District of Columbia's at-large congressional district

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The District of Columbia's at-large congressional district is a congressional district encompassing all of Washington, D.C., the capital city of the United States. Article One of the United States Constitution instructs that only "States" may be represented in the United States Congress. Because the District of Columbia does not meet that criterion, the member elected from the at-large district is not permitted to participate in votes on the floor of the House. Instead, constituents of the seat elect a non-voting delegate to the chamber. Though the delegate lacks full voting privileges, they are permitted to sit on, cast votes in, and chair congressional committees and subcommittees. The delegate may also join party caucuses, introduce legislation, and hire staff to assist with constituent services.

The modern office of delegate from the District of Columbia was established in 1971. Since then, it has been represented by just two individuals, both of them African American Democrats. Its current delegate is Eleanor Holmes Norton, an advocate for D.C. statehood who assumed office in 1991. Accordingly, she has held the seat for more than 60% of its existence.

History of the office

The office of delegate from the District of Columbia was initially established by Radical Republicans during the Reconstruction era. From 1871 to 1875, it was held by Norton P. Chipman, a Republican who had been appointed the first secretary of the District of Columbia by President Ulysses S. Grant. The position was abolished in 1875 and remained nonexistent for 96 years.

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During the mid-20th century, there was a renewed push to extend greater voting rights to residents of Washington, D.C. By 1961, the necessary 37 states had successfully ratified the Twenty-third Amendment to the United States Constitution, which extended the District of Columbia the right to vote in presidential elections. Still, there remained bipartisan agreement that the District of Columbia – which in 1970 had more residents than 10 individual statesTemplate:Efn — deserved at least some representation in the U.S. Congress.

Federal legislation to recreate a congressional delegate position for D.C. was first seriously debated by Congress in 1970. President Richard Nixon had repeatedly expressed his support for full voting representation for the District of Columbia. An initial proposal by Rep. Earle Cabell (DTX) suggested creating two non-voting delegate positions for D.C.: one for the House and one for the Senate. Concerns that the Senate would stall such a proposal spurred the consideration of a compromise bill introduced by Rep. Ancher Nelsen (RMN), who at the time served as ranking member of the House Committee on the District of Columbia. Nelsen's proposal guaranteed non-voting representation only in the House.

In a written message to House Minority Leader Gerald Ford on August 6, 1970, Nixon reaffirmed that "voting representation for the District of Columbia is my goal" and strongly urged Ford to press for the bill's passage. Ford and House Majority Leader Carl Albert both crafted messages to their respective caucuses in response, encouraging their members to support the measure. During closing arguments on the House floor, two representatives made particularly passionate pleas on the capital city's behalf. The first came from Rep. John Conyers (D–MI), who decried the "rank hypocrisy" of denying "a voice in our Government to the people who live closest to it." The second came from Rep. Michael J. Harrington (D–MA), who noted the lack of attention shown by the Congress to Washington: <templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" />

"I have visited those parts of the city which the tourist never sees, and I am shaken. Many areas damaged in the riot of 1968 have never been repaired. Many buildings are still blackened and boarded up. Housing is inadequate, schools are inadequate, transportation is inadequate, and no one has real authority to act effectively for the black majority of this city. The Congress simply does not have the time or the interest to run a large city. It is time we recognized this fact, and permitted the city to govern itself. The complexities of city government, the day-to-day decisions should not be placed in the hands of 535 different people — all of whom have to pass on matters about which they have little concern and about which they lack the time to be informed."[1]

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Opposition to the legislation was largely spearheaded by Rep. John L. McMillan (D–SC), the segregationist chairman of the House Committee on the District of Columbia. As chairman, McMillan repeatedly opposed home rule and greater rights for residents of D.C., largely because of its sizable Black population. The bill ultimately passed the House with 302 votes in favor and 57 votes against. The "nay" votes came predominately from Southerners. On September 9, 1970, the legislation passed the Senate. President Nixon, who called the District's lack of voting rights "one of the truly unacceptable facts of American life,"[2] signed the District of Columbia Delegate Act 13 days later.

The first election for the seat was held on March 23, 1971. Democrat Walter Fauntroy won the race and went on to serve in the Congress for nearly 20 years. A week after being sworn in, Fauntroy became one of the 13 founding members of the Congressional Black Caucus.

A further effort to grant the District of Columbia full voting rights in Congress via a constitutional amendment came in 1978. The District of Columbia Voting Rights Amendment passed both chambers of Congress, but it failed to receive the necessary number of state ratifications by its 1985 deadline. Reflecting increased political polarization, efforts to secure D.C. further voting rights since have largely failed along party lines.

Since 1993, when the House of Representatives has been under Democratic control, delegates, including the District of Columbia's delegate, have been allowed to cast non-binding floor votes when the House of Representatives was operating in the Committee of the Whole.[3][4]

The district has been represented by Democrat Eleanor Holmes Norton since 1991.

List of delegates representing the district

Delegate Party Term Cong
ress
Electoral history
District established March 4, 1871
Vacant March 4, 1871 –
April 21, 1871
Template:USCongressOrdinal
File:Norton P. Chipman - Brady-Handy.jpg
Norton P. Chipman
style="background-color:Template:Republican Party (US)/meta/shading" | Republican April 21, 1871 –
March 3, 1875
Template:USCongressOrdinal Elected to finish the vacant term.
Re-elected in 1872.
Seat eliminated.
District dissolved March 4, 1875
District re-established September 22, 1970
Vacant September 22, 1970 –
March 23, 1971
Template:USCongressOrdinal
File:Walter Fauntroy.jpg
Walter Fauntroy
style="color:black;background-color:Template:Democratic Party (US)/meta/shading" | Democratic March 23, 1971 –
January 3, 1991
Template:USCongressOrdinal Elected to finish the vacant term.
Re-elected in 1972.
Re-elected in 1974.
Re-elected in 1976.
Re-elected in 1978.
Re-elected in 1980.
Re-elected in 1982.
Re-elected in 1984.
Re-elected in 1986.
Re-elected in 1988.
Retired to run for Mayor of the District of Columbia
File:Eleanor Holmes Norton official photo (cropped).jpg
Eleanor Holmes Norton
style="color:black;background-color:Template:Democratic Party (US)/meta/shading" | Democratic January 3, 1991 –
present
Template:USCongressOrdinal Elected in 1990.
Re-elected in 1992.
Re-elected in 1994.
Re-elected in 1996.
Re-elected in 1998.
Re-elected in 2000.
Re-elected in 2002.
Re-elected in 2004.
Re-elected in 2006.
Re-elected in 2008.
Re-elected in 2010.
Re-elected in 2012.
Re-elected in 2014.
Re-elected in 2016.
Re-elected in 2018.
Re-elected in 2020.
Re-elected in 2022.
Re-elected in 2024.

Election results

1870s

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1970s

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1980s

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1990s

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2000s

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2010s

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2020s

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See also


Notes

Template:Notelist

References

Template:Reflist

External links

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  3. The practice began with the 103rd Congress, but was revoked when the Republicans retook the House for the 104th Congress. Democrats reinstated the practice in the 110th Congress, but Republicans again revoked it in the 112th Congress.
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