Kruševo Republic

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The Kruševo Republic (Bulgarian and Macedonian: Крушевска Република, Kruševska Republika; Template:Langx)[1] was a short-lived political entity, proclaimed in 1903 by rebels from the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) in Kruševo during the anti-Ottoman Ilinden Uprising.[2] According to Bulgarian and Macedonian historical narratives, in the town, which was inhabited by different Christian populations, an ephemeral "republic" with a temporary revolutionary government was proclaimed.[3] It is viewed as a historical predecessor in North Macedonia.[4][5]

History

In the early 20th century, Kruševo was mainly inhabited by Slavic Macedonian, Aromanian and Orthodox Albanian population.[4] As a result of the rise of nationalism in the Ottoman Empire the population was ethnoreligiously split on Bulgarian Exarchists and Greek Patriarchists, the latter constituted the largest ethno-religious community.Template:SfnpTemplate:Sfnp

On 3 August 1903, IMRO insurgents captured the town of Kruševo in the Manastir Vilayet of the Ottoman Empire (present-day North Macedonia). On 4 August, the Republic was proclaimed in a speech by Nikola Karev who was elected as president.[4]Template:SfnpTemplate:SfnpTemplate:SfnpTemplate:Sfnp

File:Nikola Karev Portrait.JPG
The President of the Kruševo Republic Nikola Karev

Amongst the various ethnoreligious groups (millets) in Kruševo, a Republican Council was elected with 60 members – 20 representatives from three groups: Macedono-Bulgarians and Greek self-identifying (Grecoman) Slavic Macedonians, Aromanians and Albanians.[4]Template:SfnpTemplate:SfnpTemplate:SfnpTemplate:Sfnp The Council also elected an executive bodyTemplate:Sndthe Provisional GovernmentTemplate:Sndwith six members (2 from each mentioned group),Template:Sfnp whose duty was to promote law and order and manage supplies, finances, and medical care. The presumable "Kruševo Manifesto" was published in the first days after the proclamation.[6][7] Written by Nikola Kirov, it outlined the goals of the uprising, calling upon the Muslim population and the Christians alike to join forces with the provisional government in the struggle against Ottoman tyranny, to attain freedom and independence for Macedonia.[8][9]Template:Sfnp[10] Karev allegedly called all the members of the local Council "brother Bulgarians", while the IMRO insurgents flew Bulgarian flags, killed five Greek Patriarchists accused of being Ottoman spies, and subsequently assaulted the local Turk and Albanian Muslims.[11][12]Template:Sfnp Greek sources witness that the insurgents were aggressive or provocative towards the Patriarchist population.Template:Sfnp Karev attempted to reduce attacks over the Muslim population and prevent the plundering from insurgents and their supporters.[13] He also attended a Greek church service in a gesture of tolerance and unity.Template:Sfnp However, except for Exarchist Aromanians,[14] who were Bulgarophiles,[15]Template:Sfnp (as Pitu Guli and his family), most members of the other ethnoreligious communities dismissed the IMRO as pro-Bulgarian.Template:SfnpTemplate:Sfnp

Initially surprised by the uprising, the Ottoman government took extraordinary military measures to suppress it. Heading from Prilep, led by Bahtiyar Paşa, a force of 15,000 infantry, cavalry and artillery, aided by bashi-bazouks, surrounded the city on 12 August. Pitu Guli's band (cheta) tried to defend the town and republic from the Ottoman troops, after a fierce battle near Mečkin Kamen most of the band and their leader (voivode) perished.[4] Another one called battle of Sliva took place at the same time, ending in defeat as well. On 13 August the Ottomans managed to destroy the Kruševo Republic, committing atrocities against the Aromanian and Patriarchist population.Template:Sfnp As a result of the gunnery, the town was set partially ablaze.Template:Sfnp After the plundering of the town by the Turkish troops and the Albanian bashi-bazouks, the Ottoman authorities circulated a declaration for the inhabitants of Kruševo to sign, stating that the Bulgarian komitadjis had committed the atrocities and looted the town. A few citizens did sign it under administrative pressure.Template:Sfnp

Legacy

File:Krushevo 1903.jpg
Homeless inhabitants of Kruševo in front of the ruins of the town. Regarding the escape of the Bulgarian quarter (Slavic area)[16] from destruction, a bribery was suspected,Template:SfnpTemplate:Sfnp or the fear of an explosion of the ammunition stored there.[17]

The celebration of the events in Kruševo began during the First World War, when the area, then called Southern Serbia, was occupied by Bulgaria. Naum Tomalevski, who was appointed a mayor of Kruševo, organized the nationwide celebration of the 15th anniversary of the Ilinden uprising.[18] On the place of the Battle of Mečkin Kamen, a monument and a memorial-fountain were built. After the war, they were destroyed by the Serbian authorities, which continued implementing a policy of forcible Serbianization. The tradition of celebrating these events was restored during World War II in the region, when it was occupied by Bulgaria again.Template:Sfnp

On the other hand, during World War II, the Macedonian communist partisans developed the idea of historical continuity between their struggle and that of the insurgents of the Ilinden Uprising and Kruševo Republic. The partisan leaders and detachments chose names of heroes from IMRO, one such was Kuzman Josifovski Pitu, named after Pitu Guli.Template:Sfnp The Kruševo Republic was referred to in the lyrics of the partisan song "Today over Macedonia", later to become the Macedonian anthem. After the war, the idea of socialist continuity proceeded in the newly established Socialist Republic of Macedonia, where the Kruševo Republic was considered as its antecedent.Template:Sfnp Furthermore, Macedonian historians often compared it to the Paris Commune, the classic symbol of revolutionary socialism. It was emphasized how the Council and commissionerships were evenly split between the nationalities, in a style bound to serve as an example to the Balkans in a similar manner how the Paris Commune served for the world.[19] Another instance firmly praised was the last stand of Pitu Guli and his man in the battle of Meckin Kamen, which achieved an iconic status in the Macedonian national history.[20] The "Ilinden Uprising Museum" was founded in 1953 on the 50th anniversary of the Kruševo Republic in the former house of the Tomalevski family where the Republic was proclaimed. In 1974 an enormous monument, known as Makedonium, was built on the hill above Kruševo, which marked the feat of the revolutionaries and the ASNOM. In the area, there is another monument called Mečkin Kamen commemorating the battle that took place there.[21]

During the Informbiro period, the name of insurgents' leader Nikola Karev was scrapped from the Macedonian national anthem.Template:Sfnp He and his brothers were suspected of being Bulgarophiles.[22] Nikola Kirov's writings, which are among the most known primary sources on the rebellion, mention Bulgarians, Vlachs (Aromanians), and Greeks (sic: Grecomans), who participated in the events in Kruševo.Template:Sfnp Although post-World War II Macedonian historians objected to Kirov's classification of Kruševo's Slavic population as Bulgarian, they quickly adopted everything else in his narrative of the events in 1903 as definitive.Template:Sfnp As a result of the Greek and Bulgarian challenges against the Macedonian identity, Macedonian historians enforced their efforts to prove that IMRO activists had been exclusively Macedonian in identity.Template:Sfnp The entity is seen as a prelude to its statehood by North Macedonia.[23] Some modern Macedonian historians such as Blaže Ristovski have recognized, that the entity, nowadays a symbol of the Macedonian statehood, was composed of people who identified themselves as "Greeks", "Vlachs" (Aromanians), and "Bulgarians".[24][25] The legacy of the republic is disputed between Bulgaria and North Macedonia.[26] When the anthropologist Keith Brown visited Kruševo on the eve of the 21st century, he discovered that the local Aromanian language still has no way to distinguish "Macedonian" and "Bulgarian", and uses the designation Vrgari, i.e. "Bulgarians", for both ethnic groups.Template:Sfnp The same has been confirmed by the Greek researcher Asterios Koukoudis.[27] In the Macedonian narrative, it is perceived as the first republic in the Balkans.[28][29] Some authors maintain it was an independent socialist republic, the first in the Balkans.[4][30]Template:Rq

Gallery

See also

References

Citations

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  1. Bana Armâneascâ - Nr39-40. Bana Armâneascâ.
  2. Nadège Ragaru (2023) Bulgaria, the Jews, and the Holocaust. On the Origins of a Heroic Narrative, University of Rochester Press, Template:ISBN, p. 290.
  3. Marinov, Tchavdar. “We, the Macedonians”. We, the People, Central European University Press, 2009, https://books.openedition.org/ceup/890. In: Diana, Mishkova. We, the People. Central European University Press, 2009, https://books.openedition.org/ceup/866.
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  6. Kirov-Majski wrote on the history of the IMRO and authored in 1923 the play "Ilinden" in the dialect of his native town (Kruševo). The play is the only direct source containing the Kruševo Manifesto, the rebels' programmatic address to the neighbouring Muslim villages, which is regularly quoted by modern Macedonian history and textbooks. Dimitar Bechev Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, Rowman & Littlefield, 2019, Template:ISBN, p. 166.
  7. Keith Brown, The Past in Question: Modern Macedonia and the Uncertainties of Nation, Princeton University Press, 2003, Template:ISBN, p. 230.
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  11. Who are the Macedonians? Hugh Poulton, C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, 1995, Template:ISBN, p. 57.
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  13. Keith Brown, Loyal Unto Death: Trust and Terror in Revolutionary Macedonia, Indiana University Press, 2013, Template:ISBN, pp. 141–142.
  14. Aromanian consciousness was not developed until the late 19th century, and was influenced by the rise of Romanian national movement. As result, wealthy, urbanized Ottoman Vlachs were culturally hellenised during 17–19th century and some of them bulgarized during the late 19th and early 20th. century. Raymond Detrez, 2014, Historical Dictionary of Bulgaria, Rowman & Littlefield, Template:ISBN, p. 520.
  15. Коста Църнушанов, Македонизмът и съпротивата на Македония срещу него, Университетско изд. "Св. Климент Охридски", София, 1992, стр. 132.
  16. Dimitar Bechev Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, Rowman & Littlefield, 2019, Template:ISBN, p. 124.
  17. Dragi Ǵorǵiev, Lili Blagaduša, Documents Turcs sur l'insurrection de St. Élie provenants du fonds d'archives du Sultan "Yild'z", Arhiv na Makedonija, 1997, p. 131.
  18. Цочо В. Билярски, Из рапортите на Наум Томалевски до ЦК на ВМРО за мисията му в Западна Европа; В „Иван Михайлов в обектива на полиция, дипломация, разузнаване и преса“, Университетско издателство "Св. Климент Охридски", 2006, Template:ISBN.
  19. James Krapfl, "The Ideals of Ilinden: Uses of Memory and Nationalism in Socialist Macedonia" in John S. Migel, (ed.), State and Nation Building in East Central Europe: Contemporary Perspectives, Institute on East Central Europe, Columbia University, 1996, Template:ISBN, pp. 297-316
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  21. Meckin Kamen monument – Travel to Macedonia.
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  24. "Беше наполно прав и Мисирков во своjата фундаментална критика за Востанието и неговите раководители. Неговите укажуваньа се покажаа наполно точни во послешната практика. На пр., во ослободеното Крушево се формира градска управа составена од "Бугари", Власи и Гркомани, па во зачуваните писмени акти не фигурираат токму Македонци(!)..." Блаже Ристовски, "Столетиjа на македонската свест", Скопје, Култура, 2001, стр. 458.
  25. "We, the People: Politics of National Peculiarity in Southeastern Europe" Diana Mishkova, Central European University Press, 2009, Template:ISBN, p. 124.
  26. Aarbakke Vemund (2011). Images of imperial legacy: The impact of nationalizing discourse on the image of the last years of Ottoman rule in Macedonia. Images of Imperial Legacy, Modern Discourses on the social and cultural impact of Ottoman and Habsburg rule in Southeast Europe. Επιμέλεια:Tea Sindbæk, Maxmilian Hartmuth. p.115-128.
  27. Asterios I. Koukoudēs (2003) The Vlachs. Metropolis and Diaspora. Zitros, Template:ISBN, p. 33.
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Sources

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Further reading

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