Law and Justice

File:Law and Justice 2001-05 logo.png

Old logo of the party, used between 2001 and 2005.

Law and JusticeTemplate:Efn (Template:Langx , PiS) is a right-wing populist and national-conservative political party in Poland. The party is a member of European Conservatives and Reformists Group. Its chairman has been Jarosław Kaczyński since 18 January 2003.

It was founded in 2001 by Jarosław and Lech Kaczyński as a direct successor of the Centre Agreement after it split from the Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS). It won the 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections, after which Lech became the president of Poland. It headed a parliamentary coalition with the League of Polish Families and Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland between 2005 and the 2007 election. It placed second and they remained in the parliamentary opposition until 2015. It regained the presidency in the 2015 election, and later won a majority of seats in the parliamentary election. They retained the positions following the 2019 and 2020 election, but lost their majority following the 2023 Polish parliamentary election.

During its foundation, it sought to position itself as a centrist Christian democratic party, although shortly after, it adopted more culturally and socially conservative views and began their shift to the right. Under Kaczyński's national-conservative and law and order agenda, PiS embraced economic interventionism. It has also pursued close relations with the Catholic Church, although in 2011, the Catholic-nationalist faction split off to form United Poland. During the 2010s, it also adopted right-wing populist positions. After regaining power, PiS gained popularity with more populist and social policies. The party is sometimes labelled as "left-paternalistic".

It is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists, and on national-level, it heads the United Right coalition. It currently holds 190 seats in the Sejm and 34 in the Senate.

It has attracted widespread international criticism and domestic protest movements for allegedly dismantling liberal-democratic checks and balances.Template:Synthesis inline

History

Formation

The party was created on a wave of popularity gained by Lech Kaczyński while heading the Polish Ministry of Justice (June 2000 to July 2001) in the AWS-led government, although local committees began appearing from 22 March 2001. The AWS itself was created from a diverse array of many small political parties. In the 2001 general election, PiS gained 44 (of 460) seats in the lower chamber of the Polish Parliament (Sejm) with 9.5% of votes. In 2002, Lech Kaczyński was elected mayor of Warsaw. He handed the party leadership to his twin brother Jarosław in 2003.

In coalition government: 2005–2007

File:4041 Zwycięstwa Street 26 C Białystok.jpg

Former regional office of PiS in Zwycięstwa Street in Antoniuk District of Białystok, May 2019

In the 2005 general election, PiS took first place with 27.0% of votes, which gave it 155 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 49 out of 100 seats in the Senate. It was almost universally expected that the two largest parties, PiS and Civic Platform (PO), would form a coalition government. The putative coalition parties had a falling out, however, related to a fierce contest for the Polish presidency. In the end, Lech Kaczyński won the second round of the presidential election on 23 October 2005 with 54.0% of the vote, ahead of Donald Tusk, the PO candidate.

After the 2005 elections, Jarosław should have become prime minister. However, in order to improve his brother's chances of winning the presidential election (the first round of which was scheduled two weeks after the parliamentary election), PiS formed a minority government headed by Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz as prime minister, an arrangement that eventually turned out to be unworkable. In July 2006, PiS formed a right-wing coalition government with the agrarian populist Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland and the nationalist League of Polish Families, headed by Jarosław Kaczyński. Association with these parties, on the margins of Polish politics, severely affected the reputation of PiS. When accusations of corruption and sexual harassment against Andrzej Lepper, the leader of Self-Defence, surfaced, PiS chose to end the coalition and called for new elections.

In opposition: 2007–2015

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Jarosław Kaczyński and Andrzej Duda, 18 April 2013

In the 2007 general election, PiS managed to secure 32.1% of votes. Although an improvement over its showing from 2005, the results were nevertheless a defeat for the party, as Civic Platform (PO) gathered 41.5%. The party won 166 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 39 seats in Poland's Senate.

On 10 April 2010, its former leader Lech Kaczyński died in the 2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash. Jarosław Kaczyński became the sole leader of the party. He was the presidential candidate in the 2010 elections. In the 2010 election, Jarosław gathered 46.99% of the vote, losing to Civic Platform candidate Bronislaw Komorowski, who won with 53.01%.

In majority government: 2015–2023

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A Committee for the Defence of Democracy demonstration in Warsaw against the ruling Law and Justice party, on 7 May 2016

The party won the 2015 parliamentary election, this time with an outright majority—something no Polish party had done since the fall of communism. In the normal course of events, this should have made Jarosław Kaczyński prime minister for a second time. However, Beata Szydło, perceived as being somewhat more moderate than Kaczyński, had been tapped as PiS's candidate for prime minister.

The party supported controversial reforms carried out by the Hungarian Fidesz party, with Jarosław Kaczyński declaring in 2011 that "a day will come when we have a Budapest in Warsaw". PiS's 2015 victory prompted creation of a cross-party opposition movement, the Committee for the Defence of Democracy (KOD). Law and Justice has Proposed 2017 judicial reforms, which according to the party were meant to improve efficiency of the justice system, sparked protest as they were seen as undermining judicial independence.Template:Refn While these reforms were initially unexpectedly vetoed by President Duda, he later signed them into law. In 2017, the European Union began an Article 7 infringement procedure against Poland due to a "clear risk of a serious breach" in the rule of law and fundamental values of the European Union.

The party has caused what constitutional law scholar Wojciech Sadurski termed a "constitutional breakdown" by packing the Constitutional Court with its supporters, undermining parliamentary procedure, and reducing the president's and prime minister's offices in favour of power being wielded extra-constitutionally by party leader Jarosław Kaczyński. After eliminating constitutional checks, the government then moved to curtail the activities of NGOs and independent media, restrict freedom of speech and assembly, and reduce the qualifications required for civil service jobs in order to fill these positions with party loyalists. The media law was changed to give the governing party control of the state media, which was turned into a partisan outlet, with dissenting journalists fired from their jobs. Due to these political changes, Poland has been termed an "illiberal democracy", "plebiscitarian authoritarianism",Template:Sfn or "velvet dictatorship with a façade of democracy".

The party won reelection in the 2019 parliamentary election. With 44% of the popular vote, Law and Justice received the highest vote share by any party since Poland returned to democracy in 1989, but lost its majority in the Senate.

In opposition: 2023–present

The United Right alliance placed first for the third straight election and won a plurality of seats but fell short of a Sejm majority. The opposition, consisting of the Civic Coalition, Third Way, and The Left, achieved a combined total vote of 54%, managing to form a majority coalition government. Although PiS would be unable to govern on its own, the Polish president Andrzej Duda stated his intention to re-appoint the incumbent Mateusz Morawiecki as prime minister due to the existing albeit unofficial convention of nominating a member of the winning party. The four opposition parties criticized Duda's decision as a delay tactic. The opposition parties subsequently signed a coalition agreement on 10 November, de facto taking over control of the Sejm, and agreed to nominate former prime minister and European Council President Donald Tusk as their candidate. Morawiecki's new cabinet, dubbed "two-week government" and "zombie government" by the media due to its anticipated short-livedness, was sworn in on 27 November 2023. As expected, the Morawiecki's government was defeated in the Sejm on 11 December 2023, effectively ending its tenure.

The Law and Justice candidate for the 2025 Polish presidential election, Karol Nawrocki, won the election. The results mean that Law and Justice and its aligned presidential candidates have lost only one presidential election— in 2010 — since the party’s founding 24 years ago.

2024 party subsidy issue

Template:Multiple image On 14 March 2024, the President appointed a new composition of the National Electoral Commission (PKW), selected by the Sejm in December 2023. While Template:Ill remained the chairman of the PKW, a position he held since 11 February 2020 and Template:Ill as his deputy, seven other members were recommended by different parties in parliament: KO recommended Template:Ill and Template:Ill, PiS recommended Template:Ill and Template:Ill, PSL recommended Template:Ill, PL2050 recommended Template:Ill, and Lewica recommended Ryszard Kalisz.

On 29 August, the PKW ruled 5:3 to penalize PiS by refusing to return 10.8 million PLN for 36 million designated to it via party subsidy, alleging the party misused 3.6 million PLN of their provided campaign funds in the 2023 parliamentary election. Despite PiS appealing the decision to the Supreme Court, the Supreme Court issued no verdict within the 60-day deadline. The party appealed to its members and supporters for financial aid in donations. The PKW tied in a vote on 23 September regarding whether the committee recognizes the Supreme Court as valid considering the ongoing constitutional crisis. Further penalizations by the PKW on 18 November occurred thereafter, with the Commission ruling 5:4 to deprive PiS of its entire 75 million PLN subsidy for the three next years. PiS likewise appealed this decision to the Supreme Court, which the Supreme Court ruled invalid on 11 December, obligating the PKW to return PiS its subsidy. The Commission voted 5:4 to adjourn the meeting on 16 December without recognizing the Supreme Court or its ruling. On 30 December, a re-vote was held on the matter of whether it recognizes the Supreme Court, ruling 4:3 in favor of recognizing its verdict on this matter, and accepting the Supreme Court's decision to return the funds to PiS. Subsequently, the matter was relayed to the Ministry of Finance, in charge of granting subsidies.

In reaction to the ruling, several politicians commented. Prime Minister Donald Tusk stated on X that he does not recognize the PKW positively ruling on granting PiS its subsidy. Marshal of the Sejm Szymon Hołownia stated the need for a compromise that lets Poles decide on a President without the validity of the president-elect's mandate being disputed by different parties. On 8 January 2025 Minister of Finance Andrzej Domański refused to recognize the PKW's ruling affirming PiS is to be granted its subsidy, stating the verdict was written in a "self-contradictory" way. Sylwester Marciniak, the PKW chairman, responded by stating the verdict was written clearly and demanding the Ministry grant PiS its allotted funds. Prime Minister Tusk expressed doubt over the legal validity of the PKW verdict, defending his Minister. A poll suggests 47.1% of Poles (98% of PiS voters, 71% of TD voters, 53% of Lewica voters) support PiS receiving the funds, and 46.9% (85% of PO voters, 80% of Konfederacja voters) are against.

PartyTemplate:Efn		PKW member	Ruling
			29 August	23 September	18 November	16 December	30 December
	Independent	Sylwester Marciniak	Abstained	For	Unknown	Against	For
	Independent	Wojciech Sych	Against	Unknown		Against	For
	KO	Konrad Składkowski	For			For	Abstained
	KO	Ryszard Balicki	For			For	Abstained
	PiS	Mirosław Suski	Against			Against	For
	PiS	Arkadiusz Pikulik	Against			Against	For
	PSL	Maciej Kliś	For			For	Against
	PL2050	Paweł Gieras	For			For	Against
	Left	Ryszard Kalisz	For			For	Against
Total			5:3	4:4	5:4	5:4	4:3

Breakaways

In January 2010, a breakaway faction led by Jerzy Polaczek split from the party to form Poland Plus. Its seven members of the Sejm came from the centrist, economically liberal wing of the party. On 24 September 2010, the group was disbanded, with most of its Sejm members, including Polaczek, returning to Law and Justice.

On 16 November 2010, MPs Joanna Kluzik-Rostkowska, Elżbieta Jakubiak and Paweł Poncyljusz, and MEPs Adam Bielan and Michał Kamiński formed a new political group, Poland Comes First (Polska jest Najważniejsza). Kamiński claimed that the Law and Justice party had been taken over by far-right extremists. The breakaway party formed following dissatisfaction with the direction and leadership of Kaczyński.

On 4 November 2011, MEPs Zbigniew Ziobro, Jacek Kurski, and Tadeusz Cymański were ejected from the party, after Ziobro urged the party to split further into two separate parties – centrist and nationalist – with the three representing the nationalist faction. Ziobro's supporters, most of whom on the right-wing of the party, formed a new group in Parliament called Solidary Poland, leading to their expulsion, too. United Poland was formed as a formally separate party in March 2012, but has not threatened Law and Justice in opinion polls.

United Poland which would later become Sovereign Poland merged with Law and Justice on 12 October 2024 during PiS congress in Przysucha.

Base of support

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Law and Justice's main support (dark blue). PiS has seen decreased support in the 2023 Polish parliamentary election.

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Law and Justice's main support (dark blue) is concentrated in the south-east of the country (former Russian Partition and Austrian Partition). Results of the 2015 Polish parliamentary election.

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Law and Justice's main support (dark blue). PiS has seen increased support in the 2019 Polish parliamentary election.

Like Civic Platform, but unlike the fringe parties to the right, Law and Justice originated from the anti-communist Solidarity trade union (which is a major cleavage in Polish politics), which was not a theocratic organisation. Solidarity's leadership wanted to back Law and Justice in 2005, but was held back by the union's last experience of party politics, in backing Solidarity Electoral Action.

Today, the party enjoys great support among working class constituencies and union members. Groups that vote for the party include miners, farmers, shopkeepers, unskilled workers, the unemployed, and pensioners. With its left-wing approach toward economics, the party attracts voters who feel that economic liberalisation and European integration have left them behind. The party's core support derives from older, religious people who value conservatism and patriotism. PiS voters are usually located in rural areas and small towns. The strongest region of support is the southeastern part of the country. Voters without a university degree tend to prefer the party more than college-educated voters do.

Regionally, it has more support in regions of Poland that were historically part of western Galicia-Lodomeria and Congress Poland. Since 2015, the borders of support are not as clear as before and party enjoys support in western parts of country, especially these deprived ones. Large cities in all regions are more likely to vote for a more liberal party like PO or .N. Still, PiS receives good support from poor and working class areas in large cities.

Based on this voter profile, Law and Justice forms the core of the conservative post-Solidarity bloc, along with the League of Polish Families and Solidarity Electoral Action, as opposed to liberal conservative post-Solidarity bloc of Civic Platform. The most prominent feature of PiS voters was their emphasis on decommunisation.

Template:Ill distinguishes three main voters groups that form the base of Law and Justice's support. The first group are conservative Catholics, which support efforts to empower the Church and embrace anti-progressive, conservative social norms. The second group are secular intellectuals which are committed to "Polishness" and an enhanced international position of Poland - they support PiS to push back against the influence of the European Union, which they regard as a tool for Western domination. The third group are the working-class and poor voters that support PiS because of its economic policies which address the economic insecurity and wealth inequality of Poland. The workers that are particularly supportive of PiS are industrial workers and unionized labor, "where classic labor traditions are strongest." These workers also tend to be culturally conservative, which further aligns them with PiS.

The trade union Solidarity has emerged as a staunch ally of Law and Justice in 2015, when the party's presidential candidate Andrzej Duda signed a pledge to implement the economic reforms proposed by Solidarity. Ost wrote: "In its first two years in power, as already noted, PiS essentially delivered on each of the promises.The reduction of the retirement age, the increases in the minimum and hourly wage, the fight against “junk contracts,” the commitment to do battle with the EU in order to subsidize national industrial champions, the greater respect accorded to unions: All of this has made full-time manufacturing employees PiS’s most loyal working-class constituency." Ost also notes that given the decline of trade unions in Poland, the PiS' vote potential lies in marginalized labor:

The big change in the last few years has been the entry of more marginal and precarious labor into the political fray, increasingly on the side of the extremist far right. These are the workers from small towns and cities, or from the fringes of the large cities: places where liberal prosperity never really reached. Unions here are virtually non-existent. Workers have few prospects for stable employment, [...] struggling to find some security. To this group PiS has appealed via nationalism. Instead of giving up home and family to be treated as second-class citizens in Manchester or Dublin, PiS promises, together we can build a strong Poland where you can stay home and thrive. For this group, nationalism is not just identity with a swagger, but a concrete economic appeal: We will build industry at home, we will renovate the places liberalism bypassed, and we will not allow Poles to be treated as neocolonial subjects. By regularly charging that previous governments turned Poland into a subordinate colony doing the hard labor for Western exploiters, PiS often sounds like old-school Latin American dependency theorists.

Ideology

Template:Conservatism in Poland The ideological roots of Law and Justice go back to the late 1980s to a Christian-democratic and nationalist wing of the Solidarity movement. The party derives from a dissident faction of Solidarity which felt alienated from the economically liberal policies of the post-communist Polish establishment. This faction was centered around Jarosław Kaczyński as well as President Lech Wałęsa, and was powerful, albeit briefly, in the early 1990s when the capitalist transition was in its early stages. However, it suddenly lost all influence when Kaczyński's party, Centre Agreement, failed to reach the newly-established 5% electoral threshold in the 1993 Polish parliamentary election. This led the political movement that would later form PiS to spend the rest of the 1990s with only marginal political influence. It slowly started to re-establish itself in the late 1990s, as this period marked the strongest and most persistent wave of public dissatisfaction with economic liberalism and corruption.

For the first years after its foundation, Law and Justice was characterized as a moderate, single-issue party narrowly focused on the issue of 'law and order', appealing to voters concerned about corruption and high crime rates. In its 2002 assessment of Poland, the Immigration and Nationality Directorate led by the UK government described Law and Justice as "basically a law and order party". In 2003, German political scientist Nikolaus Werz classified Law and Justice as a centrist, law-and-order party that "advocates a strong state, the fight against corruption and the tightening of criminal law". Werz contrasted the moderation of PiS with the radicalism of League of Polish Families, which he described as a nationalist and 'Catholic-fundamentalist' party.

The party then started radicalizing and broadening its program following its victory in the 2005 Polish parliamentary election. In 2006, Chicago Tribune wrote that "President Kaczynski's Law and Justice Party ran on a populist reform platform but veered sharply to the right after its victory". The same year, Polish journalist Template:Ill wrote: "When they started out, the Kaczynski brothers were fairly mainstream … but now they've gotten into bed with the League of Polish Families and Samoobrona. They are moving to the right, and it's a pretty intolerant right." The party had undergone a radical ideological change, abandoning its centrist position towards an increasingly populist and nationalist political orientation. This change was also marked by a pivot on the party's position towards the European Union - initially strongly supportive of European integration, PiS became an Eurosceptic party that criticized the EU from nationalist, protectionist, and anti-neoliberal perspectives.

According to Polish political scientists Krzysztof Kowalczyk and Jerzy Sielski, Law and Justice had moved from a single-issue party in 2001 to a staunchly and broadly conservative one by 2006. They noted that by 2006 the party started calling for a "conservative revolution" that would restore traditional values to Poland, and gradually adopted right-wing populist rhetoric characterized by a "somewhat leftist" economical policy to undercut the appeal of far-right anti-capitalist League of Polish Families (LPR), agrarian socialist Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland (Samoobrona) and the agrarian Polish People's Party (PSL). The populist pivot of PiS is credited with causing the electoral blowout of Samoobrona and LPR in the 2007 Polish parliamentary election.

Initially, the party was broadly pro-market, although less so than the Civic Platform. It has adopted the social market economy rhetoric similar to that of western European Christian democratic parties. In the 2005 election, the party shifted to the protectionist left on economics. As prime minister, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz was more economically liberal than the Kaczyńskis, advocating a position closer to Civic Platform. In 2005, Law and Justice made Civic Platform its main ideological opponent despite their previous closeness - Law and Justice posed a difference between Civic Platform's "liberal Poland" and its "social Poland". The former was marked by economic liberalism, austerity, deregulation and "serving the rich". In contrast, Law and Justice stressed its "social" character, pledging policies that would help the poor. The party attacked Civic Platform's flat tax proposal and advocated a much more active role of the state in the economy. Law and Justice also made "an offer to the left", stressing its economically left-wing policies. This pivot led the leader of far-left Samoobrona, Andrzej Lepper, to endorse Lech Kaczyński in the 2005 Polish presidential election, arguing that left-wing voters must vote against the neoliberalism of Civic Platform; Lepper also justified his decision on the basis of Kaczyński's declarations in support of funding social welfare, fighting unemployment and taking a tougher stance towards the European Union.

On foreign policy, PiS is Atlanticist and less supportive of European integration than Civic Platform. The party is soft eurosceptic and opposes a federal Europe, especially the Euro currency. In its campaigns, it emphasises that the European Union should "benefit Poland and not the other way around". It is a member of the anti-federalist European Conservatives and Reformists Party, having previously been a part of the Alliance for Europe of the Nations and, before that, the European People's Party. Although it has some elements of Christian democracy, it is not a Christian democratic party. The party is commonly placed on the right wing of the political spectrum, although its economic ideology is also classified as left-wing, or left-leaning. It combines conservative, egalitarian and populist elements in its ideology.

Platform

Economy

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Beata Szydło during the National Independence Day

The party supports a state-guaranteed minimum social safety net and extensive state intervention in the economy, and argues that a "more socially sensitive and less market-dominated" economic system is necessary. It advocates progressive taxation that would redistribute the wealth from the wealthy to the poor, and it supports a large-scale social housing program. The party promised and implemented tax and welfare benefits to married couples and family. It also adheres to the principles of economic nationalism, postulating state control over key sectors of the economy. It seeks to increase healthcare spending to 6% of the Polish GDP, and nationalize hospital debts. During the 2015 election campaign, it proposed tax rebates related to the number of children in a family, as well as a reduction of the VAT rate (while keeping a variation between individual types of VAT rates). In 2019, the lowest personal income tax threshold was decreased from 18% to 17%.

In 2019, the party introduced a bill proposing a financial benefit in the form of a 13th pension, intended for retirees and pensioners receiving the minimum old-age pension on 1 May 2019. And subsequently on an annual basis starting in 2020. A 14th pension was introduced on 21 January 2021 and is now paid out with 13th pension.

PiS opposes cutting social welfare spending, and also proposed the introduction of a system of state-guaranteed housing loans. The party also opposes foreign ownership of crucial industries and businesses, and proposed buying back the largest convenience store chain in Poland, Żabka, from its foreign owners. It also supports state provided universal health care. PiS has been also described as statist, protectionist, solidarist, and interventionist. It also holds agrarianist views. Given the redistributive and protectionist agenda of the party as well as its focus on welfare and nationalization, some political scientists classify Law and Justice as economically left-wing. Stephen Park Turner likewise classified it as having "economically leftist policies on trade and welfare." It has also been described as economically left-leaning by the Centre for European Reform, Reuters, and The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics. Political economist Cédric M. Koch wrote that PiS combines "political communitarianism with neo-socialist economic views".

Writing on the economic policies of Law and Justice and their character, American political scientist Template:Ill wrote:

So, since winning power for the second time in 2015, PiS has taken real efforts to tame economic liberalism. It reversed the previous government’s hiking of the retirement age, offered new drug benefits for the elderly, and has initiated a broad program for the construction of new affordable housing. It has limited employer use of insecure short-term “junk contracts,” and raised the guaranteed hourly minimum to 13 złotys (nearly $4), a significant increase upon prevailing informal standards. Its hallmark social policy has been a new child-benefit program, with a monthly payment of 500 złotys (about $140) to parents of each second and additional child under eighteen, paid for, in part, by a new surcharge tax imposed on foreign-owned banks and insurance companies. For the many hundreds of thousands of working parents earning only 2,000–2,500 złotys a month, this meant a sudden untaxed pay raise of twenty or even forty percent. Within a year, children living in extreme poverty declined by a third. Single mothers found themselves able to quit overly exploitative jobs and seek other options. [...] With such rhetoric and policies, PiS is embracing a project that really deserves the name it is impossible to apply: national socialism.

The economic views and policies of Law and Justice derive from the Polish political party Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland (Samoobrona) led by Andrzej Lepper. Law and Justice appropriated the economic rhetoric and views of Samoobrona following its complete collapse in the 2007 Polish parliamentary election. Samoobrona is an economically far-left party, much further left than parties of post-communist origin such as the social-democratic Democratic Left Alliance. After Samoobrona and the far-right anti-capitalist League of Polish Families (LPR) formed a coalition with PiS in 2006 in order to prevent the neoliberal Civic Platform from coming to power, Law and Justice managed to claim the voters of both parties by "taking up economically inclusionary discourse from the originally left-wing Self-Defence and outbidding the LPR on cultural conservatism".

Ever since, Law and Justice has been critical of the capitalist transformation in Poland, accusing the 1990s Polish cabinets of 'choosing the wrong path of transformation after the 1989 system change' and leading to 'beneficiaries under such capitalist conditions [having] become undeservedly privileged'. Rakib Ehsan argues that PiS pursues a "brand of ‘red and blue’ politics – social-democratic economics combined with socio-cultural conservatism". Similarly, Polish political scientist Marek M. Kamiński described PiS as "culturally conservative, economically social democratic". Foreign Affairs remarked that the program of PiS "amounts to a very leftist (or, rather, a Catholic socialist) set of economic policies", listing policies such as increasing minimum wage, abolishing short-term job contracts, limiting self-employment contracts abused by employers to avoid benefit payments, decreasing retirement age, increasing family benefits, implementing social payments for large families, and enacting a special tax on foreign banks' assets and foreign big stores.

Igor S. Putintsev wrote that "the political views of PiS are 70% right-wing and socioeconomic ones 100% left-wing", arguing that PiS pursuses a "proactive and consistent social policy", which included its 500+ state program, annulment of neoliberal pension reforms carried out under Civic Platform and reduction in retirement age. Putintsev credited PiS with constructing "a Polish model of a modern welfare state". The party claims to represent the "marginalised vast majority of Poles" who had to bear the costs of capitalist transformation, and states that its main goal is to provide the "common man its fair economic share of societal resources". Law and Justice is highly critical of neoliberalism, describing it as "anti-family" and arguing that neoliberal policies are responsible for social inequality, as well as maximizing profit at the cost of the "ordinary people" and "Catholic values". The party proposes increasing social benefit payments, raising the minimum wage, increasing expenditures on child nutrition and benefits to worse-off families. It also postulates more subsidies and state control of the Polish infrastructure, and expansion of the healthcare and education system. The party also opposes privatization, stating: "We cannot deprive the state of influence and responsibility for the social order, in particular for the weakest social groups whose situation as a result of the transformation has been rapidly deteriorating."

National political structures

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PiS meeting on National Independence Day

PiS has presented a project for constitutional reform including, among others: allowing the president the right to pass laws by decree (when prompted to do so by the Cabinet), a reduction of the number of members of the Sejm and Senat, and removal of constitutional bodies overseeing the media and monetary policy. PiS advocates increased criminal penalties. It postulates aggressive anti-corruption measures (including creation of an Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA), open disclosure of the assets of politicians and important public servants), as well as broad and various measures to smooth the working of public institutions.

PiS is a strong supporter of lustration (lustracja), a verification system created ostensibly to combat the influence of the Communist era security apparatus in Polish society. While current lustration laws require the verification of those who serve in public offices, PiS wants to expand the process to include university professors, lawyers, journalists, managers of large companies, and others performing "public functions". Those found to have collaborated with the security service, according to the party, should be forbidden to practice in their professions.

Diplomacy and defence

The party is in favour of strengthening the Polish Army through diminishing bureaucracy and raising military expenditures, especially for modernisation of army equipment. The party supports Polish membership in NATO, arguing that Poland should fulfill its military obligations and aspire to become one of the countries that shape NATO policy. In its 2001 program, the party called for maintaining compulsory military service, but shortening it as much as possible, writing: "PiS will strive to shorten the duration of compulsory military service to the extent possible, so that it is limited to the conscript training process. Universal military service should be imposed on the best conscripts, raising the level of the reserves and creating appropriate social role models. We will support the development of an attractive military training programme for students and a military class programme in secondary schools, together with an appropriate incentive system."

Later the party abandoned its support of military draft - it planned to introduce a fully professional army and end conscription by 2012; in August 2008, compulsory military service was abolished in Poland. It is also in favour of participation of Poland in foreign military missions led by the United Nations, NATO and United States, in countries like Afghanistan and Iraq. The party moderated its policies in the wake of its coalition with far-left Samoobrona and far-right LPR in 2006, as both parties demanded withdrawal of Polish troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, and distancing Poland from the European Union.

Ever since its founding in 2001, Law and Justice had a catalogue of complex reforms in the sphere of defence and national security, which it also connected to economic matters. The party postulates a national security law that would expand the legal capabilities of special and public security services. Law and Justice proposed monitoring key industries such as energy, telecommunications, banking as well as stock exchange, including taking note of the ownership situation in these economic sectors and the main companies operating in these fields. The national security act and extensive monitoring of the economy were to provide the basis for the Polish government to safeguard economic security by partial or complete compulsory state buyouts of companies "whose operation on the market creates a direct or potential threat to national security". In this way, the party connected its anti-privatization views with its law-and-order proposals.

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Visegrád Group leaders' meeting in Prague, 2015

PiS is eurosceptic, although the party supports integration with the European Union on terms beneficial for Poland. It supports economic integration and tightening cooperation in areas of energy security and military operations, but is sceptical about closer political integration. It is against the formation of a European superstate or federation. PiS is in favour of a strong political and military alliance between Poland and the United States.

In the European Parliament, it is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists, a group founded in 2009 to challenge the prevailing pro-federalist ethos of the European Parliament and address the perceived democratic deficit existing at a European level.

They have frequently expressed anti-German, and anti-Russian stances.

Law and Justice has taken a hardline stance against Russia in its foreign policy since the party's foundation. The party vocally advocated for military aid to Ukraine during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, but announced it would halt arms transfers in September 2023 following disagreements over the export of Ukrainian grain to Poland. The party has been described as divided between pro-Ukrainian and anti-Ukrainian factions.

Though the PiS government initially advocated a pro-Israel policy, relations with Israel deteriorated following the 2018 Amendment to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance and subsequent diplomatic incidents. In opposition, PiS called for the expulsion of the Israeli Ambassador following the World Central Kitchen drone strikes and criticized the 2023 Israeli invasion of the Gaza Strip.

The PiS government supported accession of Turkey to the European Union. PiS also advocates for a strong relationship with Hungary under Viktor Orbán, though they diverged over the Russo-Ukrainian War. Law and Justice criticised the Polish government's decision in 2008 to recognise the independence of Kosovo from Serbia.

Social policies

The party's views on social issues are much more traditionalist than those of social conservative parties in other European countries, and its social views reflect those of the Christian right. PiS has been described to hold right-wing populist views.Template:Refn

Family

The party strongly promotes itself as a pro-family party and encourages married couples to have more children. Prior to 2005 elections, it promised to build three million inexpensive housing units as a way to help young couples start a family. Once in government, it passed legislation lengthening parental leaves.

In 2017, the PiS government commenced the so-called "500+" programme under which all parents residing in Poland receive an unconditional monthly payment of 500 PLN for each second and subsequent child (the 500 PLN support for the first child being linked to income). It also revived the idea of a housing programme based on state-supported construction of inexpensive housing units.

Also in 2017, the party's MPs passed a law that bans most retail trade on Sundays on the premise that workers will supposedly spend more time with their families.

Abortion

File:02020 0679 Protest against abortion restriction in Kraków, October 2020.jpg

Anti-PiS poster during the October 2020 protests in Kraków (Five stars represent a common profanity, three represent the party name.)

The party is anti-abortion and supports further restrictions on Poland's abortion laws which are already one of the most restrictive in Europe. PiS opposes abortion resulting from foetal defects which is currently allowed until specific foetal age.

In 2016, PiS supported legislation to ban abortion under all circumstances, and investigate miscarriages. After the black Protests the legislation was withdrawn.

In October 2020, the Constitutional Court ruled that one of three circumstances (foetal defects) is unconstitutional. However, many constitutionalists argue that this judgement is invalid.

The party is against euthanasia and comprehensive sex education. It has proposed a ban of in-vitro fertilisation.

Disability rights

In April 2018, the PiS government announced a PLN 23 billion (EUR 5.5 billion) programme (named "Accessibility+") aimed at reducing barriers for disabled people, to be implemented 2018–2025.

Also in April 2018, parents of disabled adults who required long-term care protested in Sejm over what they considered inadequate state support, in particular, the reduction of support once the child turns 18. As a result, the monthly disability benefit for adults was raised by approx. 15 per cent to PLN 1,000 (approx. EUR 240) and certain non-cash benefits were instituted, although protesters' demands of an additional monthly cash benefit were rejected.

Gay rights

The party opposes the LGBT movement and many of its postulates, in particular same-sex marriages and any other form of legal recognition of same-sex couples. In 2020, Poland was ranked the lowest of any European Union country for LGBT rights by ILGA-Europe. The organisation also highlighted instances of anti-LGBT rhetoric and hate speech by politicians of the ruling party. A 2019 survey by Eurobarometer found that more than two-thirds of LGBT people in Poland believe that prejudice against them has risen in the last five years.

On 21 September 2005, PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński said that "homosexuals should not be isolated, however they should not be school teachers for example. Active homosexuals surely not, in any case", but that homosexuals "should not be discriminated otherwise". He has also stated, "The affirmation of homosexuality will lead to the downfall of civilization. We can't agree to it". Lech Kaczyński, while mayor of Warsaw, refused authorisation for a gay pride march; declaring that it would be obscene and offensive to other people's religious beliefs. He stated, "I am not willing to meet perverts." In Bączkowski and Others v. Poland, the European Court of Human Rights unanimously ruled that the ban of the parade violated Articles 11, 13 and 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The judgement stated that "The positive obligation of a State to secure genuine and effective respect for freedom of association and assembly was of particular importance to those with unpopular views or belonging to minorities".

In 2016, Beata Szydło's government disbanded the Council for the Prevention of Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Intolerance, an advisory body set up in 2011 by then-Prime Minister Donald Tusk. The council monitored, advised and coordinated government action against racism, discrimination and hate crime.

Many local towns, cities, and Voivodeship sejmiks comprising a third of Poland's territory have declared their respective regions as LGBT-free zones with the encouragement of the ruling PiS. Polish President Andrzej Duda, who was the Law and Justice party's candidate for presidency in 2015 and 2020, stated that "LGBT is not people, it's an ideology which is worse than Communism." During his successful 2020 election campaign, he pledged he would ban teaching about LGBT issues in schools; he also proposed changing the constitution to ban LGBT couples from adopting children.

Nationalism

Academic research has characterised Law and Justice as a partially nationalist party,Template:Refn but PiS's leadership rejects this label.Template:Efn Both Kaczyńskis look up for inspirations to the pre-war Sanacja movement with its leader Józef Piłsudski, in contrast to the nationalist Endecja that was led by Piłsudski's political archrival, Roman Dmowski. However, parts of the party, especially the faction around Radio Maryja, are inspired by Dmowski's movement. Polish far-right organisations and parties such as National Revival of Poland, National Movement and Autonomous Nationalists regularly criticise PiS's relative ideological moderation and its politicians for "monopolizing" official political scene by playing on the popular patriotic and religious feelings. However, the party does include several overtly nationalist politicians in senior positions, such as Digital Affairs Minister Adam Andruszkiewicz, the former leader of the All-Polish Youth; and deputy PiS leader and former Defence Minister Antoni Macierewicz, the founder of the National-Catholic Movement. It has been also described as national-conservative.

Refugees and economic migrants

PiS opposed the quota system for mass relocation of immigrants proposed by the European Commission to address the 2015 European migrant crisis. This contrasted with the stance of their main political opponents, the Civic Platform, which have signed up to the commission's proposal. Consequently, in the campaign leading to the 2015 Polish parliamentary election, PiS adopted the discourse typical of the populist-right, linking national security with immigration. Following the election, PiS sometimes utilised Islamophobic rhetoric to rally its supporters.

Examples of anti-migration and anti-Islam comments by PiS politicians when discussing the European migrant crisis: in 2015, Jarosław Kaczyński stated that Poland can not accept any refugees because "they could spread infectious diseases." In 2017, the first Deputy Minister of Justice Patryk Jaki stated that "stopping Islamization is his Westerplatte". In 2017, Interior minister of Poland Mariusz Błaszczak stated that he would like to be called "Charles the Hammer who stopped the Muslim invasion of Europe in the 8th century". In 2017, Deputy Speaker of the Sejm Joachim Brudziński stated during the pro-party rally in Siedlce; "if not for us (PiS), they (Muslims) would have built mosques in here (Poland)."

Structure

Internal factions

Law and Justice is divided into many internal factions, but they can be grouped into three main blocs.Template:Refn

The most influential group within PiS is unofficially named "Order of the Centre Agreement". It is led by leader is Jarosław Kaczyński, and its main members are Joachim Brudziński, Adam Lipiński and Mariusz Błaszczak.

The second major group is a radical, religious and hard Eurosceptic right-wing faction focused around Antoni Macierewicz, Beata Szydło that has close views to United Poland party of Zbigniew Ziobro. This faction opts for radical reforms and is supported by Jacek Kurski and Tadeusz Rydzyk.

The third major group is a Christian-democratic, republican and moderate social conservative faction focused around Mateusz Morawiecki, Łukasz Szumowski, Jacek Czaputowicz that has close views to The Republicans party of Adam Bielan. Although not officially a party member, Polish president Andrzej Duda can also be placed in this faction.

Political committee

President:

• Jarosław Kaczyński

Vice-presidents:

• Mariusz Błaszczak
• Joachim Brudziński
• Mariusz Kamiński
• Antoni Macierewicz
• Mateusz Morawiecki
• Beata Szydło

Treasurer:

• Henryk Kowalczyk

Spokesperson:

• Rafał Bochenek

Party discipline spokesman:

• Karol Karski

Chairman of the Executive Committee:

• Piotr Milowański

President of the Parliamentary Club:

• Mariusz Błaszczak

Leadership

No.	Image	Name	Tenure
1.	File:Lech Kaczyński.jpg	Lech Kaczyński	13 June 2001 – 18 January 2003
2.	File:Jarosław Kaczyński Sejm 2016a (cropped).JPG	Jarosław Kaczyński	18 January 2003 Incumbent

Election results

Presidential

Election year	Candidate	1st round		2nd round
		# of overall votes	% of overall vote	# of overall votes	% of overall vote
2005	Lech Kaczyński	4,947,927	33.1 (#2)	8,257,468	54.0 (#1)
2010	Jarosław Kaczyński	6,128,255	36.5 (#2)	7,919,134	47.0 (#2)
2015	Andrzej Duda	5,179,092	34.8 (#1)	8,719,281	51.5 (#1)
2020	Supported Andrzej Duda	8,450,513	43.5 (#1)	10,440,648	51.0% (#1)
2025	Supporting Karol Nawrocki	5,790,804	29.5 (#2)	10,606,877	50.9 (#1)

Sejm

Election	Leader	Votes	%	Seats	+/–	Government
2001	Lech Kaczyński	1,236,787	9.5 (#4)	Template:Composition bar	New	SLD–UP–PSL (2001-2003)
						SLD–UP Minority (2003-2004)
						SLD-UP-SDPL Minority (2004-2005)
2005	Jarosław Kaczyński	3,185,714	27.0 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 111	PiS Minority (2005-2006)
						PiS–SRP–LPR (2006-2007)
						PiS Minority (2007)
2007		5,183,477	32.1 (#2)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 11	PO–PSL
2011		4,295,016	29.9 (#2)	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 9	PO–PSL
2015		5,711,687	37.6 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 36	PiS
		As a part of the United Right coalition, which won 235 seats in total.
2019		8,051,935	43.6 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 6	PiS
		As a part of the United Right coalition, which won 235 seats in total.
2023		7,640,854	35.4 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 26	PiS Minority (2023)
						KO–PL2050–KP–NL (2023-present)
		As a part of the United Right coalition, which won 194 seats in total.

Senate

Election	Seats	+/–	Majority
2001	Template:Composition bar	New	Opposition
	As part of the Senate 2001 coalition, which won 15 seats.
2005	Template:Composition bar	Increase 49	PiS Minority (2005-2006)
			Coalition (2006-2007)
			PiS Minority (2007)
2007	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 10	Opposition
2011	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 8	Opposition
2015	Template:Composition bar	Increase 30	PiS
2019	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 23	Opposition
	As part of the United Right coalition, which won 48 seats.
2023	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 9	Opposition
	As part of the United Right coalition, which won 34 seats.

European Parliament

Election	Leader	Votes	%	Seats	+/–	EP Group
2004	Jarosław Kaczyński	771,858	12.67 (#3)	Template:Composition bar	New	UEN
2009		2,017,607	27.40 (#2)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 8	ECR
2014		2,246,870	31.78 (#2)	Template:Composition bar	Steady 0	ECR
2019		6,192,780	45.38 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 6	ECR
		As part of the United Right coalition, that won 27 seats in total.
2024		4,253,169	36.16 (#2)	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 3	ECR
		As part of the United Right coalition, that won 20 seats in total.

*Currently 16: Zdzisław Krasnodębski is elected from the PiS register, but not a member of the party, Mirosław Piotrowski left PiS (08.10.2014), Marek Jurek is a member of Right Wing of the Republic.

Regional assemblies

Election year	% of vote	# of overall seats won	+/–
2002	12.1 (#4)	Template:Composition bar	New
	In coalition with Civic Platform as POPiS.
2006	25.1 (#2)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 91
2010	23.1 (#2)	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 29
2014	26.9 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 30
2018	34.1 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 83
2024	34.3 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 15

County councils

Election year	% of vote	# of overall seats won	+/–
2002	12.1 (#4)	Template:Composition bar	New
	In coalition with Civic Platform as POPiS.
2006	19.8 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 1194
2010	17.3 (#2)	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 157
2014	23.5 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 429
2018	30.5 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Increase 600
2024	30.0 (#1)	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 34

Mayors

Election	No.	Change
2002	2	New
2006	77	Increase 75
2010	37	Decrease 40
2014	124	Increase 87
2018	234	Increase 110
2024	105	Decrease 129

Presidents of the Republic of Poland

Name	Image	From	To
Lech Kaczyński	File:Lech Kaczyński.jpg	23 December 2005	10 April 2010
Andrzej Duda	File:Andrzej Duda portret.JPG	6 August 2015	incumbent

Prime Ministers of the Republic of Poland

Name	Image	From	To
Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz	File:Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz 2005.jpg	31 October 2005	14 July 2006
Jarosław Kaczyński	File:Jarosław Kaczyński (5) (cropped 2).jpg	14 July 2006	16 November 2007
Beata Szydło	File:Beata Szydło - Tallinn Digital Summit 2017 (cropped 3).jpg	16 November 2015	11 December 2017
Mateusz Morawiecki	File:Mateusz Morawiecki Prezes Rady Ministrów (cropped).jpg	11 December 2017	13 December 2023

Voivodeship Marshals

Name	Image	Voivodeship	Date vocation
Jarosław Stawiarski	File:J. Stawiarski.jpg	Lublin Voivodeship	21 November 2018
Template:Ill	File:Władysław Ortyl Kancelaria Senatu.jpg	Podkarpackie Voivodeship	27 May 2013
Łukasz Smółka	File:Łukasz Smółka (cropped).jpg	Lesser Poland Voivodeship	4 July 2024
Renata Janik (Renewal of the Republic of Poland)	File:Renata Janik.jpg	Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship	6 May 2024

See also

• 2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash
• List of Law and Justice politicians
• Polish constitutional crisis, 2015
• Polish nationalism

External links

• Template:Official website