Foreign relations of Spain
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The foreign relations of Spain could be constructed upon the foreign relations of the Hispanic Crown. The personal union of Castile and Aragon that ensued with the joint rule of the Catholic Monarchs was followed by the annexation of the Kingdom of Granada and the Kingdom of Navarre. The crown also built a large colonial empire in the Americas after the arrival of Columbus to the New World in 1492.
The Spanish Habsburg monarchs had large holdings across the European continent stemming from the inherited dominions of the Habsburg monarchy and from the Aragonese holdings in the Italian Peninsula. The Habsburg dynasty fought against the Protestant Reformation in the continent and achieved a dynastic unification of the realms of the Iberian Peninsula with their enthronement as Portuguese monarchs after 1580. The American colonies shipped bullion, but resources were spent in wars waged against France in Italy and elsewhere as well as in conflicts against the Ottoman Empire, England or revolts in the Spanish Netherlands, Portugal (lost after 1640) and Catalonia (lost in 1640 and recovered after 1652). Mainland Spain was the main theatre of the War of Spanish Succession (1701–1714), after which the Bourbon dynasty consolidated rule, while handing in holdings in Italy and the Netherlands. The successive Bourbon Family Compacts underpinned a close alignment with the Kingdom of France throughout the 18th century. During the Napoleonic Wars, Mainland Spain was occupied by the French Empire (which installed a puppet ruler), and became after an 1808 uprising the main theatre of the Peninsular War. Nearly all its colonies fought for and won independence in the early 19th century. From then on it kept Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines, otherwise lost in 1898 after the Spanish–American War, and, in line with far-reaching efforts by other European powers, Spain began to sustain a colonial presence in the African continent, most notably in Western Sahara and Equatorial Guinea. It also intervened in Nguyễn Vietnam alongside France and involved in the affairs of former colony Santo Domingo, which briefly returned to Spanish control. In the wake of the creation of a Spanish protectorate in Northern Morocco, the early 20th century saw a draining conflict against Riffian anti-colonial resistance. Spain stuck to a status of neutrality during World War I.
The Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939 became a proxy war between the axis powers Germany and Italy and the Soviet Union (which lost). The war ensued with the installment of a dictatorship under Francisco Franco lasting until 1975. In the aftermath of World War 2, the series of multilateral agreements and institutions configuring what it is known today as Western Europe were made apart from Francoist Spain.[1] The 1953 military agreements with the United States entailed the acceptance of unprecedented conditions vis-à-vis the (peacetime) military installment of a foreign power on Spanish soil.Template:Sfn Spain joined the UN in 1955 and the IMF in 1958.Template:Sfn In the last rales of the dictator, the mismanaged decolonisation of Spanish Sahara ensued with the Moroccan invasion of the territory in 1975 and the purported partition of it between Morocco and Mauritania, spawning a protracted conflict pitting the Sahrawi national liberation Polisario Front against Morocco and (briefly) Mauritania lasting to this day. Spain joined NATO (1982) and entered the European Communities (1986).
On a wide range of issues, Spain often prefers to coordinate its efforts with its EU partners through the European political cooperation mechanisms. In addition to being represented via EU membership, Spain is a permanently invited guest to all G20 summits.[2]
History
In 218 BC the Romans invaded the Iberian Peninsula, which later became the Roman province of Hispania. The Romans introduced the Latin language, the ancestor of both modern-day Spanish and Italian. The Iberian peninsula remained under Roman rule for over 600 years, until the collapse of the Western Roman Empire.
In the Early modern period, until the 18th century, southern and insular Italy came under Spanish control, having been previously a domain of the Crown of Aragon.
Habsburg Spain
In contrast with the purely Mediterranean focused foreign policy of the Catholic kings,[3] during Habsburg Spain era, the foreign policy of the Spanish Empire turned more continental and was defined by the support to the Habsburg monarchy in its patrimonial conflicts and participation in the Religious wars in Europe, specially the Holy Roman Empire's struggles against the Ottomans, the German Protestants and the French–Austrian rivalry.[4] During the Spanish Golden Age, the main objectives of its foreign policy were:[5][6]
- The consolidation of Spanish/Iberian influence in the Mediterranean (Italian Peninsula and Maghreb) and Western-Central Europe (Netherlands-Burgundy and Habsburg Austria) against the Franco-Ottoman alliance,[7] and in Oversea (Americas and Philippines) against English, Dutch and Portuguese colonialists.
- The expelling of the Ottomans from the Balkans with the help of Safavid Iran,[8] Poland-Lithuania[4] and Eastern Catholic dissidency (being considered the conquests of former Aragonese territories and the Holy Land),[9] liberating the Patriarch of Constantinople from the Sultan and supporting the reunification between Catholic and Orthodox Churches.
- Support the Council of Trent dispositions and goals about the Re-Catholicisation of the States of the Holy Roman Empire, England and Scandinavia to restore the unity among the Res publica Christiana in Western civilisation according to Counter-Reformation. Also oppose to French Gallicanism and Raison d'Stat, in favour of Ultramontan and Universitas christiana's views to lead the Christendom .[10]
- Evangelisate the New World, East Asia[11] and Africa into Catholicism, with the special help of the Franciscans[12] and Jesuits[13] (which had a lot of pro-Spanish influence through the House of Loyola). Secure the Tordesillas' Iberian monopoly and rights against hostile European[14] or Local Great Powers (which included to support Portugal against Muslims or Pagans). Being considered possible conquests in Ming China,[15] Moluccas,[16] Sulawesi,[17] Cambodia, Borneo,[18] Siam,[18] Japan,[19] Oceanian realm,[18] Kongo, Ethiopia, Safavid Iran, North America, among others (or at least to turn them into allies and develop trade routes).
- The restoration of the Roman Empire through supporting the consolidation of the HRE as an Unified and Universal monarchy under Spanish patronage or leadership (only with Charles V), with possible pretensions of World domination through an association with the Iberian Union oversea empire.[4]
Charles V
Script error: No such module "Labelled list hatnote". Charles V (1500–1558) inherited vast lands across Western Europe and the Americas, and expanded them by frequent wars.[20] Among other domains he was King of Spain from 1516, and Holy Roman Emperor and Archduke of Austria from 1519. As head of the rising House of Habsburg during the first half of the 16th century, his dominions in Europe extending from Germany to northern Italy with direct rule over the Austrian hereditary lands and the Burgundian Low Countries, and a unified Spain with its southern Italian kingdoms of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia.
Charles V imperial ideology was based in the Universal monarchy, with influences from Dante Alighieri and Erasmus' Christian humanism, which supported Ghibelline Political theory that given the Universal power firstly to the Monarch and then to the Pope. This provoked a initial conflict between the HRE and the Papal States, as a continuation of the medieval dispute over Dominium mundi) in which Spain took the side of the Empire over the Church (opposing to the Political theology of the Doctrine of Two Swords). This initial bad reputation of regalist and cripto-heretic, added to his foreign origins, provocated the initial resistance of Spaniards to join to the Charles V Empire. After the reconciliation of the HRE and Spain with the Papacy, Spain take a relevant position as the dominant power of the imperial project, overcoming the Kingdom of Germany (divided by the Protestant Reform) in the protagonism of Charles V's foreign policy (but at the cost of the resignation of Mercurino di Gattinara, main ideologue, from the Spanish Cortes).[21]
His great enemy on land was France, on the Mediterranean Sea it was the Ottoman Empire,[22] which at times was allied with France. England and the Papacy were sometimes part of the coalition against him. Much of his attention focused on wars in Italy. At the Diet of Augsburg (1547) he secured recognition that the Netherlands belonged to the Hapsburg domain. However Charles was intensely Catholic and the northern Netherlands was Protestant. He and his Spanish heirs fought for a century against Dutch independence; despite the enormous cost they failed.[23]
The Anti-Islamic foreign policy was perceived as a continuation of the Reconquista, in which the main objective of Spain was the continuation of such campaign until conquering the former Roman Tingitana (modern Morocco), which was politically linked to the former Roman Hispania. Another goal was reconquering all Early Muslim conquests for the Christendom (inspired in the Crusading movement) which would end in the deposition of the Ottoman Caliphate after a crossing of North Africa and the Balkans to the Holy Land by a Holy League of all Europe leaded by Spain and a Habsburg–Persian alliance in a total victory. However, due to the French–Habsburg rivalry across Europe making division and debiliting Habsburg Austria, such ambitious project of a great anti-Ottoman coallition never materializated.[24] So, the Realpolitik turned into a Spanish–Ottoman struggle for the domination over the Mediterranean Sea, specially the attempts to conquer the Barbary states and the constant defense of the Italian states from Ottoman raids.[25]
In Oversea, Charles foreign policy was determinated by the Carreira de Indias global rivalry with the Portuguese Empire[26] (specially in the Indonesian Archipelago and in Colonial Brazil), having to renounce some expansionist projects (like the claims of Spain over the Spice islands after the Treaty of Zaragoza)[27] for the sake of having good relations with the Kingdom of Portugal.
Philip II, 1556–1598
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During Philip II, Spain developed a big compromise as the main promotor of Catholic Counter-Reformation among Europe, defining an imperial ideology according to the teachings of the Council of Trent and Traditionalist Catholicism.[28] Spanish foreign policy during the reign of Philip II was developed in two phases. In phase 1, between the 1560s and early 1570s, priority was given to the defense of the Mediterranean and the rivalry with the Ottoman Empire, which was resolved in favor of the Christian forces after the victory at Lepanto. In phase 2, between the late 1570s to 1590s, priority was given to consolidating Spanish control in the Atlantic and the expansion of Catholicism in the New World and the Indies (while also reacting against Protestant expansion in Western Europe).
The Anti-Islamic foreign policy of Philip II led to support a greater integration of the Italian states for the developmet of an Espionage system through the Spain–Turkey diplomatic envoys[29] (being important the Ragusa Republic as an intermediary),[30] wanting to instigate anti-Ottoman revolts in Albania or Greece and coup d'etats to the Sublime Porte,[9] while reactivating the Habsburg–Persian alliance,[8] to prepare the possible collapse of the Turks in the Ottoman–Venetian War (1570–1573). However the Venetian focus in its own interests in the Stato da Màr, instead of an Universitas Christianna perspective, disbanded the Holy League of 1571.[31]
The Anti-Protestant foreign policy led to a clash with England (developing Philip II a personal enmity with Elizabeth I for betraying her Catholic sister and Philip's wife, Mary I of England)[32] and with the Dutch, while also a Spanish intervention in the French Wars of Religion (siding with the Catholic League agianst Huguenots and Politiques) and other minor religious conflicts (like the Cologne War). Also it led to the biggest expansion of Spain's diplomatic area, developing alliances with pro-Habsburg Italian states and Catholic Swiss Cantons, while starting routine embassies to North Europe and East Europe for the first time (having interests in defending Holy See's interests in Denmark–Norway, Sweden and Poland-Lithuania).[33]
Also, during this time the Polysynodial System was consolidated in the Hispanic Monarchy, largely due to the importance that acquired the foreign policy of the Spanish Empire across different Geopolitical units (and also the Foral nature of Spain as a Composite monarchy instead of a modern state, in which non-Castillian states had their own social sovereign, laws and politics). This led to the development of 13 different councils with responsabilities in the Netherlands, Italy, Portugal, America and Philippines, etc. The struggle for the control of Spanish foreign policy let to Internal conflicts in the Spanish nobility, as becoming Secretary of those Councils symbolised that their holders were very trusted by the King. Also the duty of those diplomats evolved into activities of Espionage and the development of communication networks to consolidate Spain's Sphere of influence across Europe and the World.[33]
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For 16th-century Europe, we cannot speak of states as we understand them today. In the domains of Philip II, as I have mentioned, power was structured in several councils; that is, it was organized according to a polysynodal system in which changes were even more pronounced. (...) Of all of them, the one of greatest interest in this work is the Council of State, which, among its many responsibilities, advised on relations with other princes or territories. (...) Based on these councils and the king's inner circle, the presence of the royal secretaries is noteworthy. These individuals became an institution in themselves and attained a power, in the monarch's shadow, that significantly surpassed that of some of the aforementioned councils. (...) From this centralized core emerged a second administration. This administration, following the dictates of high-ranking officials, maintained a physical presence in various foreign territories, staffed by ambassadors, secretaries, and a vast underground network of informants and spies. This is yet another example of how diplomacy during this period was a blend of foreign representation and espionage, quite unlike our understanding of it today (...) Ultimately, it was upon these two great foundations that the principal undertakings of the reign were carried out. These undertakings, by their very nature, encompassed everything from mere symbolic acts aimed at sealing marriage alliances to conspiratorial activities that sought the overthrow of sovereigns and the reinstatement of supporters aligned with Catholicism.
Script error: No such module "Check for unknown parameters".On Oversea, Philip II did reforms about the Asiento de Negros in benefit of Portuguese Africans,[34] made stronger regulations against the entrance of foreigners in the Spanish Empire (due to the Piracy at the Anglo-Spanish War) while also adopted Protectionist politics to limit the growing of Chinese economic power in the Philippines and then in Spanish America.[35] Also was developed the Junta de Guerra de Indias to protect Spanish Empire from the Dutch empire raids and confront them around the World (turning Eighty Years' War into a global war).[36][37] Another important matter was the tiny rivalry between Spain and the Portuguese Empire (and then between the Council of Castile and the Council of Portugal) about the Sphere of influence over Southeast Asia[38] and South America,[39] being developed inner conflicts due to the difficults to develop a common foreign policy there because differents conceptions of what was "local" policy and "global" one,[40][41] becoming a struggle the assimilation of the Kingdom of Portugal in the Iberian Union due to the discusions to delimit the boundaries between inner and foreign policy there, withouth harming the Foral civil law.[42][43]
Philip III, 1598–1621
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Philip III has a poor reputation in terms of both domestic and foreign policy. He inherited two major conflicts from his father. The first of these, the long-running Dutch revolt, represented a serious challenge to Spanish power from the Protestant United Provinces in a crucial part of the Spanish Empire. The second, the Anglo–Spanish War was a newer, and less critical conflict with Protestant England, marked by a Spanish failure to successfully bring its huge military resources to bear on the smaller English military.[44]
Philip's own foreign policy can be divided into three phases. For the first nine years of his reign, he pursued a highly aggressive set of policies, aiming to deliver a 'great victory'.[45] His instructions to his most important advisor Duke Lerma to wage a war of "blood and iron" on his rebellious subjects in the Netherlands reflects this.[46] After 1609, when it became evident that Spain was financially exhausted and Philip sought a truce with the Dutch, there followed a period of retrenchment; in the background, tensions continued to grow, however, and by 1618 the policies of Philip's 'proconsols' were increasingly at odds with de Lerma's policy from Madrid.[47]
On oversea, the projects to consolidate trade routes in the Indo-Pacific became a priority over the traditional Spanish foreign policy of secure the Transatlantic crossing, becoming an urgent the defense of the Portuguese Empire (specially Portuguese Malacca[48] and Hormuz) in the Iberian Union against the Dutch[49][50] or English with their local allies, and a better integration of the Spanish Philippines with Peninsular Spain (without depending of New Spain through the Manila galleon, nor the Port of Callao in Peru,[51] to have better benefits from the China–Spain relations)[52] while developing a great armada[53] to protect both Philippines and Portuguese India.[54][55] Another foreign policy was to make stronger the Patronato real in the Colonial cabildos in perjudge of the Hierarchy of the Catholic Church (becoming more powerful the Spanish Crown over the Holy See in the religious policy).[56] Also the foreign policy in the Mediterranean was deeply integrated in the main objectives of re-starting the Spanish–Ottoman wars (although in a lesser scale, focusing in the combat against Barbary corsairs and minor conquests in Algeria), the intervention in the affairs of Morocco (supporting sometimes the Republic of Salé) and the Italian states (supporting the interests of Genoa and Savoy against France, Venice and Switzerland) and attempts to consolidate Spanish Sicily-Naples Sphere of influence in the Adriatic Sea (developing a rivalry against the Venetians at the time of the 3rd Duke of Osuna's rule).[3] Despite, also Philip III promoted the development of Flemish and German consulates in Seville, trying to integrate the Spanish economical circuits with the ones of the HRE on the eve of the Thirty Years' War.[57]
Bourbon Spain
War of the Spanish Succession and after 1701–1759
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The War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) saw Spain in a nearly helpless position as multiple European powers battled for control over which of three rivals would be king. At first most of the warfare took place outside of Spain. However, in 1704 Spain was invaded by the Germans (officially by the Holy Roman Empire including Habsburg Austria and Prussia, as well as other minor German states), Great Britain, the Dutch Republic, the Duchy of Savoy and Portugal. The invaders wanted to make the Habsburg candidate king instead of the incumbent Philip V who the grandson of France's powerful king Louis XIV and candidate of the House of Bourbon. Spain had no real army, but it defense was a high priority for Louis XIV who sent in his French armies and after a devastating civil war eventually drove out the invaders from Spain.[58][59]
After years of warfare and changing coalitions, the final result was that Philip V remained king. In practice his wife Elisabeth Farnese ruled Spain from 1714 until 1746, and was more interested in Italy than Spain. Spain was not even invited to the peace treaties (Peace of Utrecht); they forbade any future possibility of unifying the French and Spanish crowns. Britain was the main winner; it blocked France from becoming too powerful. Britain acquired Minorca and Gibraltar from Spain, as well as the right to sell slaves to Spanish colonies. Britain also gained Newfoundland and Nova Scotia from France. Spain kept its American colonies but lost its European holdings in Italy and the Spanish Netherlands (modern Belgium), mostly to Austria. Spain briefly regained some Italian holdings until the British sank its fleet in 1718. Elisabeth Farnese succeeded in recapturing Naples and Sicily. She put her son on the throne there. He abdicated in 1759 to return to Madrid as King Charles III of Spain.[60][61]
American Revolutionary War: 1775–1783
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Eager to gain revenge on the British for its defeat during the Seven Years' War, France offered support to rebel American colonists seeking independence from Britain during the American War of Independence and in 1778 entered the war on their side. They then urged Spain to do the same, hoping the combined force would be strong enough to overcome the British Royal Navy and be able to invade England. In 1779 Spain joined the war, hoping to take advantage of a substantially weakened Britain. Distrustful of republics, Spain did not officially recognize the new United States of America.[62]
A well-organised force under Bernardo de Galvez operating out of Spanish Louisiana launched repeated attacks on British colonies in the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico. They were easy winners against weak British garrisons, and were planning an expedition against Jamaica when peace was declared in 1783.Script error: No such module "Unsubst".
Spain's highest priority was to recapture Gibraltar from Britain using the Great Siege of Gibraltar.[63] Despite a prolonged besiegement, the British garrison there was able to hold out until relieved and it remained in British hands following the Treaty of Paris. Unlike their French allies (for whom the war proved largely to be a disaster, financially and militarily) the Spanish made a number of territorial gains, recovering Florida and Menorca.[64][65]
Modern Spain
20th century
Script error: No such module "Unsubst". After the isolationist position taken by Spain in the XIX century, in 1898 (after the Spanish–American War) it was developed a more active foreign policy, focused in the consolidation of Spanish colonial interests in North Africa, trying to correct the errors of Antonio Cánovas del Castillo's foreign policy of late XIX century (in which the Spanish colonies were consided as something related to the purely inner policy) and also changing the pro-Triple Alliance views of Alfonso XII to a pro-Entente views in the International relations of Europe.[66] A neutral country during World War I, Spain was not invited to take part in the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, owing to the country's relative low profile in international affairs.[67] It was however invited to join the League of Nations as a non-permanent member and it formally did so on 14 August 1919.[67] During the so-called Wilsonian moment in international relations, forces adversarial to the Spanish State such as the Rifis vying for international recognition of their proto-republic and the Catalan separatist movement emboldened.[67]
Regional relations
Latin America
The Ibero-American vision
Spain has maintained its special identification with its fellow Spanish-speaking countries. Its policy emphasizes the concept of an Ibero-American community, essentially the renewal of the historically liberal concept of "Hispano-Americanismo" (or Hispanic as it is often referred to in English), which has sought to link the Iberian peninsula to the Spanish-speaking countries in Central and South America through language, commerce, history and culture. Spain has been an effective example of transition from dictatorship to democracy, as shown in the many trips that Spain's King and prime ministers have made to the region.[68][69]
Trends in diplomatic relations
Spain maintains economic and technical cooperation programs and cultural exchanges with Latin American countries, both bilaterally and within the EU. During José María Aznar's government, Spanish relations worsened with countries like Mexico, Venezuela and Cuba, but were exceptionally good with others, like Colombia, the Dominican Republic and several Central American republics. José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's victory in the 2004 general elections changed this setting. Despite long-standing close linguistic, economic and cultural relations with most of Latin America, some aspects of Spanish foreign policy during this time, such as its support for the Iraq War, were not supported or widely favored.
Sub-Saharan Africa
Spain has gradually begun to broaden its contacts with Sub-Saharan Africa. It has a particular interest in its former colony of Equatorial Guinea, where it maintains a large aid program. More recently, it has sought closer relation with Senegal, Mauritania, Mali and others to find solutions for the issue of illegal immigration to the Canary Islands.[70]
Middle East
In the Middle East, Spain is known as a broker between powers. In its relations with the Arab world, Spain frequently supports Arab positions on Middle East issues. The Arab countries are a priority interest for Spain because of oil and gas imports and because several Arab nations have substantial investments in Spain.[71]
Europe
Spain has been successful in managing its relations with its three immediate European neighbours, France, Andorra, and Portugal. The accession of Spain and Portugal to the EU in 1986[72] has helped ease some of their periodic trade frictions by putting these into an EU context. Franco-Spanish bilateral cooperation has been enhanced by joint action against recurring violence by separatist Basque group ETA since the 1960s.Script error: No such module "Unsubst". Ties with the United Kingdom are generally good, although the question of Gibraltar remains a sensitive issue, especially since the UK vote on Brexit.Script error: No such module "Unsubst".
Asia
Today, Spain is trying to expand its still narrow relations with East Asian nations,[73] with China, Japan and South Korea as its main points of interest in the region. Thailand and Indonesia are Spain's main allies in the ASEAN region, having a considerable number of agreements and a very good relationship. In the recent years Spain has also been boosting its contacts, relations and investment in other Asian countries, most notably Vietnam and Malaysia. Relations with the Philippines are, despite a very long colonial past, considerably weaker than the ones Spain has with other countries in the area, dealing mostly with cultural aspects and humanitarian assistance programs.[74]
Disputes
Territorial disputes
Whilst the disputed on Gibraltar with Great Britain is the best known territorial dispute of Spain, the country also has disputes with Portugal and Morocco.
Foreign Relations
The foreign relations of Spain could be constructed upon the foreign relations of the Hispanic Crown. The personal union of Castile and Aragon that ensued...
History
In 218 BC the Romans invaded the Iberian Peninsula, which later became the Roman province of Hispania...
With Great Britain
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Ever since it was captured in 1704 by Anglo-Dutch forces during the War of the Spanish Succession, Gibraltar has been the subject of a dispute between Britain and Spain. Situated at the southern tip of the Iberian peninsula, overseeing the Strait of Gibraltar which connects the Atlantic Ocean with the Mediterranean Sea, the territory has great strategic importance. Today, Gibraltar is a British Overseas Territory and houses an important base for the British Armed Forces.[75] Then a Spanish town, it was conquered during the War of the Spanish Succession on behalf of Archduke Charles, pretender to the Spanish throne. The legal situation concerning Gibraltar was settled in 1713 by the Treaty of Utrecht, in which Spain ceded the territory in perpetuity to the British Crown[76] stating that, should the British abandon this post, it would be offered to Spain first. Since the 1940s Spain has called for the return of Gibraltar. The overwhelming majority of Gibraltarians strongly oppose this, along with any proposal of shared sovereignty.[77] UN resolutions call on the United Kingdom and Spain to reach an agreement over the status of Gibraltar.[78][79]
The Spanish claim makes a distinction between the isthmus that connects the Rock to the Spanish mainland on the one hand, and the Rock and city of Gibraltar on the other. While the Rock and city were ceded by the Treaty of Utrecht, Spain asserts that the "occupation of the isthmus is illegal and against the principles of International Law".[80] The United Kingdom relies on de facto arguments of possession by prescription in relation to the isthmus,[81] as there has been "continuous possession [of the isthmus] over a long period".[82]
With Morocco
The strategic position of the Strait of Gibraltar has left a legacy of a number of sovereignty disputes.[83] These include the "five places of sovereignty" (plazas de soberanía) on and off the coast of Morocco: the coastal enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, which Morocco contests, as well as the islands of Peñon de Alhucemas, Peñon de Vélez de la Gomera, and Islas Chafarinas. Spain maintains sovereignty over Ceuta, Melilla, Peñon de Velez de la Gomera, Alhucemas and the Chafarinas Islands (captured following the Christian reconquest of Spain) based upon historical grounds, security reasons and on the basis of the UN principle of territorial integrity. Spain also maintains that the majority of residents are Spanish. Morocco claims these territories on the basis of the UN principles of decolonisation, territorial integrity and that Spanish arguments for the recovery of Gibraltar substantiate Morocco's claim.[84] Spain claims sovereignty over the Perejil Island, a small, uninhabited rocky islet located in the South shore of the Strait of Gibraltar. The island lies Script error: No such module "convert". just off the coast of Morocco, Script error: No such module "convert". from Ceuta and Script error: No such module "convert". from mainland Spain. Its sovereignty is disputed between Spain and Morocco. It was the subject of an armed incident between the two countries in 2002. The incident ended when both countries agreed to return to the status quo ante which existed prior to the Moroccan occupation of the island. The islet is now deserted and without any sign of sovereignty.
With Portugal
Olivenza (Spanish) or Olivença (Portuguese) is a town and seat of a municipality, on a disputed section of the border between Portugal and Spain, which is claimed de jure by both countries and administered de facto as part of the Spanish autonomous community of Extremadura. The population is 80% ethnic Portuguese and 30% of Portuguese language. Olivenza/Olivença was under continuous Portuguese sovereignty since 1297 until it was occupied by the Spanish in 1801 and formally ceded by Portugal later that year by the Treaty of Badajoz. Spain claims the de jure (legal) sovereignty over Olivenza/Olivença on the grounds that the Treaty of Badajoz still stands and has never been revoked. Thus, the border between the two countries in the region of Olivenza/Olivença should be as demarcated by that treaty. Portugal claims the de jure sovereignty over Olivenza/Olivença on the grounds that the Treaty of Badajoz was revoked by its own terms (the breach of any of its articles would lead to its cancellation) when Spain invaded Portugal in the Peninsular War of 1807.[85]
Portugal further bases its case on Article 105 of the Treaty of Vienna of 1815, which Spain signed in 1817, that states that the winning countries are to "endeavour with the mightiest conciliatory effort to return Olivenza/Olivença to Portuguese authority". Thus, the border between the two countries in the region of Olivenza/Olivença should be as demarcated by the Treaty of Alcanizes of 1297. Spain interprets Article 105 as not being mandatory on demanding Spain to return Olivenza/Olivença to Portugal, thus not revoking the Treaty of Badajoz. Portugal has never made a formal claim to the territory after the Treaty of Vienna, but has equally never directly acknowledged the Spanish sovereignty over Olivenza/Olivença. Portugal continues to claim Olivenza/Olivença, asserting that under the Vienna Treaty of 1815, Spain recognized the Portuguese claims as "legitimate".
Another dispute surrounds the Savage Islands, which Spain acknowledges to be part of Portugal. However, Spain claims that they are rocks rather than islands, and therefore Spain does not accept the Portuguese Exclusive Economic Zone (200 nautical miles) generated by the islands, while acknowledging the Selvagens as possessing territorial waters (12 nautical miles). On 5 July 2013, Spain sent a letter to the UN expressing these views.[86][87]
Diplomatic relations
List of countries which Spain maintains diplomatic relations with:
Bilateral relations
Africa
| Country | Date formal relations began | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| File:Flag of Algeria.svg Algeria | Template:Dts[136] | See Algeria–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Angola.svg Angola | Template:Dts[88] | See Angola–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Burkina Faso.svg Burkina Faso | Template:Dts[88] | See Burkina Faso–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Cameroon.svg Cameroon | Template:Dts[136] | See Cameroon–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Chad.svg Chad | Template:Dts[136] |
|
| File:Flag of Côte d'Ivoire.svg Ivory Coast | Template:Dts[136] | See Ivory Coast–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.svg Democratic Republic of the Congo | Template:Dts[136] | See Democratic Republic of the Congo–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Egypt.svg Egypt | Template:Dts[136] | See Egypt–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Equatorial Guinea.svg Equatorial Guinea | Template:Dts[136] | See Equatorial Guinea–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Ethiopia.svg Ethiopia | Template:Dts[88] | See Ethiopia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of The Gambia.svg Gambia | Template:Dts[136] |
|
| File:Flag of Gabon.svg Gabon | Template:Dts[136] | See Gabon–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Ghana.svg Ghana | Template:Dts[88] | See Ghana–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Guinea.svg Guinea | Template:Dts[88] | See Guinea–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Guinea-Bissau.svg Guinea-Bissau | Template:Dts[88] | See Guinea-Bissau–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Kenya.svg Kenya | Template:Dts[88] | See Kenya–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Liberia.svg Liberia | Template:Dts[136] | See Liberia–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Libya.svg Libya | Template:Dts[88] | See Libya–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Madagascar.svg Madagascar | Template:Dts[88] |
|
| File:Flag of Mali.svg Mali | Template:Dts[136] | See Mali–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Mauritania.svg Mauritania | Template:Dts[136] | See Mauritania–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Morocco.svg Morocco | Template:Dts[136] | See Morocco–Spain relations
Spain has several interests in Morocco. This is dictated by geographic proximity and long historical contacts, as well as by the two Spanish enclave cities of Ceuta and Melilla on the northern coast of Africa. While Spain's departure from its former colony of Western Sahara ended direct Spanish participation in Morocco, it maintains an interest in the peaceful resolution of the conflict brought about there by decolonization. These issues were highlighted by a crisis in 2002, when Spanish forces evicted a small contingent of Moroccans from a tiny islet off Morocco's coast following that nation's attempt to assert sovereignty over the Spanish island.
|
| File:Flag of Mozambique.svg Mozambique | Template:Dts[136] | See Mozambique–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Namibia.svg Namibia | Template:Dts[136] | See Namibia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Niger.svg Niger | Template:Dts[88] | See Niger–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Nigeria.svg Nigeria | Template:Dts[136] | See Nigeria–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic.svg Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic | No diplomatic relations | See Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Senegal.svg Senegal | Template:Dts[136] | See Senegal–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of South Africa.svg South Africa | Template:Dts[136] | See South Africa–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Sudan.svg Sudan | Template:Dts[88] | See Spain–Sudan relations
|
| File:Flag of Tanzania.svg Tanzania | Template:Dts[136] |
|
| File:Flag of Tunisia.svg Tunisia | Template:Dts[136] | See Spain–Tunisia relations
|
| File:Flag of Zambia.svg Zambia | Template:Dts[136] |
|
| File:Flag of Zimbabwe.svg Zimbabwe | Template:Dts[136] |
|
Americas
| Country | Date formal relations began | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| File:Flag of Antigua and Barbuda.svg Antigua and Barbuda | Template:Dts[136] |
|
| File:Flag of Argentina.svg Argentina | Template:Dts[88] | See Argentina–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of the Bahamas.svg Bahamas | Template:Dts[88] | See Bahamas–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Barbados.svg Barbados | Template:Dts[136] |
|
| File:Flag of Belize.svg Belize | Template:Dts[136] | See Belize–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Bolivia.svg Bolivia | Template:Dts[88] | See Bolivia–Spain relations
A diplomatic crisis with Bolivia in 2005 due to a misunderstanding was quickly resolved by Zapatero and Spain became the first European country visited by Evo Morales on January 4, 2006. However, there remain problems surrounding the exploitation of oil and gas fields in the country by Spanish corporations like Repsol. Bolivian President Evo Morales met King Juan Carlos and held talks with Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero during a visit to Spain in September 2009 with the intention of resolving issues concerning the nationalisation of the Bolivian energy sector. The move has the potential to hurt some Spanish companies however relations were said to be "positive" between the Bolivian state and Spanish private sector energy companies. Evo Morales said that Bolivia is ready to accept outside investment in its energy and natural resource industries as long as foreign firms do not act as owners and that Bolivia is "looking for investment, be it from private or state sector. We want partners, not owners of our natural resources." It was suggested that Bolivia would also negotiate with Spanish companies to produce car parts and lithium batteries in the future.[182] |
| File:Flag of Brazil.svg Brazil | See Brazil–Spain relations
| |
| File:Flag of Canada (Pantone).svg Canada | Template:Dts[187] | See Canada–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Chile.svg Chile | Template:Dts[192] | See Chile–Spain relations
Both nations are members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.
|
| File:Flag of Colombia.svg Colombia | Template:Dts[118] | See Colombia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Costa Rica.svg Costa Rica | Template:Dts[105] | See Costa Rica–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Cuba.svg Cuba | Template:Dts[88] | See Cuba–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of the Dominican Republic.svg Dominican Republic | Script error: No such module "Date table sorting".[107] | See Dominican Republic–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Ecuador.svg Ecuador | Template:Dts[101] | See Ecuador–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of El Salvador.svg El Salvador | Template:Dts[112] | See El Salvador–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Guatemala.svg Guatemala | Template:Dts[111] | See Guatemala–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Haiti.svg Haiti | Template:Dts[136] | See Haiti–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Honduras (2022-).svg Honduras | Template:Dts[88] | See Honduras–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Jamaica.svg Jamaica | Template:Dts[136] | See Jamaica–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Mexico.svg Mexico | Template:Dts[100] | See Mexico–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Nicaragua.svg Nicaragua | Template:Dts[106] | See Nicaragua–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Panama.svg Panama | Template:Dts[122] | See Panama–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Paraguay.svg Paraguay | Template:Dts[88] | See Paraguay–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Peru.svg Peru | Template:Dts[117] | See Peru–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Trinidad and Tobago.svg Trinidad and Tobago | Template:Dts[136] | See Spain–Trinidad and Tobago relations
|
| File:Flag of the United States.svg United States | Template:Dts[96] | See Spain–United States relations
Under the government of José María Aznar, Spain developed exceptionally good relations with the US, in great part due to the personal empathy between Aznar and George W. Bush. Following Zapatero's decision to withdraw Spanish troops from Iraq immediately after the 2004 general elections, relations predictably soured, although important commercial links remained intact. When elected, President Barack Obama expressed his wish to enhance cooperation between both countries, especially in policies like the Green Energy plan from Zapatero,[229] introducing the AVE (the Spanish High Speed Train) in United States [230] and aiding US by receiving in Spanish prisons Guantanamo Prison detainees [231]
|
| File:Flag of Uruguay.svg Uruguay | Script error: No such module "Date table sorting".[234] | See Spain–Uruguay relations
|
| File:Flag of Venezuela.svg Venezuela | Template:Dts[104] | See Spain–Venezuela relations
|
Asia
| Country | Date formal relations began | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| File:Flag of the Taliban.svg Afghanistan | Template:Dts[144] | See Afghanistan–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Armenia.svg Armenia | Template:Dts[88] | See Armenia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Azerbaijan.svg Azerbaijan | Template:Dts[88] | See Azerbaijan–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Bahrain.svg Bahrain | Template:Dts[149] | |
| File:Flag of Bangladesh.svg Bangladesh | Template:Dts[136] | See Bangladesh–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Bhutan.svg Bhutan | Template:Dts[172] | See Bhutan–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of the People's Republic of China.svg China | Template:Dts[151] | See China–Spain relations |
| Template:Country data Georgia | Template:Dts[88] | See Georgia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of India.svg India | Template:Dts[136] | See India–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Indonesia.svg Indonesia | Template:Dts[250] | See Indonesia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Iran.svg Iran | Template:Dts[102] | See Iran–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Iraq.svg Iraq | Template:Dts[136] | See Iraq–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Israel.svg Israel | Template:Dts[88] | See Israel–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Japan.svg Japan | Template:Dts[113] | See Japan–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Jordan.svg Jordan | Template:Dts[136] | See Jordan–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Kazakhstan.svg Kazakhstan | Template:Dts[88] | See Kazakhstan–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Kuwait.svg Kuwait | Template:Dts[136] | See Kuwait–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Kyrgyzstan.svg Kyrgyzstan | Template:Dts[167] |
|
| File:Flag of Lebanon.svg Lebanon | Template:Dts[136] | See Lebanon–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Malaysia.svg Malaysia | Template:Dts[88] | See Malaysia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Mongolia.svg Mongolia | Template:Dts[88] |
|
| File:Flag of North Korea.svg North Korea | Template:Dts[88] | See North Korea–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Pakistan.svg Pakistan | Template:Dts[136] | See Pakistan–Spain relations
Pakistan and Spain enjoy extremely cordial and friendly ties.[258] Relations were established in the late 1950s. Pakistanis form the largest Asian immigrant community in Spain. |
| File:Flag of the Philippines.svg Philippines | Template:Dts[137] | See Philippines–Spain relations
Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo concluded her second state visit in Spain in July 2006, bringing back millions of dollars of Spanish investments, particularly in Tourism and Information Technology. The Spanish king, Juan Carlos I, also reiterated in Mrs. Arroyo's visit, his support for her project in the Philippines to re-establish Spanish as an official language in the country. He and his wife, Queen Sofia attended the 1998 centennial celebrations in Manila, commemorating 100 years of independence from Spain. The mediation of King Juan Carlos I is said to have produced the pardon and liberation of two Filipina domestic workers sentenced to death in Kuwait and the UAE. |
| File:Flag of Qatar.svg Qatar | Template:Dts[88] | See Qatar–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Saudi Arabia.svg Saudi Arabia | Template:Dts[136] | See Saudi Arabia–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of South Korea.svg South Korea | Template:Dts[136] | See South Korea–Spain relations
The establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea and the Kingdom of Spain began on 7 March 1950.[261]
|
| File:Flag of the Republic of China.svg Taiwan | No diplomatic relations | See Spain–Taiwan relations
|
| File:Flag of Tajikistan.svg Tajikistan | Template:Dts[169] |
|
| File:Flag of Thailand.svg Thailand | Template:Dts[114] | See Spain–Thailand relations
|
| File:Flag of East Timor.svg Timor-Leste | Template:Dts[88] |
|
| File:Flag of Turkey.svg Turkey | Template:Dts[88] | See Spain–Turkey relations
|
| File:Flag of the United Arab Emirates.svg United Arab Emirates | Template:Dts[150] | See Spain–United Arab Emirates relations
|
| File:Flag of Uzbekistan.svg Uzbekistan | Template:Dts[88] | See Spain–Uzbekistan relations
|
| File:Flag of Vietnam.svg Vietnam | Template:Dts[88] | See Spain–Vietnam relations
|
| File:Flag of Yemen.svg Yemen | Template:Dts[136] | See Spain–Yemen relations |
Europe
| Country | Date formal relations began | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| File:Flag of Albania.svg Albania | Template:Dts[88] | See Albania–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Andorra.svg Andorra | Template:Dts[171] | See Andorra–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Austria.svg Austria | Template:Dts[136] | See Austria–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Belarus.svg Belarus | Template:Dts[88] | See Belarus–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Belgium (civil).svg Belgium | Template:Dts[130] | See Belgium–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Bosnia and Herzegovina.svg Bosnia and Herzegovina | Template:Dts[170] | See Bosnia and Herzegovina–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Bulgaria.svg Bulgaria | Template:Dts[124] | See also Bulgaria–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Croatia.svg Croatia | Template:Dts[88] | See Croatia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Cyprus.svg Cyprus | Template:Dts[136] | See Cyprus–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of the Czech Republic.svg Czech Republic | Template:Dts[128] | See Czech Republic–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Denmark.svg Denmark | Template:Dts[92] | See Denmark–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Estonia.svg Estonia | Template:Dts[88] | See Estonia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Finland.svg Finland | Template:Dts[127] | See Finland–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of France.svg France | Template:Dts[90] | See France–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Germany.svg Germany | Template:Dts[136] | See Germany–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Greece.svg Greece | Template:Dts[99] | See Greece–Spain relations
Both countries maintain enhanced cooperation on the serious problem of illegal migration, which they have in common. The need for effective confrontation of the illegal migration pressures on both states in the Mediterranean basin have led to close cooperation both bilaterally and within the framework of the European Union.
|
| File:Flag of Vatican City (2023–present).svg Holy See | Expression error: Unexpected < operator.[284] | See Holy See–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Hungary.svg Hungary | Template:Dts[286] | See Hungary–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Iceland.svg Iceland | Template:Dts[140] | See Iceland–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Ireland.svg Ireland | Template:Dts[290] | See Ireland–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Italy.svg Italy | See Italy–Spain relations
Both countries established diplomatic relations after the unification of Italy. Relations between Italy and Spain have remained strong and affable for centuries owing to various political, cultural, and historical connections between the two nations. In the Early modern period, southern and insular Italy came under Spanish control, having been previously a domain of the Crown of Aragon. This extended period of foreign domination left marked influences in the modern southern Italian dialects. During the Spanish Civil War, the Corps of Volunteer Troops, a fascist expeditionary force from Italy, supported the Nationalist forces led by Francisco Franco. It's estimated that around 75,000 Italians fought in the war.
| |
| File:Flag of Latvia.svg Latvia | Template:Dts[162] | See Latvia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Lithuania.svg Lithuania | Template:Dts[88] | See Lithuania–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Luxembourg.svg Luxembourg | Template:Dts[120] | See Luxembourg–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Malta.svg Malta | Template:Dts[147] | See Malta–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Moldova.svg Moldova | Template:Dts[88] | See Moldova–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Monaco.svg Monaco | Template:Dts[116] | See Monaco–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Montenegro.svg Montenegro | Template:Dts[88] | See Montenegro–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of the Netherlands.svg Netherlands | See Netherlands–Spain relations
| |
| Template:Country data North Macedonia | Template:Dts[88] | See North Macedonia–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Norway.svg Norway | Template:Dts[123] | See Norway–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Poland.svg Poland | Template:Dts[129] | See Poland–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Portugal.svg Portugal | Template:Dts[89] | See Portugal–Spain relations
Portugal's copy of the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) divided the New World between Portugal and Castile. During the 15th century, Portugal built increasingly large fleets of ships and began to explore the world beyond Europe, sending explorers to Africa and Asia. Castile followed suit decades later. Following the first Spanish voyage of Christopher Columbus to the Caribbean in 1492, both states began acquiring territory in the New World. As a result of the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, Portugal acquired its most potentially important colony, Brazil (much of the South American continent), as well as a number of possessions in Africa and Asia, while Castile took the rest of South America and much of the North American continent as well as a number of possessions in Africa, Oceanía and Asia as the important colony of the Philippines. This line of demarcation was about halfway between the Cape Verde Islands (already Portuguese) and the islands claimed for Castile by Columbus on his first voyage. Although the Treaty of Tordesillas attempted to clarify their empires, many subsequent treaties were needed to establish the modern boundaries of Brazil and the 1529 Treaty of Zaragoza was needed to demarcate their Asian possessions. Henry of Portugal, reigned until his death (31 January 1580). He lacked heirs and his death triggered a succession crisis, where the main claimants to the throne were Philip II of Spain and Anthony, Prior of Crato. After the Spanish victory in the War of Portuguese Succession Philip of Spain was crowned king of Portugal in 1581, beginning a personal union between the two nations known as the Iberian Union generating a decline of the Portuguese Empire during the period of Union. The Iberian Union lasted for almost sixty years until 1640, when the Portuguese Restoration War was initiated against Spain and Portugal reestablished the Portuguese dynasty under the Bragança. Relations between Portugal and Spain are also good. They cooperate in the fight against drug trafficking and tackling forest fires (common in the Iberian Peninsula in summers), for example. These close relations are facilitated by similar governments: the government of conservative Spanish PM José María Aznar coincided with the government of also conservative José Manuel Durão Barroso in Portugal; today, both José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero of Spain and José Sócrates of Portugal are socialists. Portugal also holds claim to the disputed territory of Olivença in the Portuguese-Spanish border.
|
| File:Flag of Romania.svg Romania | Template:Dts[119] | See Romania–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Russia.svg Russia | Template:Dts[97] | See Russia–Spain relations
Spain and the Grand Duchy of Moscow first exchanged envoys in the 1520s; regular embassies were established in 1722. Soviet-Spanish relations, once terminated after the Spanish Civil War, were gradually reestablished since 1963 and fully established in 1977. Trade between two countries amounts to two billion Euros (2008); in March 2009 two countries signed an energy agreement providing national energy companies access to other party's domestic markets.
|
| File:Flag of Serbia.svg Serbia | Template:Dts[125][126] | See Serbia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Slovakia.svg Slovakia | Template:Dts[88] | See Slovakia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Slovenia.svg Slovenia | Template:Dts[166] | See Slovenia–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Sweden.svg Sweden | Template:Dts[308] | See Spain–Sweden relations
|
| File:Flag of Switzerland (Pantone).svg Switzerland | Template:Dts[136] | See Spain–Switzerland relations
|
| File:Flag of Ukraine.svg Ukraine | Template:Dts[165] | See Spain–Ukraine relations
|
| File:Flag of the United Kingdom.svg United Kingdom | 1505 | See Spain–United Kingdom relations
Spain established diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom in 1505.[91]Script error: No such module "Unsubst".
Both countries share common membership of the Council of Europe, the European Court of Human Rights, the International Criminal Court, NATO, the OECD, the OSCE, and the World Trade Organization. Bilaterally the two countries have a Double Taxation Convention.[313] |
Oceania
| Country | Date formal relations began | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| File:Flag of Australia (converted).svg Australia | Template:Dts[88] | See Australia–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of the Federated States of Micronesia.svg Federated States of Micronesia | Template:Dts[88] |
The FS of Micronesia were once part of the Spanish East Indies.
|
| File:Flag of Fiji.svg Fiji | Template:Dts[154] |
|
| File:Flag of Kiribati.svg Kiribati | Template:Dts[163] | |
| File:Flag of the Marshall Islands.svg Marshall Islands | Template:Dts[163] | See Marshall Islands–Spain relations
The Marshall Islands were once part of the Spanish East Indies.
|
| File:Flag of New Zealand.svg New Zealand | Template:Dts[88] | See New Zealand–Spain relations
|
| File:Flag of Palau.svg Palau | Template:Dts[88] | See Palau–Spain relations
Palau was once part of the Spanish East Indies.
|
| File:Flag of Papua New Guinea.svg Papua New Guinea | Template:Dts[88] |
|
| File:Flag of Samoa.svg Samoa | Template:Dts[159] |
|
| File:Flag of the Solomon Islands.svg Solomon Islands | Template:Dts[88] | See Solomon Islands–Spain relations |
| File:Flag of Tonga.svg Tonga | Template:Dts[88] |
|
See also
- History of Spain
- Peninsular War (1807–1814), Napoleon versus Great Britain
- Spanish American wars of independence
- History of Spain (1808–1874)
- Spain during World War I
- Accession Treaty of Spain to the European Economic Community
- France–Spain relations
- Spain–United States relations
- List of diplomatic missions in Spain
- List of diplomatic missions of Spain
- Spanish Institute for Foreign Trade
References
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- ↑ https://repositorio.unican.es/xmlui/handle/10902/37597
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- ↑ Patrick Williams, The Great Favourite: the Duke of Lerma and the court and government of Philip III of Spain, 1598–1621 (Manchester UP, 2006).
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- ↑ Paul C. Allen, Philip III and the Pax Hispanica: The Failure of Grand Strategy (Yale UP: 2000)
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- ↑ René Chartrand, Gibraltar 1779–83: The great siege (Osprey, 2006).
- ↑ Chávez, Spain and the Independence of the United States (U. New Mexico Press, 2002) pp 198–212.
- ↑ Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence (1965).
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- ↑ Política exterior española, un balance de futuro. José María Beneyto, 2011, p 425, ch 11 by Florentino Rodao
- ↑ Ramón Pacheco Pardo, "Spain and Asia: harnessing trade, soft power and the EU in the Asia-Pacific Century." (ARI #61, 2017) online.
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- ↑ a b Hillgarth, J.N. The Mirror of Spain, 1500–1700: The Formation of a Myth, University of Michigan Press, 2000, page 11
- ↑ a b Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
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- ↑ J. & P. Lefèvre, Inventaire des Archives de l'Ambassade d'Espagne à la Haye (1932; reprinted Brussels, 1991), p. 80.
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- ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
- ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
- ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
- ↑ Embassy of Spain in Havana (in Spanish) Template:Webarchive
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- ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
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- ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
- ↑ Embassy of Honduras in Spain
- ↑ Consulates of Honduras in Spain
- ↑ Honduras amplía su red consular con nuevas sedes en Bilbao y Shanghái (in Spanish)
- ↑ Embassy of Spain in Honduras
- ↑ Script error: No such module "citation/CS1".
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- ↑ Dire economy promotes mass North Korean embassy closures
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- ↑ of Spain in Budapest (in English and Spanish)Script error: No such module "Unsubst".
- ↑ Embassy of Iceland in Madrid
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- ↑ Malta in Spain
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- ↑ Embassy of Serbia in Madrid (in Serbian and Spanish) Template:Webarchive
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- ↑ Australia in Spain
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Script error: No such module "Check for unknown parameters".
Further reading
- Aznar, José María. Eight Years as Prime Minister: A Personal Vision of Spain 1996–2004 (Barcelona: Planeta, 2005).
- Basora, Adrian A. "US-Spain relations from the perspective of 2009." CIDOB International yearbook (2009): 90–95. online
- Chari, Raj S., and Paul M. Heywood. "Institutions, European Integration, and the Policy Process in Contemporary Spain." in Democracy and Institutional Development (Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2008) pp. 178–202.
- Closa, Carlos, and Paul M. Heywood, eds. Spain and the European Union (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).
- Esteban, Mario. "Spain's Relations with China: Friends but not Partners." Chinese Political Science Review 1.2 (2016): 373–386 online.
- Garcia Cantalapiedra, David, and Ramon Pacheco Pardo, Contemporary Spanish Foreign Policy (Routledge, 2014). text
- Script error: No such module "Citation/CS1".
- Gold, Peter. "Sovereignty negotiations and Gibraltar's military facilities: How two "red-line" issues became three". Diplomacy and Statecraft 15.2 (2004): 375-384. Covers 2001 to 2003.
- Heywood, Paul M. "Desperately seeking influence: Spain and the war in Iraq." European Political science 3.1 (2003): 35–40.
- Script error: No such module "Citation/CS1".
- Woodworth, Paddy. "Spain Changes Course: Aznar's Legacy, Zapatero's Prospects." World Policy Journal (Summer 2004): 8–26.
Historical
- Black, Jeremy. The Rise of the European Powers, 1679–1793 (1990) excerpt and text search, 220pp
- Byrnes, Mark. "Unfinished business: The United States and Franco's Spain, 1944–47." Diplomacy and Statecraft 11.1 (2000): 129–162.
- Carrió-Invernizzi, Diana. "A new diplomatic history and the networks of Spanish diplomacy in the Baroque Era." International History Review 36.4 (2014): 603–618.
- Cortada, James W. Spain in the Nineteenth-Century World: Essays on Spanish Diplomacy, 1789–1898 (1994)
- Cortada, James W. Spain in the Twentieth-Century World: Essays on Spanish Diplomacy, 1898–1978 (1980)
- Cortada, James W. Two Nations Over Time : Spain and the United States, 1776–1977 (1977) online
- Cortada, James W. A Bibliographic Guide to Spanish Diplomatic History, 1460–1977 (Greenwood Press, 1977) 390 pages
- Dadson, Trevor J. Britain, Spain and the Treaty of Utrecht 1713–2013 (2014).
- del Campo, Luis Martínez. Cultural Diplomacy: A Hundred Years of the British-Spanish Society (2016).
- Edwards, Jill. The British Government and the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939 (2014).
- Elliott, J. H. Imperial Spain: 1469–1716 (2002) excerpt and text search
- Elliott, J. H. Spain, Europe and the Wider World 1500–1800 (2009) excerpt and text search
- Finucane, Adrian. The Temptations of Trade: Britain, Spain, and the Struggle for Empire (2016).
- Gipson, Lawrence Henry. "British diplomacy in the light of Anglo-Spanish New World issues, 1750–1757." American Historical Review 51.4 (1946): 627–648. online
- Gold, Peter. Gibraltar: British or Spanish? (2005).
- Hayes, Paul. Modern British Foreign Policy: The Nineteenth Century 1814–80 (1975) pp. 133–54.
- Kamen, Henry. Empire: How Spain Became a World Power, 1492–1763 (2004).
- Kamen, Henry. "Vicissitudes of a world power 1500–1900" in Raymond Carr, ed, Spain: A History (2000) pp. 152–72.
- Kern, Robert W. and Meredith D. Dodge, eds. Historical dictionary of modern Spain, 1700–1988 (1990)
- Langer, William. An Encyclopedia of World History (5th ed. 1973), very detailed outline
- Liedtke, Boris N. Embracing a dictatorship: US Relations with Spain, 1945–53 (Macmillan, 1998).
- Lovett, Gabriel H. Napoleon and the Birth of Modern Spain (1965) online
- Lozano, Cristina Bravo. Spain and the Irish Mission, 1609–1707 (Routledge, 2018).
- Mckay, Derek and H.M. Scott. The Rise of the Great Powers 1648–1815 (1983) online
- Merriman, R. B. The Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and in the New (4 vols, 1918) online free vol 1-2-4
- Mowat, R. B. A History of European Diplomacy, 1451–1789 (1928), basic introduction online
- New Cambridge Modern History vol III. The Counter-Reformation and price revolution, 1559–1610 (1968) ed by R. B. Wernham; ch 6, 9, 17
- New Cambridge Modern History vol IV. The Decline of Spain and the Thirty Years War 1609–48/59 (1970) ed, by J. P. Cooper, ch 9, 15,23
- Parker, Geoffrey. Philip II (4th ed. 2002) excerpt and text search
- Parker, Geoffrey. Emperor: A New Life of Charles V (2019) excerpt
- Parker, Geoffrey. The Grand Strategy of Philip II (2000) online
- Payne, Stanley G. The Franco Regime, 1936–1975 (1987) online
- Payne, Stanley G. A History of Spain and Portugal (2 vol 1973) vol 1 to 1699 online
- Petrie, Charles. Earlier Diplomatic History 1492–1713 (1949) of Europe
- Sanz, Porfirio. "England and Spanish foreign policy during the 1640s." European History Quarterly 28.3 (1998): 291–310.
- Slape, Emily, ed. The Spanish Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia (2 vol ABC-CLIO, 2016).
- Whealey, Robert H. Hitler and Spain: The Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939 (University Press of Kentucky, 2004).
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