomes of the Greek expeditions on the Nabataeans played a role in the political centralization of the Nabatu tribe. The earliest evidence of Nabataean kingship comes from a Nabataean inscription in the Hauran region, probably Bosra,Template:Sfn which mentions a Nabataean king whose name was lost, dated by Stracky to the early 3rd century BC.Template:Sfn The dating is significant, since the available evidence does not attest the existence of Nabataean monarchy until the 2nd century BC.Template:Sfn This nameless Nabataean king perhaps could be linked with a reference from the Zenon archive (the second historical mention of the Nabataeans)Template:Sfn to deliveries of grain to "Rabbel's men", Rabbel being a characteristically royal Nabataean name,Template:Sfn it is thus possible to link Rabbel of the Zenon archive with the nameless king of Bosra's inscription, though it is highly speculative.Template:Sfn

A recent papyrological discovery, the Milan Papyrus, provides further evidence. The relevant part of the Lithika section of the papyrus describes an Arabian cavalry of a certain Nabataean king,Template:Sfn providing an early 3rd century BC reference to a Nabataean monarch.Template:Sfn The word Nabataean stands alone beside a missing word that start with the letter M; one of the suggested words for filling the gap is the traditional name of Nabataean kings, Malichus.Template:Sfn Furthermore, the anonymous Nabataean coins dated by Barkay to the second half of the 3rd century BC, found mainly in Nabataean territory, support such an early date of the Nabataean Kingdom. This is in line with Strabo's account (whose description of Arabia derives ultimately from reports by 3rd century BC Ptolemaic officials) that the Nabataean kingship was old and traditional.Template:Sfn Rachel Barkay concludes "the Nabataean economy and political regime were in existence by the 3rd century BC".Template:Sfn The kingship of the Nabataeans was, in the view of Strabo, an effective one, where the Nabataean kingdom was "very well governed" and the king was "a man of the people".Template:Sfn For more than four centuries the Nabataean kingdom dominated, politically and commercially, a large territory and was arguably the first Arab kingdom in the area.Template:Sfn

The testimony of the 4th and 3rd century external accounts and local materialistic evidence demonstrate that the Nabataeans played a relatively substantial political and economic role in the sphere of the early Hellenistic world.Template:Sfn While the Nabataeans did not attain observable characteristics of a Hellenistic state (i.e. monumental architecture) in their early period, similar to contemporary Seleucid Syria, the Milan papyrus speaks of their wealth and prestige in this period. In that respect, the Nabataeans must be considered a unique entity.Template:Sfn

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Coin showing Aretas IV in military dress

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Statue of a soldier in Petra

Aretas I, mentioned in the Second Book of Maccabees as "the tyrant of the Arabs" (169-168 BC), is regarded as the first explicitly named king of the Nabataeans. In 2 Maccabees, the high-priest Jason, driven by his rival Menelaus, seeks the protection of Aretas.Template:Sfn Upon his arrival at the land of the Nabataeans, Aretas imprisons Jason.Template:Sfn It is not clear why or when that happened; his arrest by Aretas was either after he escaped Jerusalem where Aretas, fearing the retaliation of Antiochus IV Epiphanes for "openly demonstrating pro-Ptolemaic stand" (in Hammond's view however, Aretas hoped to use Jason as a political bargaining counter with the Seleucids), arrested Jason.Template:Sfn Or his imprisonment might have happened at a later date (167 BC) as a result of the established friendship between the Nabataeans and Judas Maccabaeus, aimed to hand Jason to the Jews. "Either suggestion is feasible and so the riddle remains unresolved", according to Kasher.Template:Sfn

A Nabataean inscription in the Negev mentions a Nabataean king called Aretas; the date given by Starcky is not later than 150 BC.Template:Sfn However, the dating is difficult. It has been claimed that the inscription dates to the 3rd century BC, based on the pre-Nabataean writing style,Template:Sfn or somewhere in the 2nd century BC.Template:Sfn Generally, the inscription is attributed to Aretas I or perhaps to Aretas II.Template:Sfn

Around the same time, the Arab Nabataeans and the neighboring Jewish Maccabees had maintained a friendly relationship; the former had sympathized with the Maccabees who were being mistreated by the Seleucids.Template:Sfn Romano-Jewish historian Josephus reports that Judas Maccabeus and his brother Jonathan marched three days into the wilderness before encountering the Nabataeans in the Hauran, where they were settled in for at least a century.Template:Sfn The Nabataeans treated them peacefully and told them of what happened to the Jews residing in the land of Galaad. This peaceful meeting between the Nabataeans and two brothers in the First Book of Maccabees seems to contradict a parallel account from the second book where a pastoral Arab tribe launches a surprise attack on the two brothers.Template:Sfn Despite open contradiction between the two accounts, scholars tend to identify the plundering Arab tribe of the second book with the Nabataeans in the first book.Template:Sfn They were evidently not Nabataeans, for good relations between the Maccabees and their "friends", the Nabataeans, continued to exist.Template:Sfn The friendly relations between them is further emphasized by Jonathan's decision to send his brother John to "lodge his baggage" with the Nabataeans until the battle with the Seleucids is over.Template:Sfn Again, the Maccabean caravan suffers an attack by a murderer Arab tribe in the vicinity of Madaba.Template:Sfn This tribe was clearly not Nabataean, for they are identified as the sons of Amrai.Template:Sfn In Bowersock's view, the interpretation of the evidence in the Books of Maccabees "illustrates the danger of assuming that any reference to Arabs in areas known to have been settled by the Nabataeans must automatically refer to them".Template:Sfn But the picture is different, many Arab tribes in the region continued to be nomadic and moved in and out of the emerging Nabataean kingdom, and the Nabataeans, as well as invading armies and eventually the Romans also, had to cope with these people.Template:Sfn

The Nabataeans began to mint coins during the 2nd century BC, revealing the extensive economic and political independence they enjoyed. Petra was included in a list of major cities in the Mediterranean area to be visited by a notable from Priene, a sign of the significance of Nabataea in the ancient world. Petra was counted with Alexandria, which was considered to be a supreme city in the civilized world.

Relationship with Hasmoneans

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Remains of Byzantine church at Avdat in the Negev, which reused elements of a temple built by the Nabataeans to commemorate king Obodas I and his victories against the Hasmoneans and the Seleucids

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Aretas III on a Roman coin, depicted in a pose of submission

The Nabataeans were allies of the Maccabees during their struggles against the Seleucid monarchs. They then became rivals of their successors, the Judaean Hasmonean dynasty, and a chief element in the disorders which invited Pompey's intervention in Judea. Gaza City was the last stop for spices that were carried by trade caravans before shipment to European markets, giving the Nabataeans considerable influence over the Gazans. Hasmonean King Alexander Jannaeus besieged and occupied Gaza in 96 BC, murdering many of its inhabitants. Jannaeus then captured several territories in Transjordan north of Nabataea, along the road to Damascus, including northern Moab and Gilead. These territorial acquisitions threatened Nabataean trade interests in Gaza and in Damascus. Nabataean King Obodas I regained control of these areas after his forces defeated Jannaeus in the Battle of Gadara around 93 BC.

After the Nabataean victory over the Judaeans, the Nabataeans were at odds with the Seleucids, who were concerned about the increasing influence of the Nabataeans to the south of their territories. During the Battle of Cana, the Seleucid king Antiochus XII waged war against the Nabataeans. Antiochus was slain during combat, and his army fled and perished in the desert from starvation. After Obodas's victories over the Judaeans and the Seleucids, he was worshipped as a god by his people. He was buried in the Temple of Oboda in Avdat, where inscriptions have been found referring to "Obodas the god".

The kingdom seems to have reached its territorial zenith during the reign of Aretas III (87 to 62 BC). In 62 BC, a Roman army under the command of Marcus Aemilius Scaurus besieged Petra. The defeated Aretas paid tribute to Scaurus and recognized Roman supremacy over Nabataea. The Nabataean Kingdom was slowly surrounded by the expanding Roman Empire, which conquered Egypt and annexed Hasmonean Judea. While the Nabataean kingdom managed to preserve its formal independence, it became a client kingdom under the influence of Rome.

Roman annexation

File:Arabia Petraea.svg

A map of the Roman Empire, at its greatest extent, showing the territory of Trajan's Nabataean conquests in red

In 106 AD, during the reign of Roman emperor Trajan, the last king of the Nabataean kingdom Rabbel II Soter died, which may have prompted the official annexation of Nabatea to the Roman Empire. The event is attested in three contemporary sources: two papyri from 107 AD, as well as a Safaitic inscription.

Some epigraphic evidence suggests a military campaign, commanded by Cornelius Palma, the governor of Syria. Roman forces seem to have come from Syria and also from Egypt. It is clear that by 107 Roman legions were stationed in the area around Petra and Bosra, as is shown by a papyrus found in Egypt.

The kingdom was annexed by the empire to become the province of Arabia Petraea. Trade seems to have largely continued thanks to the Nabataeans' undiminished talent for trading. Under Hadrian, the limes Arabicus ignored most of the Nabatæan territory and ran northeast from Aila (modern Aqaba) at the head of the Gulf of Aqaba. A century later, during the reign of Alexander Severus, the local issue of coinage came to an end. There was no more building of sumptuous tombs, apparently because of a sudden change in political ways, such as an invasion by the neo-Persian power under the Sassanid Empire. The city of Palmyra, for a time the capital of the breakaway Palmyrene Empire, grew in importance and attracted the Arabian trade away from Petra.

Geography

The Nabataean Kingdom was situated between the Arabian and Sinai Peninsulas. Its northern neighbour was the Hasmonean kingdom, and its south western neighbour was Ptolemaic Egypt. Its capital was Raqmu (Petra), and it included the towns of Bosra, Hegra (Mada'in Saleh), and Nitzana/Nessana.

Raqmu was a wealthy trading town, located at a convergence of several important trade routes. One of them was the Incense Route which was based around the production of both myrrh and frankincense in southern Arabia, and ran through Mada'in Saleh to Petra. From there, aromatics were distributed throughout the Mediterranean region.

See also

• List of Nabataean kings
• Nabataean language

References

Sources

• Template:Cite thesis
• Template:Cite thesis

Further reading

• Benjamin, Jesse. "Of Nubians and Nabateans: Implications of research on neglected dimensions of ancient world history." Journal of Asian and African Studies 36, no. 4 (2001): 361–82.
• Fittschen, Klaus, and G Foerster. Judaea and the Greco-Roman World In the Time of Herod In the Light of Archaeological Evidence: Acts of a Symposium. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996.
• Kropp, Andreas J. M. "Nabatean Petra: the royal palace and the Herod connection." Boreas 32 (2009): 43–59.
• Negev, Avraham. Nabatean Archaeology Today. New York: New York University Press, 1986.
• del Rio Sánchez, Francisco, and Juan Pedro Monferrer Sala. Nabatu: The Nabataeans through their Inscriptions. Barcelona: University of Barcelona, 2005.

External links

• A map of the Template:Sc showing the outposts that made up Hadrian's limes