Korean shamanism

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The symbol, representing the cosmos, is often displayed on the exterior of , or Musok shrine-buildings

Korean shamanism, also known as Musok (Korean: ; Hanja: Template:Category handler), is a religion from Korea. Scholars of religion classify it as a folk religion and sometimes regard it as one facet of a broader Korean vernacular religion distinct from Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism. There is no central authority in control of Musok, with much diversity of belief and practice evident among practitioners.

A polytheistic religion, Musok revolves around deities and ancestral spirits. Central to the tradition are ritual specialists, the majority of them female, called (; Template:Category handler). In English they have sometimes been called "shamans", although the accuracy of this term is debated among anthropologists. The serve as mediators between paying clients and the supernatural world, employing divination to determine the cause of their clients' misfortune. They also perform rituals, during which they offer food and drink to the gods and spirits or entertain them with storytelling, song, and dance. may take place in a private home or in a shrine, often located on a mountain. The divide into regional sub-types, the largest being the or , historically dominant in Korea's northern regions, whose rituals involve them being personally possessed by deities or ancestral spirits. Another type is the of eastern and southern regions, whose rituals entail spirit mediumship but not possession.

The origins of Musok are unclear but the earliest historical references to date to the 12th century. During the Joseon period, Confucian elites suppressed the with taxation and legal restrictions, deeming their rites to be improper. From the late 19th century, modernisers – many of them Christian – characterised Musok as (superstition) and supported its suppression. During the Japanese occupation of the early 20th century, nationalistically oriented folklorists began promoting the idea that Musok represented Korea's ancient religion and a manifestation of its national culture; an idea later heavily promoted by themselves. In the mid-20th century, persecution of continued in North Korea and through the New Community Movement in South Korea. More positive appraisal of the occurred in South Korea from the late 1970s onward, especially as practitioners were associated with the pro-democracy movement and came to be regarded as a source of Korean cultural identity.

Musok is primarily found in South Korea, where there are over 200,000 , although practitioners are also found abroad. While Korean attitudes to religion have historically been fairly inclusive, allowing for syncretism between Musok and Buddhism, the have nevertheless long been marginalised. Disapproval of , often regarded as charlatans, remains widespread in South Korea, especially among Christians.

Definition

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A performing a ritual in Yangju, South Korea.

The anthropologist Chongho Kim noted that defining Korean shamanism was "really problematic". He characterised "Korean shamanism" as a largely "residual" category into which all Korean religious practices that were not Buddhist, Confucian, or Christian were placed. Scholars like Griffin Dix, Kil-sŏng Ch'oe and Don Baker have conversely presented Korean shamanism as just one facet of "Korean folk religion",Template:Sfnm the latter sometimes called in Korean.

Korean shamanism has varyingly been labelled a vernacular religion,Template:Sfnm a folk religion,Template:Sfnm a popular religion,Template:Sfnm and an indigenous religion. It is a non-institutionalized tradition,Template:Sfnm rather than being an organized religion akin to Buddhism or Christianity.Template:Sfnm It has no doctrine,Template:Sfnm nor any overarching hierarchy,Template:Sfnm and is orally transmitted. It displays considerable regional variation,Template:Sfnm as well as variation according to the choices of individual practitioners. Over time, the tradition has displayed both continuity and change.

One term commonly used for this tradition is (" folklore"), coined by the folklorist Yi Nŭnghwa.Template:Sfnm Although developed during the Japanese colonial period, when it was employed with derogatory connotations, the term has since become popular with the Korean population and with scholars; the Korean studies scholar Antonetta L. Bruno for instance capitalised it as to serve as a name for the religion. Alternative terms include ,Template:Sfnm , and . In Korea, the term ("superstition") is sometimes used for this religion, but is also applied to other religious and cultural practices like pungsu geomancy. While carries negative connotations in Korean culture, some use it to describe what they do.

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A , or male , performing a ritual in South Korea

Since the late 19th century, English language studies have referred to the as "shamans" and their practices as "Korean shamanism", a label rendered into Korean as . Introduced to English from the Tungusic languages at the end of the 17th century, the term "shamanism" has never received a commonly agreed definition and has been used in at least four distinct ways. A common definition uses "shamanism" to describe traditions involving visionary flights to perform rituals in a spirit realm,Template:Sfnm a practice not found in Korean traditional religion.Template:Sfnm Many scholars avoid the term "shaman" as a cross-cultural category altogether. Its application to Korean religion is controversial,Template:Sfnm with Chongho Kim deeming it "often unhelpful", and Korean studies scholar Richard McBride labelling it "a legacy of the colonial period". The scholar Suk-Jay Yim proposed mu-ism as a more appropriate label than "Korean shamanism", while Dix thought "spirit mediumship" more suitable than "shamanism".

Prior to Christianity's arrival in the 17th and 18th centuries, Korean religion was rarely exclusivist, with many Koreans practising Daoism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Musok simultaneously. Despite shared underlying beliefs, these traditions undertook what Dix called a "division of ritual and cosmological responsibility" between each other. Confucian rituals were for example primarily concerned with ancestor veneration and tended to be simpler and more regular, whereas the were consulted for rarer and more complex ritual tasks. Korea has seen particular syncretism between Musok and Buddhism;Template:Sfnm often identify as Buddhists, may use incantations from Buddhist sutras, and commonly worship Buddhist deities.Template:Sfnm Some Korean Buddhist temples, similarly, venerate deities traditionally associated with Musok. In contemporary South Korea, it remains possible for followers of most religions (barring Christianity) to involve themselves in Musok with little censure from their fellow religionists. Meanwhile, based in Europe have merged the tradition with New Age elements.

Terms and types of practitioners

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A Korean gut ritual performed in 2002

Central to Musok are those whom the anthropologist Kyoim Yun called "ritual specialists who mediate between their clients and the invisible" forces of the supernatural. The most common Korean term for these specialists is mudang. Although commonly used, the term carries derogatory connotations in Korean culture and thus some practitioners avoid it.Template:Sfnm

An alternative term for these individuals is ,Template:Sfnm the latter synonymous with the Chinese word wu (Hanja: ), also used for ritual specialists. Several modern advocacy groups have adopted the term , meaning "people who do ".Template:Sfnm While the term can apply to a man or woman, specific terms for male Musok specialists include ,Template:Sfnm or, more commonly used in the past, . Modern advocacy groups have also described Musok's supporters as (believers, Hanja: ) or (believers in the ways of , Hanja: ).

Subtypes

are often divided into two broad types: the , or "god-descended" , and the or "hereditary" . The former engage in rituals in which they describe being possessed by supernatural entities; the latter's rituals involve interaction with these entities but not possession.Template:Sfnm The former was historically more common in northern and central parts of the Korean peninsula, the latter in southern parts below the Han River.Template:Sfnm The tradition later spread and by the late 20th century was dominant across South Korea,Template:Sfnm with its ritual costumes and paraphernalia being widely adopted.

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A Donghaean Byeolsingut (Village Gut of the East Coast) performed in 2002

Lines between the and are nevertheless blurred. Although the are typically presented as inheriting the role in a hereditary fashion, not all do so, while some continue the role of a family member as if maintaining a hereditary tradition.Template:Sfnm Yun commented that dividing the into distinct typologies "cannot explain complex reality".

Certain regional terms are also used for the . The are often called in Jeolla Province, and on Jeju Island. The latter term was first recorded in the 15th century, used for on the Korean mainland, but by the early 19th century was exclusively used for practitioners on Jeju. An alternative term for the is ,Template:Sfnm a term meaning "ten thousand spirits/gods",Template:Sfnm and which has less derogatory connotations than the label .

Other terms sometimes used for may elsewhere be restricted to different types of Korean ritual specialist. The term , describing a spirit medium, is sometimes used synonymously with but at other times describes a distinct group of practitioners. Another term some adopt for themselves is (), originally a Korean term for a Buddhist bodhisattva,Template:Sfnm and which is favored more by female than male practitioners. Conversely, some maintain that the term should be reserved for diviners who are possessed by child spirits but who do not perform the rituals that are central to practice.Template:Sfnm

Beliefs

Theology

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An altar in a ("mountain god shrine"). are often controlled by Buddhist temples. This one belongs to the Template:Ill of Ganghwa Island.

Musok is polytheistic.Template:Sfnm Supernatural beings are called ,Template:Sfnm or .Template:Sfnm The divide these beings into two main groups: the gods and the ancestral spirits. The are deemed volatile; if humans do well by them, they can receive good fortune, but offending these entities can bring suffering. Devotees of these entities believe that they can engage, converse, and bargain with them. These deities bestow ("divine energy") upon the , enabling the latter to have visions and intuition that allows them to perform their ritual tasks.

Each has their own personal pantheon of , one that may differ from the pantheon of the they trained under. This individual pantheon is the , and a may add new deities to it during their career. Certain supernatural beings will be considered guardian deities, each referred to as a . A will also claim a personal spiritual guardian, known as the (plural ). The of male are usually female; those of female are typically male.

In Korean traditional religion, the deities are called , and typically take human form. The pantheon of deities, which has changed over time, is termed , with over 130 Musok divinities having been identified. The deities can be divided into those embodying natural or cosmological forces and those who were once human, including monarchs, officials, and generals. Some derive from Daoist or Buddhist traditions and others are unique to Korean vernacular religion. They are deemed capable of manifesting in material forms, as in paintings or statues, or as inhabiting landscape locations such as trees, rocks, springs, and stone piles. The anthropologist Laurel Kendall suggested that the relationship that had with these spirit-inhabited sites was akin to animism.

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Late Joseon period depiction of Hogu Pyŏlsŏng, goddess of smallpox

The highest deities are often deemed remote and little interested in human affairs. The governing god in Korean tradition, referred to as Hananim, Hanallim, or Hanŭnim, is deemed to rule the heavens but is rarely worshipped. Some of the more powerful deities can make demands from humans without any obligation to reciprocate. Other deities are involved in everyday human concerns and prayed to accordingly. Many of the deities desire food and drink, spend money, and enjoy song and dance, and thus receive these things as offerings.Template:Sfnm Spirits of the dead are thought to yearn for the activities and pleasures they enjoyed in life;Template:Sfnm spirits of military generals are for instance believed to like dangerous games. The associations of particular deities can change over time; Hogu Pyŏlsŏng was a goddess of smallpox, but after that disease's eradication in the 20th century retained associations with measles and chickenpox.

Popular cosmological deities include Ch'ilsŏng, the spirit of the seven stars of the Big Dipper, who is regarded as a merciful Buddhist figure that cares for children.Template:Sfnm Yŏngdŏng is a goddess of the wind, popular in southern areas including Jeju. The mountain god, or mountain gods more broadly, are called ,Template:Sfnm or sometimes , and are typically seen as the most important spirits of the earth. is typically depicted as a man with a white beard, blue gown, and accompanying tiger. Water deities, or , are dragons deemed to live in rivers, springs, and the sea. The most senior dragon is the Yong-Wang (Dragon King) who rules the oceans.

Spirits of military generals are , and include the , the generals of the five cardinal points. Among the are historical figures like Ch'oeyŏng, Im Kyŏngŏp, Oh, and Chang, as well as more recent military figures; around Inchon, various have venerated General Douglas MacArthur as a hero of the Korean War. Child deities are . The Korean traditional cosmology also includes mischievous spirits called , and entities called that can lodge in the family compound and cause trouble.

Village, household, and ancestral spirits

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Two outside a Korean village, photographed in 1903

Korean villages traditionally had Jangseung, timber or occasionally stone posts representing two generals who would guard the settlement from harmful spirits.Template:Sfnm On Jeju, these were constructed of volcanic rock and were respectively called the Harubang (grandfather) and Halmang (grandmother). Historically, villages often held annual festivals to thank their tutelary deities. These were often overseen by local men and reflected Confucian traditions, although sometimes did participate. The rapid urbanisation of Korean society has radically changed how people interact with their local deities.

Korean vernacular religion includes household deities, the chief of which is Sŏngju, the principal house guardian.Template:Sfnm Others include T'oju taegum, who patrols the precincts of the household, Chowang the kitchen spirit, and Pyŏnso Kakssi, the protector of the toilet. Keeping these entities happy was traditionally regarded as the role of the housewife, and is achieved through offering them food and drink. These informal rituals do not require the involvement of , who would only be called in for special occasions. Pollution caused by births or deaths in the household are believed to result in Sŏngju leaving, meaning that he must be encouraged to return through ritual. Sŏngju may also require propitiation if expensive goods are brought into the home, as he expects a portion of the expenditure to be devoted to him.

Ancestral spirits are called . Tutelary ancestors are termed . Ancestors who may be venerated in Musok rituals are broader than the purely patrilineal figures venerated in formal Korean ancestor veneration rites, the . These broader ancestors may for instance include those from a woman's natal family, women who have married out of the family, or family members who have died without offspring. While both the Musok rites and the Confucian entail communication with ancestors, only the former involves direct communication with these spirits, allowing the ancestors to convey messages directly to the living. Certain ancestral spirits can also form part of a personal pantheon.

Cosmology and mythology

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Statues of Gongsim (right) and her beloved Jo Tong (left) at Okgwa, Gokseong County. Gongsim is central to a story about Musok's origins.

A general cosmology informs various forms of Korean religion, including Musok. Origin myths are often called , and have been extensively collected and studied by Korean scholars. There are various myths and legends pertaining to the origins of the . Certain traits recur in these narratives, including the association of Musok with royalty and the importance of mountains. According to one tale, for instance recorded in the Muyŭ-Sockgo, the first were the eight daughters of a man named Bupŭ-Whasang; these daughters then departed in different directions, spreading the tradition throughout Korea. The notion of eight initial likely refers to the eight traditional provinces of Korea.

Several other narratives attribute the origins of Musok to an ancient princess. A story from Gyeonggi Province holds that the founder of Musok was Ǎwhang-Kongchu, or the princess of Yaŏ in China. She prayed for the good of her people and in turn they began to venerate her, with these followers becoming the first . This princess is also presented as the founding patron of Musok in a story from Chungcheong Province, but here she is instead presented as being part of the Korean Koryŭ kingdom. From the Seoul area, a tale is reported maintaining that the princess from which Musok descended was named Pari-Kongchu (Princess Pari). In a story popular in Gyeongsang Province, the central princess is Gongsim and she experienced the sickness that would be a common trait of later . The king cast her out because of this, and she went to Mount Kumgang in Kangwon Province. She had twin boys and they each had four daughters; these eight granddaughters of Gongsim were the first and went on to spread Musok throughout Korea. Stories such as these may be relayed during certain rituals; commonly, the story of Princess Pari is recited during rituals for the dead.Template:Sfnm

Birth and the dead

According to Korean traditional belief, after bodily death a person's soul must stand trial in court and pass through gates kept by the Ten Kings. At this court, the dead are judged for their conduct in life. The Ten Gates of Hell are regarded as places of punishment for the wicked, typified by grotesque and gory scenes.

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A painting of Suryeong, a village patron god of the Naewat-dang shrine, potentially dating from the 15th century

A common belief in Korean vernacular religion is that spirits of the dead may wander the human world before entering the afterlife. This is particularly the case for those who suffered a tragic or untimely death. These wandering spirits are called , or sometimes . These wandering dead are regarded as intrinsically dangerous to the living as their touch causes affliction, regardless of whether they mean harm or not.Template:Sfnm Such meddlesome ghosts are thought to often enter the house on a piece of cloth, clothing, or bright object.

Wandering ghosts can cause problems for their living descendants and thus must be dealt with through ritual. Those deemed especially problematic for the living family include individuals who have been given an unsuitable burial place, and those ghosts who died prematurely or otherwise feel their life was unfulfilled, such as grandparents who never saw their grandchildren, young people who died before they could marry, a first wife who was replaced by a second wife, and those who died by drowning.Template:Sfnm

When wandering ghosts are deemed troublesome, are often deemed the best suited specialists for dealing with them; they can determine what these ghosts want and encourage them to leave. In other contexts, have also performed rites to deal with spirits of the deceased. On Jeju Island, since the late 1980s there have been public lamentations of the dead involving to mark those killed in the Jeju uprising of 1948.

Practices

Mudang

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A photographed in the early 20th century

The mediate between the human and supernatural worlds, doing so to decrease human suffering and ensure a more harmonious life. Specifically, they interact with gods and ancestral spirits by divining their presence and will, performing small rituals to placate them and gain their favor, and overseeing the rituals to feast and entertain them. The 's ability to perform their rituals successfully is deemed to come from ("divine energy") bestowed upon them by the deities. Thus, divine favor must be gained through purification and supplication, prayer and pilgrimage.

For the , ritual is an economic activity, and they operate as free agents rather than members of an ordained clergy. For many practitioners, being a is a full-time job on which they financially depend,Template:Sfnm although some fail to earn a living through this ritual vocation. To succeed financially, must attract regular clientele, and to that end modern South Korean practitioners have advertised their services in brochures, fliers, newspapers, and on the Internet. Some followers of Musok are unhappy with this situation, believing that the practice has degenerated under capitalism and modernisation; they feel that modern display a more materialistic and self-interested approach than their historical predecessors.

Individual can be regarded as having particular specialities. sometimes work in groups.Template:Sfnm This has been observed among on Jeju, as well as in Seoul. In the early 1990s, for example, a feminist group in Seoul sponsored several to perform a ritual for the aggrieved souls of Korean "comfort women". When an arsonist torched Seoul's historic Namdaemun Gate in 2008, several performed a ritual to appease spirits angered by the act.

Becoming a mudang

Many report that they never wanted to take up the profession, resisting the calling due to the social disapproval that practitioners often face.Template:Sfnm However, Musok teaches that it is the deities who decide if a person is to become a and that they will torment an individual with misfortune, illness or madness to encourage them into adopting the profession.Template:Sfnm This process is termed the ("the drought caused by the gods"), ("spirit possession sickness"),Template:Sfnm or (" sickness"). have for instance reported partial paralysis and hallucinations before turning to this ritual vocation, or else a compulsion to go to a shrine or sacred mountain. Alternatively, they have described encounters with spirits, sometimes while wandering in a wild environment, or otherwise through dreams, with dreams and visions sometimes revealing which deities the future is expected to serve.

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A dressed as a barigongju.

Once an individual has accepted the call from the gods, they must find an established willing to train them. They become this person's apprentice, the . Apprentices are usually aged over 18, although there are examples of children doing so. The teaching is called a ; their apprentice is termed a or (spirit daughter) if female,Template:Sfnm or (spirit son) if male. In the tradition, teachings are often passed down hereditarily, although in other instances a adopts a non-relative, rather than their child, as an apprentice. Not all practitioners want their children to follow them into the profession. When do not wish a family member to continue their vocation, they may ensure that their ritual paraphernalia is burned or buried at their death; doing so severs any connection between their personal deities and their surviving family.

On completion of their training, an apprentice must perform an initiation ritual to open up (the "gates of speech"), thus allowing them to receive the words of the spirits. This rite is called the .Template:Sfnm It involves the neophyte performing the appropriate chants, dances, and oracles to invoke and convey inspiration from the deities. If the initiate fails to perform this correctly, with the deities not opening their , they will have to perform it again. Many perform multiple before being recognised as a properly initiated specialist. Those who fail to learn how to deal with supernatural entities correctly are sometimes called by other practitioners.

Clients of the mudang

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The Oh Su-bok, mistress of the of Gyeonggi, holding a service to placate angry spirits of the dead.

Serving private clients is the core practice for most , even those who have built celebrity status through their performance of staged . In some areas, including Jeju, clients are called .Template:Sfnm Clients seek solutions to their practical problems, typically hoping that the can ascertain the cause of misfortune they have suffered. Common reasons for doing so include recurring nightmares, concerns about a child getting into university, financial woes, business concerns,Template:Sfnm or physical ailments.Template:Sfnm Some clients turn to the after being dissatisfied with the diagnosis or treatment administered by medical professionals.Template:Sfnm

Although both sexes do consult ,Template:Sfnm most clients are female.Template:Sfnm From his fieldwork in the 1990s, Chongho Kim found that most clients were women in their late fifties and early sixties, while that same decade Kendall noted that most clients in Seoul and its environs were small entrepreneurs, such as owners of small companies, shops, and restaurants. By the early 21st century, Sarfati observed, many young people had become clients of as part of a spiritual search or for counselling. Clients do not generally regard themselves as being committed exclusively to Musok, and may deem themselves Buddhists or Christians, but often think that their rituals will please the spirits regardless of their client's beliefs.

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A client undergoing a procedure with a mudang in 2019

A client will often arrive, greet the , and then engage in an introductory conversation. Through this, the will hope to ascertain more about the client and their problems. The then uses divination and trance visions to determine the source of their client's trouble; in Musok, neglecting ancestors and gods is seen as the primary cause of affliction.Template:Sfnm The may then try to convince their client of the need for a particular ritual to treat their problem.

If a ritual fails to produce the desired result, the client may speculate that it was because of a bad performer, errors in the ritual, the presence of a ritually polluted attendee, or a lack of sincerity on their part. If the client feels the has not successfully solved their problem, they may turn to another . They may be disappointed or angry given their substantial financial investment; in some rare cases clients have sued . The payment of money is often a source of mistrust between clients and . Concerns about money are heightened by the lack of an "institutional buffer" between the client and ritual practitioner, such as a temple or church.

Altars and shrines

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A 19th-century painting of a (mountain spirit), on display at the Brooklyn Museum; images like this often appeared on altars

Most Musok rituals center around altars—referred to as , , or —and which serve as places for to engage with supernatural beings. typically have a shrine in their home in which they host various gods and ancestors,Template:Sfnm sometimes set up in a cabinet. Shrines might alternatively be found outdoors, often incorporating a stone or old tree, while a will often establish a temporary altar in a client's home.

While each altar often has its own idiosyncratic elements, they are typically dominated by bright, primary colors, in contrast to the muted earth tones traditionally predominant in Korean daily life. This home shrine may include paintings of deities, called ,Template:Sfnm ,Template:Sfnm , or . These paintings are particularly important in the Musok traditions of Seoul and of the northwest provinces Hwanghae and P'yŏngan; they were traditionally not found in parts of the south. Hanging above the altar, they are usually considered the most important objects present. They are regarded as seats for the deities, literally manifesting the latter's presence rather than just visually depicting them,Template:Sfnm an idea similar to those found across much of Asia, as in Buddhism and Hinduism. As well as being invited to inhabit a painting, a deity may also be petitioned to depart it; they are sometimes believed to leave of their own accord, for instance if they abandon a who keeps the image.

paintings range from being crude to more sophisticated. Traditionally they use colors associated with the five directions (; Template:Category handler): red, blue/green, yellow, white, and black. Painters who produce are traditionally expected to adhere to standards of purity while producing these artworks, bathing beforehand and refraining from eating fish or meat. Since the 1970s, have commonly been produced in commercial workshops,Template:Sfnm although a small number of traditional artists remain in South Korea. After a 's death, their were often ritually de-animated and then burned during the 20th century. Some have been donated to museums; certain Musok practitioners believe that the deity leaves the image if that occurs.Template:Sfnm

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Shrine in the at Ansan, featuring statues of various deities.

On the shrine, deities may also be represented by , statues made of wood, plastic, clay, straw, or metal.Template:Sfnm Alternatively, deities may be represented by a white piece of paper, the or , onto which the entity's name is written in black or red ink. The deity may instead be seated in physical objects, including stones, clothing, coins, dolls, or knives; these may be concealed from view, for instance being wrapped in cloth or inside a chest. In addition to entities associated with Musok specifically, shrines may also include images of Buddhist deities.Template:Sfnm Alongside representations of such beings, shrines typically have candles, incense holders, and offering bowls;Template:Sfnm there may also be toys or dolls to amuse the child gods. The altar will also often be a place to store or display their ritual paraphernalia, such as costumes.Template:Sfnm

To sustain their ongoing favor, often worship their deities daily. Thus, they often bow when in the presence of their home shrine, and then place offerings upon it.Template:Sfnm Some offerings, such as cooked rice, fruit, and water, may be changed daily; others, such as sweets, cigarettes, and liquor, may be replaced more infrequently. maintain that they provide offerings in thanks for the work their deities have brought them. For visiting clients, who may also place offerings at a home-shrine,Template:Sfnm a large assortment of offerings thus gives the impression of a financially successful ritual specialist.

Deities are often believed to be present in all houses. Historical accounts often reference the presence of earthen jars (, , ) filled with grain, or smaller baskets or pouches, as offerings to household deities and ancestors. This practice was declining in South Korea by the 1960s and 1970s. By the latter decades of the 20th century, cardboard boxes had become common receptacles for these household offerings. Some have suggested that, because most South Koreans now live in apartments, the Sŏngju must be venerated in a way that ensures it is mobile and can be transported to a new home.

Guttang and pugundang

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The shrine is located on Inwang Mountain, Seoul; Kendall noted that many "regard the as Korea's premier ."

Specialised buildings at which Musok rituals are performed are called or (Template:Category handler) and are typically located on mountains.Template:Sfnm are often identified on the exterior by a symbol, a circular swirl of red, blue, and yellow that symbolizes the cosmos. The main ritual room is called the , and often contains a table on which offerings are placed. often rent a to perform their rituals, especially if they do not have space for such rites in their home.

Practitioners often believe that deities communicate with humans through dreams as a means of choosing specific locales for the placement of . Some are located at especially auspicious places, such as at an area below a mountain, the , where positive spiritual energy is thought to congregate. sometimes move over time. The , which Kendall described as "Seoul's most venerable ", for instance was originally on South Mountain, before being displaced by a Shinto shrine during the Japanese occupation, at which it moved to Inwangsan, a mountain to the north of the city.Template:Sfnm The growing urbanisation of South Korea since the late 20th century has meant that many are now surrounded by other buildings, sometimes including other . The increasingly cramped nature of Korean urban living may have encouraged the increasing popularity of in isolated locations like mountains.Template:Sfnm

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Gardens of the , a shrine for the worship of Hwanin, Hwanung and Dangun.

often operate as businesses. They rent out rooms for to use, a practice perhaps originating in the late Joseon period. The will have a shrine keeper, who may be a themselves. Other staff based there may include musicians called , cooks who prepare food for rituals, and a maid, the , who is a trainee yet to undergo their initiation rite. As well as spaces for ritual, also provide places for networking, allowing to witness the rituals of other practitioners and observe different regional styles.

Shrines dedicated to significant tutelary spirits are known as or . Historically, these were often the foci for local cults, such as those devoted to apotheosised heroes. In parts of South Korea, as on Jeju Island, new village shrines have continued to be created into the early 21st century, with various Jeju villages having more than one shrine.

rites

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Diorama of a inside the National Museum of Korea, Seoul

The central ritual of the is called . These are large-scale rites, sometimes lasting for up to several days, which are characterised by rhythmic movements, songs, oracles and prayers. They are usually performance-focused, rather than being rooted in a prescribed liturgy, and are the only rituals in traditional Korean religion believed to give supernatural entities the ability to speak directly to humans.Template:Sfnm The reciprocal transaction between humans and supernatural beings is central to Musok rituals, and the purpose of a is to get the supernatural beings to communicate, expressing what it is that they want and why they are angry.

There is regional diversity in the styles of ,Template:Sfnm although some mix these different styles, with each displaying features unique to its particular circumstances. Each is sponsored for a specific purpose, often in response to a client's illness, domestic quarrel, or financial loss. It might be undertaken to propitiate the spirit of a deceased family member,Template:Sfnm or to increase prosperity and good fortune; in the 21st century, it has become increasingly common to sponsor a to mark a new financial venture, such as the opening of a mall or an office building. As well as being performed for clients, the will sometimes perform these rituals for their own personal reasons; in the 1990s, for instance, the prominent Kim Kŭm-hwa performed a for Korean reunification.

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A held on Jeju Island in 2006.

Financial payment for a is typical, although the fee varies between and the circumstances of the rite. Generally, a is usually very expensive for the client of a ;Template:Sfnm based on his fieldwork in the 1990s, Chongho Kim noted that a in Seoul typically cost between 2 and 5 million won, whereas in the rural area of Soy it cost between 300,000 and 2.5 million won. The precise fee may be negotiated between the and their client, sometimes involving haggling.Template:Sfnm This will usually be agreed at a pre- consultation. As well as paying for the time, the fee also covers the wages of any assistants and the costs of material used in the rite; it may also reflect the years of training they have undertaken to be able to perform these rituals.

The is usually held in private, and few have a larger audience than the direct participants like the client,Template:Sfnm although there are instances where those paying for a will invite neighbors to observe.Template:Sfnm On occasion, a busy client will not attend the they have sponsored. These rituals are typically regarded as unsuitable for children to attend. Often it will take place outdoors and at night, in an isolated rural location, at a shrine rented for the occasion,Template:Sfnm or in a private home,Template:Sfnm either that of the ,Template:Sfnm or that of their client.

Preparing the gut

Setting up the may involve not only the but also their apprentices, assistants, musicians, butchers, and cooks. Preparing and decorating the space is deemed a meaningful part of the ritual process, with those setting it up often concerned so as not to offend the spirits. Purity of both the body and the mind is a state that is required for taking part in rituals. Purification is considered necessary for an efficacious communion between living people and ancestral forms. Before any is performed, the altar is always purified by fire and water, as part of the first of the ritual itself. The colour white, extensively used in rituals, is regarded as a symbol of purity. The purification of the body is performed by burning white paper.

Colorful paintings of the gods will often be brought into the space where the is to be performed; this is not part of the performed by Jeju . God paintings are usually paper, although in modern contexts are sometimes polyester, ensuring that they are resistant to rain and tearing. Other practitioners regard the use of polyester images as a corruption of tradition. These images are then often hung on a metal frame. In Taejŏn City and Ch'ungch'ŏng province, a traditional practice involves decorating the ritual space with handmade mulberry paper cut into patterns. Various ritual items may be included in the ritual, including swords, the , a drum, drum stick, and the spirit stick. The is a three-pronged spear. The is a prayer card used in the onto which information like the name of the client may be written. The may then be attached to a drum.

Offerings at the gut

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A performed in South Korea in 2007, showing the offering of meat to the spirits

At a , food is offered to supernatural beings. This often includes fish, rice, tteok rice cakes, eggs, sweets, nuts, biscuits, fruit, and meat.Template:Sfnm Some of this food will be cooked, some will be offered raw. To provide meat, animal sacrifice occurs at most ; a cow or pig killed for the purpose may be butchered in the shrine room. The carcass may be impaled on the trident; if it fails to balance, then this is seen as evidence that the deities do not accept the offering.Template:Sfnm When the ritual is intended to invoke Buddhist spirits, the food offerings may be vegetarian;Template:Sfnm offering these entities meat would offend them. Food offerings may also be set out for wandering spirits attracted by the ritual, an act designed to avoid mishaps they could cause.

Offered alongside the food will often be alcoholic drinks, typically ,Template:Sfnm and non-food items like incense, cloth, money (both real and imitation), and paper flowers.Template:Sfnm The color of the flowers may indicate to whom they are offered; pink for the spirits of military generals, white for Buddhist deities, and multi-colored for ancestral spirits. The material used for the will often be bought in a shop, which specialises in religious paraphernalia.Template:Sfnm In modern South Korea, this ritual paraphernalia used is often of poor quality because it is intended to be burnt following the ceremony.

Offerings may be placed on tables;Template:Sfnm one table will be the , devoted to the Musok gods, while the other table will be the , devoted to ancestral spirits. The will often perform divination to determine if the offerings have been accepted by the supernatural beings. It is considered important for the person giving these offerings to do so with sincerity and devotion, with the undertaking a form of divination called "weighing the sincerity" () to determine if this has been the case. The emotional influence on the audience is considered evidence of its efficacy.

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Discarded bottles outside the , having been used as offerings

During the ritual, attendees may be expected to give money to the , often while the latter are possessed, intended as thanks both to them and to the spirits.Template:Sfnm These offerings, given in addition to the ritual fee, are called or . Any real money presented as offerings to the deities will be taken by the . At the end of the ritual, much of the food assembled for the will be distributed and consumed by the attendees,Template:Sfnm having been charged by auspiciousness by its involvement in the rite. Attendees may distribute some of this food to non-attendees once they get home; they may also set some aside to feed wandering spirits that might have followed them from the . In some , especially those held at shrines, food will also be left to decay.

Performance at the gut

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A drum, on display at the National Museum of Korea in Seoul

The ritual begins with the inviting supernatural entities to the altar, after which they set out to entertain them. Music will often be involved in the . Musical instruments typically involved in include cymbals, hourglass-shaped drums called , and a gong.Template:Sfnm Also sometimes featured is a pipe, the .Template:Sfnm The will often begin with drumming. The will often dance to the beat of the drums, often swirling in circles, something believed to facilitate the possession trance.Template:Sfnm They may hold , short sticks to which white paper streamers are attached;Template:Sfnm this helps channel the spirits into the body. The may also carry a fan and brass bells;Template:Sfnm Sarfati commented that these bells were "a central symbol" of Musok, and their purpose is to attract the attention of the spirits.

The language used by a during their rite is called ("'s sounds"), and is often deliberately archaic. The songs or chants employed are called ,Template:Sfnm with each practitioner having their own personal repertoire, largely inherited through oral tradition. As well as traditional folk songs, some have sung pop songs to entertain the spirits. Incantations and ritual words for communicating with the spirit are called . The will often recite mythological stories during the ritual, something deemed to contribute to its efficacy. These may be recited in full at a longer ritual or in condensed form for a shorter one. There may be breaks during the , for instance giving time for the participants to eat.

The costumes worn for these rituals are called . These colorful outfits resemble those documented from the 19th and early 20th centuries, and may involve a . The may distinguish themselves from their assistants by having their hair in the Tchokchin mŏri style. Male often wear female clothing and makeup when performing rituals, reflecting their possession of a female .Template:Sfnm Female may show an interest in smoking, drinking alcohol, and playing with bladed weapons, reflecting that they have a male . In Korean society, there have been persistent rumours about the toleration of homosexuality within Musok practitioners. For the , the will dress in clothes representing the deities,Template:Sfnm with different deities associated with different items of clothing. They may change outfit over the course of the to reflect the different entities possessing them.Template:Sfnm This is not a practice that the engage in.

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Sticks with white paper streamers are used by to channel the spirits into their body

Also used in many are blades, objects symbolizing the bravery of the possessing warrior spirits. The may stab themselves in the chest with the knives, run the blade along their tongue, or press it to their face and hands.Template:Sfnm Riding knives is termed and involves the walking barefoot on the upturned blade of the knife, sometimes while speaking in , or possessed speech.Template:Sfnm Practitioners claim that it is the spirits that prevent the from being cut by the blade, and the ability to undertake such dangerous acts without harm is regarded as evidence for the efficacy of the rite. Some practitioners acknowledge instances in which they have been cut by the blades. has become an expected part of staged or cinematic .

The possession phase takes place at the climax of the ritual. In some traditions, the will stand upon an earthen jar while doing so. The term (descending of the spirits) describes possession of the , intended in a manner that is largely controlled. Possessed speech is called ;Template:Sfnm words from the possessing entity will then be spoken to the assembled persons by the .Template:Sfnm Over the course of a , a may be possessed by a succession of different supernatural entities. On Jeju, the will provide a voice for the spirits. Yun noted that the "so-called medium speech" typically lacked the "dramatic intensity" of the messages conveyed by the . The entities possessing the will typically dispense advice to the ritual's sponsor and to other attendees. Supernatural beings will often relate that if a had been performed earlier, misfortune would not have befallen the person sponsoring the .

The final phase of the entails sending off the spirits who have been summoned, often by burning name tags, the ("clothes for ancestors") or cloth, straw shoes, and imitation money.Template:Sfnm Towards the end of the , wandering spirits that may have gathered are expelled,Template:Sfnm talismans may be distributed to attendees, and finally the will remove their ceremonial clothing.

Styles of gut

File:27825 곽머리 씻김굿(지전춤으로 망자 위로) 국가무형 진도씻김굿 2001 전남 진도.jpg

A Jindo Ssitgimgut (Purification Gut of Jindo) performed in 2001

Different types of have different names, often reflecting the principle deity being honoured or the purpose of the rite. The is for good fortune, while the is for healing. The is performed to send ancestors to a good afterlife. The honors the spirits of a new car and became increasingly popular as car ownership grew in late 20th century South Korea.

The or flower-greeting is an annual rite held by a to entertain and feed their gods, ancestors, and clients. The are performed in gratitude to the deities and ancestors for granting a their spiritual power and thus a livelihood. They are regarded as returning to these supernatural beings a portion of what the has earned. The can sometimes last 10 days. The is a ritual for expelling bad spirits, sometimes from a human. This sometimes involves the spirit forcing it into a bottle. The is performed for a person who is mentally afflicted and often thought possessed by one or more spirits. The possessing spirit is offered food to encourage it to leave; sometimes scraps of food are thrown at the afflicted person. By 2009, South Korea's government recognised ten regional styles as parts of the country's intangible cultural heritage, and that year one of these traditions – the Yŏngdŭng gut performed at Ch'ilmŏri Shrine on Jeju – was added to UNESCO's Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.

Historically, the may have had entertainment value when there were few other outlets.Template:Sfnm Since the late 20th century, performed primarily for entertainment purposes are referred to as . Some practitioners who perform both draw a clear distinction between them, although many still regard staged as genuine interactions with spirits. Performed in museums or at city festivals, these often take place on raised stages surrounded by a seated audience, typically attracting journalists, scholars, and photographers. are often performed for their artistic value, commonly being dedicated to general causes such as national prosperity; sometimes the food placed as an offering is fake. They often involve folklorists or other scholars who explain the ritual to the audience, while the participants will often be dressed in a common uniform, something not found in private . may see these staged rituals as an opportunity to attract potential new clients, uploading videos of them performing such rites to social media and YouTube.

Mountains, landscape, and pilgrimage

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The lake atop Mount Paektu, which has a prominent place in Musok

In Musok, spiritually potent sites include rocks, springs, and trees, the latter sometimes demarcated with affixed strips of cloth or paper. Mountains are often deemed places of sacred presence and associated with Musok's origin. Each prominent mountain is deemed to have a sovereign mountain spirit. The levels of spiritual power at a mountain are influenced not just by its associated deities but also the energy (the equivalent of the Chinese qi) that is present there. This is believed to channel through ("veins") through the mountain landscape; these can be disrupted by roads or other construction. Thus, the potency of these mountains is thought to decline amid growing urbanisation and tourist access. In Korea, this traditional geomancy is called , and is akin to the Chinese fengshui.Template:Sfnm

Pilgrimages to mountain shrines have long been part of Korean religion. Historically, the mountain pilgrimages were rare events, although improved transportation meant that by the 1990s these had become more regular occurrences in South Korea. Some prepare for these pilgrimages by bathing and abstaining from eating meat, fish, or eggs.Template:Sfnm On arrival at the shrine, the pilgrim will bow and give offerings. For , these mountains are places to replenish their and are conducive to receiving visions.Template:Sfnm will make offerings not only at the mountains but also at springs and guardian trees en route. Those reaching the summit of a mountain will often add a pebble to a cairn to propitiate that mountain's . Incorrectly performing the pilgrimage may upset the and bring about this spirit's retribution.

The most sacred mountain for the is Mount Paektu, located on North Korea's northern border with China; this is believed to channel to every other mountain in the peninsula. According to legend, it is also the birthplace of Tan'gun, the national ancestor and first . Since the 1990s, from South Korea have travelled to China to make pilgrimages to this mountain.Template:Sfnm

Talismans and divination

An important task of the is to produce talismans called () which provide the bearer with good fortune.Template:Sfnm These are often based on Hanja, Korean versions of Chinese logograms. may distribute these talismans to attendees at the end of a rite, with clients then often addicting them to the internal walls of their home.

Divination is termed . One form of divination, sometimes performed during other rituals, involves a person picking one of a selection of rolled up silk flags; the color of the selected flag is then interpreted as bearing meaning for that individual.Template:Sfnm Green and yellow flags typically indicate bad fortune,Template:Sfnm while red is regarded as auspicious. The style of divination involves casting rice and coins onto a tray,Template:Sfnm while another practice entails shaking rice kernels onto a person's lap before drawing meaning from whether they are of an odd or even number. Korean vernacular religion also incorporates ritual specialists who perform divination and create amulets but do not engage in rituals like the .

History

Musok is often perceived as being ancient, however its origins are uncertain and the scholar Jung Young Lee suggested that it was "almost impossible" to trace them. Detailed accounts of rituals prior to the modern period are rare, and the fact that the tradition is orally transmitted means it is difficult to trace historical processes.

Prehistory and early historic periods

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Historical references to appear in the 12th century, in the various Korean kingdoms

Like other peoples in Northeast Asia, prehistoric Koreans exhibited a religion that venerated various spirits, animals, and celestial bodies. Surviving historical records suggest that religious activities were largely supervised by village and communal elites. McBride cautioned that using the term "shamanism" in reference to ancient Korean religions "neither does justice to the sources nor tells us significant information about ancient Korean society and culture." Some other historians have argued that Mudang has common origins with other traditions labelled "shamanic" in parts of North Asia, suggesting a shared origin in prehistory.

The term was apparently borrowed from Chinese, with evidence for the Korean term only arising later. The earliest record of the term is in the 12th-century , with the term also appearing in that century's Samguk sagi. The use of images of the deities, hanging on the wall, is first recorded from the 13th century. There are eleven references to the practices of in the Korean historical records of the 12th and 13th centuries. Five of these come from the northern Korean kingdom of Koguryŏ and indicate practices like spirit mediumship, exorcism, divination, and ancestor veneration rites. Further accounts indicate the presence of in the southern kingdoms of Paekche and Silla. These accounts indicate clear similarities with ritual specialists also active in northern China. The practices of the would, over time, have absorbed many elements from other traditions like Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism.

Joseon Korea

The Joseon dynasty saw increased government persecution of the . Contributing to this was the dominance of Confucian ideology, with later historians arguing that Confucian elites were challenging rivals to their power. Confucians accepted the existence of the spirits invoked in Musok rites,Template:Sfnm but argued that there were better ways of dealing with these supernatural beings. They regarded Musok rituals as improper, criticising the presence of both sexes together in environments where alcohol was being consumed. Korea's Neo-Confucian scholars used the derogatory term for non-Confucian ceremonies, of which they considered the rituals among the lowest.Template:Sfnm

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A performs a in a painting titled (; Template:Category handler), made by Shin Yunbok in 1805.

In Joseon Korea, belonged to one of eight outcast groups that were expelled from the capital city. The law book prescribed 100 lashes in public for anyone found to be supporting them. This persecution could prove deadly; in an extreme case, a was beheaded in 1398. In an oft-cited incident, Jeju governor Yi Hyŏngsang initiated a purge of on the island in 1702, destroying 129 shrines.Template:Sfnm Taxes were levied on the rituals, both to discourage the practice but also to raise revenues for the government; these taxes remained in place until the 1895 Kabo reforms. At the same time as the government persecuted the , they also turned to them in emergencies like epidemics, droughts, and famines. Several were permitted access to the royal palaces, where several structures were set aside for their usage.

By the late 19th century, many Korean intellectuals eager for modernisation promoted the eradication of Musok, which they increasingly labelled ("superstition"). Many of these intellectuals were Christian, thus regarding the spirits as evil demons, with Christian missionaries generally condemning Korean vernacular religion as idol worship. Anti-Musol sentiment was endorsed in Tongnip sinmun, Korea's first vernacular newspaper, and in 1896, police launched a crackdown by arresting , destroying shrines, and burning paraphernalia.

Japanese occupation and nationalist reimagining

The Empire of Japan invaded Korea in 1910. Seeking to legitimise Japanese occupation, the Japanese colonial Governor-General of Chōsen presented the as evidence for Korean cultural backwardness.Template:Sfnm The Japanese initiated measures to suppress Musok, including the Mind Cultivation Movement launched in 1936. Korean elites largely supported these suppressions, partly to demonstrate Korean cultural advancement to the Japanese.

In this colonial context, scholars developed the idea that the were continuing an ancient Korean religion and thus represented the spiritual and cultural repository of the Korean people.Template:Sfnm Influenced by the Western use of the term "shamanism" as a cross-cultural category, some Korean scholars speculated that the tradition descended from Siberian traditions. The Japanese scholar Torii Ryūzō proposed the as a remnant of a primordial Shinto, with both stemming from Siberian "shamanism". These ideas were built on by nationalist Korean scholars Ch'oe Nam-sŏn and Yi Nŭnghwa in the 1920s. Cho'e reversed Torii's framework by emphasising the primacy of ancient Korean over Japanese tradition as the transmitter of Siberian religion, while Yi promoted the tradition as the residue of what he called ("divine teachings"), meaning a primordial Korean religion that lost its purity through the arrival of Confucianism and Buddhism. At the time, Korean elites remained wary about this new positive reassessment.

Korean War and division

The Korean War, division of Korea, and subsequent urbanisation resulted in many Koreans moving around the peninsula, impacting the distinct regional traditions of the . Many from Hwanghae (in North Korea) resettled in Inchon (in South Korea), strongly influencing Musok there, for example. This migration meant that by the early 21st century, were increasingly dominant in areas like Jeju where historically predominated, generating rivalry between the two traditions.

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Kim Kŭm-hwa became one of the world's most famous from the 1980s onward

In North Korea, most formal religious activity was suppressed, with labelled part of the "hostile class". In South Korea, Christianity spread rapidly from the 1960s, becoming the country's dominant religion by the 21st century. South Korean leader Syngman Rhee launched the ("New Life Movement") which destroyed many village shrines. This policy continued as the Saemaul Undong ("New Community Movement") of his successor, Park Chung Hee, which led to a surge in the police suppression of during the 1970s.Template:Sfnm In response, formed the Tae Han Sŭngkong yŏngsin yŏnhap-hoe (Korean Victory Over Communism Federation of Shamans) to promote their interests, its name reflecting the pervasive anti-communist atmosphere of South Korean society. This outright persecution ended after Park's assassination in 1979.

In the 1970s, the popularization of folklore studies led to the perception of Musok as Korea's ancient religion gaining greater acceptance among educated South Koreans. In 1962, South Korea had introduced a Cultural Properties Protection Law that recognised performing arts as intangible cultural heritage; some folklorists used this to defend the . From the 1980s, South Korea's government designated certain as Human Cultural Treasures. One of the best-known was Kim Kŭm-hwa, who from the 1980s performed for foreign anthropologists, toured Western countries, and appeared in documentaries.Template:Sfnm Musok rituals were increasingly revived as theatrical performances linked to cultural conservation and tourism, and Musok elements were included at the Seoul 1988 Olympic Arts Festival and the 1988 inauguration of President Roh Tae-woo.Template:Sfnm Paintings of Musok deities became increasingly collectable in the 1980s and 1990s.

The were often regarded favorably within South Korea's (Popular Culture Movement) pro-democracy campaign from the 1970s; several were active in the movement and became emblematic of its cause.Template:Sfnm Advocacy groups were also formed to advance the cause of the , keen to present the tradition as lying at the heart of Korean culture, while the 1980s also saw begin to write books about themselves. also adapted to new technologies; from the 1990s they increasingly used the Internet to advertise their services, while portrayals of became widespread on South Korean television in the 2010s. This increasing cultural visibility improved the social image.

Demographics

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A shrine to a mountain spirit inside the Buddhist temple at Saseongam in South Korea

Most are female,Template:Sfnm something that may connect to origin myths that present as first developing among women. Approximately a fifth of are male, although the latter are proportionately over-represented in 21st-century media representations. There is regional variation in these gender differences; on Jeju Island, there were more male than female prior to the 1950s, and proportions of male practitioners remain higher there than on the Korean mainland. have conventionally belonged to the lowest social class;Template:Sfnm Chongho Kim noted that most he encountered in the 1990s were both financially poor and had little formal education.

Determining the number of is difficult. In 1983, around 43,000 people were members unions, while in the early 21st century, over 200,000 were members of professional organisations.Template:Sfnm Rather than being evenly distributed throughout South Korea, concentrations were higher in Seoul, and on Jeju. The number of as a whole does not appear to be decreasing, although the hereditary , including the Jeju , are in decline. Musok is not recorded in the South Korean census because the government does not regard adherence to it as being akin to identifying as a Christian or a Buddhist.Template:Sfnm A late 20th-century survey by the Korean Gallup Research Institute indicated that 38 percent of the adult population of South Korea had used a . In North Korea, according to demographic analyses by Religious Intelligence, approximately 16 percent of the population practises "traditional ethnic" religion.

Since at least the 20th century, have travelled abroad to perform rituals; many for instance serve clients in Japan's Korean minority.Template:Sfnm There are also in Europe, and a small number of non-Koreans have become ; a 2007 documentary covered the story of a German . Kendall noted the existence of one living outside Korea who was promoting their teachings through New Age-style workshops.

Reception

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A diorama of a worshipping at a shrine at the Lotte World Folk Museum in Seoul

Musok has been suppressed throughout Korean history under a succession of dominant ideologies including Confucianism, Japanese colonialism, and Christianity. At the start of the 21st century, the remained widely stigmatized in South Korean society, facing widespread prejudice.Template:Sfnm In 2021, Sarfati observed that while the religion was "still stigmatized", it was experiencing "growing acceptance" in South Korea.

The religion's critics often regard as swindlers,Template:Sfnm people who manipulate the gullible. Critics regularly focus their critique on the large sums of money that the charge, and maintain that the expenses required for its rituals are wasteful. Critics have also accused of disrupting the civil order with their rituals. Kendall noted that there was a "generally adversarial relationship" between and Protestants in South Korea. Protestants often regard Musok as "Devil worship"; in 1890, the American Protestant missionary Horace G. Underwood defined as "witch" in his English-Korean Dictionary. Conversely, there are also Protestants who have commissioned . Mainline Protestant theologians have sometimes blamed Musok for predisposing Koreans to Pentecostalism and the idea that prayer can generate financial reward.Template:Sfnm Christians have sometimes harassed at their places of work or during their ceremonies,Template:Sfnm something which regard as religious discrimination.

began appearing in South Korean film in the 1960s. Early portrayals in the 1960s and 1970s generally showed them as harmful, frightening, and anti-modern figures, as in Ssal (1963), Munyŏdo (1972) and Iŏdo (1977). From the mid-2000s, films increasingly portrayed them as members of a living tradition situated in modern urban environments, as in Ch'ŏngham Posal (2009) and Paksu Kŏndal (2013). The 2000s also saw several successful documentaries about appear in Korean cinemas, as well as increasing appearances of on Korean television. Korean artists who have cited Musok rituals as an influence on their work include Nam June Paik, who recreated an exorcism for several performances from the late 1970s. Musok has also been presented in museums, although often with emphasis placed on its folkloric and aesthetic value rather than its role as a religious practice. South Korea's government often embrace as a traditional performing artform, but marginalise its religious function.

See also

• Asian witchcraft
• Korean folklore
• Korean numismatic charm
• Korean traditional festivals
• Jongmyo jerye
• Religion in Korea
• Samgong bon-puri
• Taoism in Korea