Thirty Years' War: Difference between revisions
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{{Other uses|Thirty Years War (disambiguation)}} | {{Other uses|Thirty Years War (disambiguation)}} | ||
{{Use British English|date=September 2020}} | {{Use British English|date=September 2020}} | ||
{{Use dmy dates|date= | {{Use dmy dates|date=August 2025}} | ||
{{Infobox military conflict | {{Infobox military conflict | ||
| conflict = Thirty Years' War | | conflict = Thirty Years' War | ||
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| alt = | | alt = | ||
| caption = ''The Siege (Defence of a Church Courtyard During the Thirty Years' War)'' by [[Karl Friedrich Lessing]] (1848) | | caption = ''The Siege (Defence of a Church Courtyard During the Thirty Years' War)'' by [[Karl Friedrich Lessing]] (1848) | ||
| date = 23 May 1618 – 24 October 1648 | | date = 23 May 1618 – 24 October 1648 | ||
| place = [[Central Europe]] | | place = [[Central Europe]] | ||
| result = [[Peace of Westphalia]] | | result = [[Peace of Westphalia]] | ||
| territory = {{Bulletlist | | territory = {{Bulletlist | ||
| France annexes the [[Décapole]], and [[Sundgau]]{{Sfn|Croxton|2013|pp=225–226}} | | France annexes the [[Décapole]], and [[Sundgau]]{{Sfn|Croxton|2013|pp=225–226}} | ||
| Sweden gains [[Wismar]], [[Wolin | | Sweden gains [[Wismar]], [[Wolin]], [[Western Pomerania]], and [[Bremen-Verden]]{{Sfn|Heitz|Rischer|1995|p=232}} | ||
| [[Brandenburg-Prussia]] obtains [[Province of Pomerania (1653-1815)|Eastern Pomerania]]{{Sfn|Heitz|Rischer|1995|p=232}} | | [[Brandenburg-Prussia]] obtains [[Province of Pomerania (1653-1815)|Eastern Pomerania]]{{Sfn|Heitz|Rischer|1995|p=232}} | ||
}} | }} | ||
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* {{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}} [[Electoral Palatinate|Palatinate]] | * {{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}} [[Electoral Palatinate|Palatinate]] | ||
* {{flagicon|Duchy of Savoy}} [[Savoyard state|Savoy]] | * {{flagicon|Duchy of Savoy}} [[Savoyard state|Savoy]] | ||
* {{ | * {{flagicon|Dutch Republic|1581}} [[Dutch Republic]] | ||
* {{Flagcountry|Denmark–Norway}} | * {{Flagcountry|Denmark–Norway}} | ||
* [[File:Wappen Heilbronn.svg|18px|class=noviewer]] [[Heilbronn League]] | * [[File:Wappen Heilbronn.svg|18px|class=noviewer]] [[Heilbronn League]] | ||
| Line 35: | Line 34: | ||
* {{Flagcountry|Kingdom of France|France}} | * {{Flagcountry|Kingdom of France|France}} | ||
* {{Flagicon|Swedish Empire}} [[Swedish Empire|Sweden]] | * {{Flagicon|Swedish Empire}} [[Swedish Empire|Sweden]] | ||
* {{Flagcountry|Dutch Republic}} | * {{Flagcountry|Dutch Republic|1581}} | ||
* {{Flagicon image|Flag of Hesse.svg}} [[Landgraviate of Hesse-Kassel|Hesse-Kassel]] | * {{Flagicon image|Flag of Hesse.svg}} [[Landgraviate of Hesse-Kassel|Hesse-Kassel]] | ||
}} | }} | ||
| combatant2 = '''Pro-Habsburg alliance | | combatant2 = '''Pro-Habsburg alliance prior to 1635'''{{Plainlist| | ||
* {{Flag|Habsburg Monarchy}} | * {{Flag|Habsburg Monarchy}} | ||
* {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Spanish Empire]] | * {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Spanish Empire]] | ||
| Line 47: | Line 46: | ||
* {{Flag|Holy Roman Empire}} | * {{Flag|Holy Roman Empire}} | ||
* {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Spanish Empire]] | * {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Spanish Empire]] | ||
}} | }} | ||
| commander1 = {{Plainlist| | | commander1 = {{Plainlist| | ||
| Line 55: | Line 53: | ||
* {{Flagicon|Swedish Empire}} [[Lennart Torstensson]] | * {{Flagicon|Swedish Empire}} [[Lennart Torstensson]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Swedish Empire}} [[Carl Gustaf Wrangel]] | * {{Flagicon|Swedish Empire}} [[Carl Gustaf Wrangel]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Swedish Empire}} [[Bernard of Saxe-Weimar]] | * {{Flagicon|Swedish Empire}} [[Bernard of Saxe-Weimar]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[ | * {{Flagicon|Swedish Empire}} [[Gustav Horn, Count of Pori|Gustav Horn]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[Louis XIII]] | |||
* {{Flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[Cardinal Richelieu]] | * {{Flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[Cardinal Richelieu]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[Cardinal Mazarin]] | * {{Flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[Cardinal Mazarin]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[Louis, Grand Condé| | * {{Flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[Louis, Grand Condé|Condé]] | ||
* {{flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[Henri Turenne]] | * {{flagicon|Kingdom of France}} [[Henri Turenne]] | ||
* {{ | * {{flagicon|Dutch Republic|1581}} [[Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange|Frederick Henry]] | ||
* {{ | * {{flagicon|Dutch Republic|1581}} [[Maurice, Prince of Orange|Maurice of Orange]] | ||
* {{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}}{{Flagicon|Bohemia}} [[Frederick V of the Palatinate|Frederick V]] | * {{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}}{{Flagicon|Bohemia}} [[Frederick V of the Palatinate|Frederick V]] | ||
* {{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}} [[Peter Ernst, Graf von Mansfeld| | * {{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}} [[Peter Ernst, Graf von Mansfeld|Mansfeld]] | ||
*{{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}} [[Christian the Younger of Brunswick|Brunswick-Lüneburg]] | |||
* {{Flagicon|Bohemia}} [[Jindřich Matyáš Thurn|Jindřich Thurn]] | * {{Flagicon|Bohemia}} [[Jindřich Matyáš Thurn|Jindřich Thurn]] | ||
* {{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}} {{Flagicon|Bohemia}} [[Christian I, Prince of Anhalt-Bernburg|Christian of Anhalt]] | * {{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}} {{Flagicon|Bohemia}} [[Christian I, Prince of Anhalt-Bernburg|Christian of Anhalt]] | ||
* {{Flagicon image|Flag of The Electoral Palatinate (1604).svg}} [[George Frederick, Margrave of Baden-Durlach|Baden-Durlach]] | |||
* {{Flagicon|Denmark–Norway}} [[Christian IV of Denmark|Christian IV]] | * {{Flagicon|Denmark–Norway}} [[Christian IV of Denmark|Christian IV]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Electorate of Saxony}} [[John George I of Saxony|John George I]] | * {{Flagicon|Electorate of Saxony}} [[John George I of Saxony|John George I]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Transylvania|1615}} [[Gabriel Bethlen]] | |||
}} | }} | ||
| commander2 = {{Plainlist| | | commander2 = {{Plainlist| | ||
| Line 86: | Line 85: | ||
* {{Flagicon|Holy Roman Empire}} [[Charles IV, Duke of Lorraine|Charles of Lorraine]] | * {{Flagicon|Holy Roman Empire}} [[Charles IV, Duke of Lorraine|Charles of Lorraine]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Holy Roman Empire}} [[Raimondo Montecuccoli]] | * {{Flagicon|Holy Roman Empire}} [[Raimondo Montecuccoli]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Philip IV of Spain|Philip IV]] | * {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Philip IV of Spain|Philip IV]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Gaspar de Guzman, Count-Duke of Olivares|Olivares]] | * {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Gaspar de Guzman, Count-Duke of Olivares|Olivares]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Gonzalo | * {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba (1585–1635)|Córdoba]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Ambrogio Spinola, 1st Marquess of Los Balbases|Ambrogio Spinola]] | * {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Ambrogio Spinola, 1st Marquess of Los Balbases|Ambrogio Spinola]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand]] | * {{Flagicon|Spain|1506}} [[Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Electorate of Bavaria}} [[Maximilian I, Elector of Bavaria|Maximilian of Bavaria]] | * {{Flagicon|Electorate of Bavaria}} [[Maximilian I, Elector of Bavaria|Maximilian of Bavaria]] | ||
* {{Flagicon|Electorate of Bavaria}}{{Flagicon|Holy Roman Empire}} [[Franz von Mercy]]{{KIA}} | * {{Flagicon|Electorate of Bavaria}}{{Flagicon|Holy Roman Empire}} [[Franz von Mercy]]{{KIA}} | ||
* {{flagicon|Electorate of Bavaria}}{{Flagicon|Holy Roman Empire}} [[Johann von Werth]] | |||
}} | }} | ||
| strength1 = '''Maximum actual'''{{Efn|Since officers were paid for each man "present", the numbers ''Reported'' frequently differed from ''Actual'', or those available for duty. Variances between ''Reported'' and ''Actual'' are estimated as averaging up to 25% for the Dutch, 35% for the French and 50% for the Spanish.{{Sfn|Parrott|2001|p=8}} Most battles of the period were fought between opposing forces of 13,000 to 20,000 men, so the numbers reflect ''Maximum'' at any one time, and exclude citizen militia, who often formed a large proportion of garrisons.}}{{Efn|These figures show numbers "In Service of", rather than ethnicity, since all armies were multinational. Most soldiers on both sides were German, but included large numbers of other nationalities. Based on an analysis of a mass grave discovered in 2011, a high proportion of "Swedish" forces at [[Battle of Lützen (1632)|Lützen]] were ethnic Germans, while less than 50% even came from [[Scandinavia]].{{Sfn|Nicklisch|Ramsthaler|Meller|Others|2017}}}}{{Plainlist| | | strength1 = '''Maximum actual:'''{{Efn|Since officers were paid for each man "present", the numbers ''Reported'' frequently differed from ''Actual'', or those available for duty. Variances between ''Reported'' and ''Actual'' are estimated as averaging up to 25% for the Dutch, 35% for the French and 50% for the Spanish.{{Sfn|Parrott|2001|p=8}} Most battles of the period were fought between opposing forces of 13,000 to 20,000 men, so the numbers reflect ''Maximum'' at any one time, and exclude citizen militia, who often formed a large proportion of garrisons.{{citation needed|date=October 2025}}}}{{Efn|These figures show numbers "In Service of", rather than ethnicity, since all armies were multinational. Most soldiers on both sides were German, but included large numbers of other nationalities. Based on an analysis of a mass grave discovered in 2011, a high proportion of "Swedish" forces at [[Battle of Lützen (1632)|Lützen]] were ethnic Germans, while less than 50% even came from [[Scandinavia]].{{Sfn|Nicklisch|Ramsthaler|Meller|Others|2017}}}}{{Plainlist| | ||
* 100,000–140,000 Swedish{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=484}}{{Sfn|Clodfelter|2008|p=40}} | * 100,000–140,000 Swedish{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=484}}{{Sfn|Clodfelter|2008|p=40}} | ||
* 27,000 Danes (1626){{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=387}} | * 27,000 Danes (1626){{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=387}} | ||
| Line 102: | Line 101: | ||
* 80,000–90,000 Dutch{{Sfn|Van Nimwegen|2014|p=166}} | * 80,000–90,000 Dutch{{Sfn|Van Nimwegen|2014|p=166}} | ||
}} | }} | ||
| strength2 = '''Maximum actual'''{{Plainlist| | | strength2 = '''Maximum actual:'''{{Plainlist| | ||
* 110,000 [[Imperial Army of the Holy Roman Emperor| | * 110,000 [[Imperial Army of the Holy Roman Emperor|Imperial]]{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=395}} | ||
* 90,000 Spanish{{Sfn|Parker|2004|p=231}}{{Efn|1640 figures for the [[Army of Flanders]], when it was at its maximum strength; these are Reported numbers, so as mentioned elsewhere, the actual number of soldiers would have been considerably lower.{{Sfn|Parker|2004|p=231}} The Spanish army officially had more than 200,000 soldiers in 1640, but most were second line troops in garrisons elsewhere in Europe, not facing the Dutch.{{Sfn|Clodfelter|2008|p=39}}}} | * 90,000 Spanish{{Sfn|Parker|2004|p=231}}{{Efn|1640 figures for the [[Army of Flanders]], when it was at its maximum strength; these are Reported numbers, so as mentioned elsewhere, the actual number of soldiers would have been considerably lower.{{Sfn|Parker|2004|p=231}} The Spanish army officially had more than 200,000 soldiers in 1640, but most were second line troops in garrisons elsewhere in Europe, not facing the Dutch.{{Sfn|Clodfelter|2008|p=39}}}} | ||
* 20,500 Bavarians{{Sfn|Clodfelter|2008|p=39}} | * 20,500 Bavarians{{Sfn|Clodfelter|2008|p=39}} | ||
}} | }} | ||
| casualties1 = '''Combat deaths:'''{{efn|Wilson estimates a total of 450,000 combat deaths on all sides, the vast majority of whom were German. By one calculation, four times as many Germans died fighting for Sweden as Swedes, and so casualties are referred to as being "In service", rather than by nationality.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=791}}}} <br> 110,000 in Swedish service{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=173}} <br> 80,000 in French, | | casualties1 = '''Combat deaths:'''{{efn|Wilson estimates a total of 450,000 combat deaths on all sides, the vast majority of whom were German. By one calculation, four times as many Germans died fighting for Sweden as Swedes, and so casualties are referred to as being "In service", rather than by nationality.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=791}}}} <br /> 110,000 in Swedish service{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=173}} <br /> 80,000 in French, Bernardhine, and Hessian service{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=790}}{{efn|France lost another 200,000 to 300,000 killed or wounded in the related [[Franco-Spanish War (1635–1659)|Franco-Spanish War]].{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=790}}}} | ||
| casualties2 = '''Combat deaths:'''<br> 120,000 in | | casualties2 = '''Combat deaths:'''<br /> 120,000 in Imperial service{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=790}} | ||
| casualties3 = '''Total military deaths:''' 1,300,000 to 1,800,000{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=4, 787}}<br />'''Total civilian and military deaths:''' 4,500,000 to 8,000,000{{Sfn|Outram|2002|p=248}}{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=4, 787}}{{efn|Includes military losses from disease, which Wilson estimates as two to three for every one killed in combat.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=791}}}} | |||
}} | }} | ||
{{Campaignbox Thirty Years' War}} | {{Campaignbox Thirty Years' War}} | ||
{{Campaignbox Franco-Spanish War (1635–1659)}} | {{Campaignbox Franco-Spanish War (1635–1659)}} | ||
The '''Thirty Years' War''',{{efn|{{Langx|de|Dreißigjähriger Krieg}}, {{IPA|de|ˈdʁaɪ̯sɪçˌjɛːʁɪɡɐ kʁiːk|pron|De-Dreißigjähriger Krieg.ogg}}}} fought primarily in [[Central Europe]] between 1618 and 1648, was one of the most destructive conflicts in | The '''Thirty Years' War''',{{efn|{{Langx|de|Dreißigjähriger Krieg}}, {{IPA|de|ˈdʁaɪ̯sɪçˌjɛːʁɪɡɐ kʁiːk|pron|De-Dreißigjähriger Krieg.ogg}}}} fought primarily in [[Central Europe]] between 1618 and 1648, was one of [[List of wars by death toll|the most destructive conflicts]] in human history. An estimated 4.5 to 8 million soldiers and civilians died from the effects of battle, famine, or disease, with parts of [[Germany]] reporting population declines of over 50%.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=189}} Related conflicts include the [[Eighty Years' War]], the [[War of the Mantuan Succession]], the [[Franco-Spanish War (1635–1659)|Franco-Spanish War]], the [[Torstenson War]], the [[Dutch–Portuguese War]], and the [[Portuguese Restoration War]]. | ||
Its causes derived from religious conflict within the [[Holy Roman Empire]], sparked by the 16th-century [[Reformation]]. The 1555 [[Peace of Augsburg]] attempted to resolve this by dividing the Empire into [[Catholic]] and [[Lutheran]] states, but was later destabilised by the expansion of [[Protestantism]] beyond these boundaries. Combined with disagreements over the limits of imperial authority, religion was thus an important factor in starting the war. However, its scope and extent was largely the consequence of external drivers such as the [[French–Habsburg rivalry]] and the [[Dutch Revolt]].{{Sfn|Sutherland|1992|pp=589–590}} | |||
The war began in [[Defenestrations of Prague|1618]],{{Efn|Some commentators argue it began with the [[War of the Jülich Succession]] in 1609.}} when the Catholic [[Emperor Ferdinand II]] was replaced as [[king of Bohemia]] by the Protestant [[Frederick V of the Palatinate]]. Although Ferdinand quickly [[Bohemian Revolt|regained control of Bohemia]], Frederick's participation expanded fighting [[Palatinate campaign|into the Palatinate]], whose strategic importance drew in the [[Dutch Republic]] and Spain, then engaged in the Eighty Years' War. In addition, the acquisition of territories within the Empire by rulers like [[Christian IV of Denmark]] and [[Gustavus Adolphus]] of [[Swedish Empire|Sweden]] gave them and other foreign powers an ongoing motive to intervene. Combined with fears that the Protestant religion in general was threatened, these factors turned an internal dynastic dispute into a European conflict. | |||
The period 1618 to 1635 was primarily a [[civil war]] within the Holy Roman Empire, which largely ended with the [[Peace of Prague (1635)|Peace of Prague]]. However, [[Kingdom of France|France]]'s entry into the war in [[Treaty of Compiègne (1635)|alliance]] with Sweden turned the empire into one theatre of a wider struggle with their Habsburg rivals, [[Emperor Ferdinand III]] and Spain. Fighting ended with the 1648 [[Peace of Westphalia]], whose terms included greater autonomy for states like [[Electorate of Bavaria|Bavaria]] and [[Electorate of Saxony|Saxony]], as well as acceptance of Dutch independence by Spain. The conflict shifted the [[balance of power (international relations)|balance of power]] in favour of France | The period 1618 to 1635 was primarily a [[civil war]] within the Holy Roman Empire, which largely ended with the [[Peace of Prague (1635)|Peace of Prague]]. However, [[Kingdom of France|France]]'s entry into the war in [[Treaty of Compiègne (1635)|alliance]] with Sweden turned the empire into one theatre of a wider struggle with their Habsburg rivals, [[Emperor Ferdinand III]] and Spain. Fighting ended with the 1648 [[Peace of Westphalia]], whose terms included greater autonomy for states like [[Electorate of Bavaria|Bavaria]] and [[Electorate of Saxony|Saxony]], as well as acceptance of Dutch independence by Spain. The conflict shifted the [[balance of power (international relations)|balance of power]] in favour of France and its subsequent expansion under [[Louis XIV]]. | ||
==Structural origins== | ==Structural origins== | ||
The 16th century [[Reformation]] caused [[Schmalkaldic War|open warfare]] between [[Protestants]] and [[Catholics]] within the [[Holy Roman Empire]], which ended with the 1552 [[Peace of Passau]]. The [[Peace of Augsburg]] in 1555 tried to prevent a recurrence by fixing boundaries between the two faiths, using the principle of ''[[cuius regio, eius religio]]''. | The 16th century [[Reformation]] caused [[Schmalkaldic War|open warfare]] between [[Protestants]] and [[Catholics]] within the [[Holy Roman Empire]], which ended with the 1552 [[Peace of Passau]]. The [[Peace of Augsburg]] in 1555 tried to prevent a recurrence by fixing boundaries between the two faiths, using the principle of ''[[cuius regio, eius religio]]''. States were designated as either [[Lutheran]], then the most usual form of Protestantism, or Catholic, based on the religion of their ruler. Other provisions protected substantial religious minorities in cities like [[Donauwörth]], and confirmed Lutheran ownership of property taken from the [[Catholic Church]] since 1552.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|pp=17–18}}{{efn|One major impact of the [[Reformation]] was to transfer lands and influence from the [[Catholic Church]] to secular, [[Protestant]] rulers}} | ||
However, the settlement was undermined by the expansion of Protestantism into Catholic areas post-1555, particularly [[Calvinism]], a Protestant doctrine viewed with hostility by both Lutherans and Catholics.{{Sfn|Sutherland|1992|pp=602–603}} | However, the settlement was undermined by the expansion of Protestantism into Catholic areas post-1555, particularly [[Calvinism]], a Protestant doctrine viewed with hostility by both Lutherans and Catholics.{{Sfn|Sutherland|1992|pp=602–603}} Augsburg also gave individual rulers significantly greater autonomy, allowing larger states to pursue their own objectives, which often clashed with those of central authority or external powers. Conflict sometimes superseded religion, with the Protestant states of [[Electorate of Saxony|Saxony]] and [[Brandenburg-Prussia|Brandenburg]] competing with [[Denmark–Norway]] and [[Swedish Empire|Sweden]] over the lucrative [[Baltic maritime trade (c. 1400–1800)|Baltic trade]].{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=22–24}}{{efn|As below, the acquisition of territories within the Empire by [[Denmark-Norway]] and [[Swedish Empire|Sweden]] gave them an ongoing opportunity to intervene.{{Sfn|Hayden|1973|pp=1–23}}}} | ||
Reconciling these differences was hampered by fragmented political institutions, which included 300 [[imperial estate]]s distributed across Germany, the [[Low Countries]], [[northern Italy]], and present-day France.{{Efn|Although technically there were nearly 1,800 separate | Reconciling these differences was hampered by fragmented political institutions, which included 300 [[imperial estate]]s distributed across Germany, the [[Low Countries]], [[northern Italy]], and present-day France.{{Efn|Although technically there were nearly 1,800 separate estates, only [[List of Imperial Diet participants (1792)|300]] were represented in the Imperial Diet or Circles. Most of the remaining 1,500 were [[imperial Knight]]s, or individual members of the lower nobility, who were excluded.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=21}}}} These ranged in size and importance from the seven [[Prince-elector]]s who voted for the [[Holy Roman Emperor]], down to [[Prince-bishop]]rics and [[Free imperial city|imperial cities]] like [[Hamburg]].{{efn|Its official title remains ''Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg''}} Each also belonged to a separate regional grouping known as an [[Imperial Circle]], which was chiefly concerned with defence, and operated independently. Above all of these was the [[Imperial Diet (Holy Roman Empire)|Imperial Diet]], which assembled infrequently, and focused on discussion, rather than legislation.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=17–22}} | ||
Since 1440, the position of emperor had been held by the [[House of Habsburg]], the largest single landowner within the Holy Roman Empire. They directly ruled over eight million subjects and territories that included [[Archduchy of Austria|Austria]], [[Kingdom of Bohemia|Bohemia]] and [[Kingdom of Hungary|Hungary]].{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=24}} The Habsburgs also controlled the [[Spanish Empire]] until 1556, when [[Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor|Charles V]] divided his possessions between different branches of the family. This bond was reinforced by frequent inter-marriage, while [[Habsburg Spain|Spain]] retained territories within the Holy Roman Empire such as the [[Spanish Netherlands]], [[Duchy of Milan|Milan]] and [[Franche-Comté]]. However, although the two often collaborated, there was no such thing as a joint "Habsburg" policy.{{sfn|Frost|1994|p=102}} | |||
This is because the two entities were very different. Spain was a global maritime superpower, stretching from Europe to the [[History of the Philippines (1565–1898)|Philippines]] | This is because the two entities were very different. Spain was a global maritime superpower, stretching from Europe to the [[History of the Philippines (1565–1898)|Philippines]] and [[New Spain|the Americas]], while Austria{{efn|The [[Habsburg monarchy|lands]] ruled by the Austrian Habsburgs were often collectively known as "Austria"}} was a land-based power, focused on Germany and securing its eastern border against the [[Ottoman Empire]].{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=159–161}} Another key difference was the disparity in relative financial strength, with the Spanish Habsburgs providing large subsidies to their Austrian counterparts. The loss of these post 1640, as Spain itself struggled with the costs of a long running global war, substantially weakened the imperial position.{{sfn|Frost|1994|pp=103-105}} | ||
Prior to the Reformation, shared religion partially compensated for weak imperial institutions. After 1556, rising religious and political tensions allowed states like Lutheran Saxony and Catholic [[Duchy of Bavaria|Bavaria]] to expand their own power, while further weakening imperial authority. This internal political struggle was exacerbated by external powers with their own strategic objectives, such as Spain, the [[Dutch Republic]], or France, confronted by Habsburg lands on its borders to the [[Nord-Pas-de-Calais|north]], [[Southern France|south]], and along the [[Pyrenees]]. Since a number of foreign rulers were also imperial princes, divisions within the empire drew in players like [[Christian IV of Denmark]], who joined the war in 1625 as [[Duke of Holstein-Gottorp]].{{Sfn|Hayden|1973|pp=1–23}} | Prior to the Reformation, shared religion partially compensated for weak imperial institutions. After 1556, rising religious and political tensions allowed states like Lutheran Saxony and Catholic [[Duchy of Bavaria|Bavaria]] to expand their own power, while further weakening imperial authority. This internal political struggle was exacerbated by external powers with their own strategic objectives, such as Spain, the [[Dutch Republic]], or France, confronted by Habsburg lands on its borders to the [[Nord-Pas-de-Calais|north]], [[Southern France|south]], and along the [[Pyrenees]]. Since a number of foreign rulers were also imperial princes, divisions within the empire drew in players like [[Christian IV of Denmark]], who joined the war in 1625 as [[Duke of Holstein-Gottorp]].{{Sfn|Hayden|1973|pp=1–23}} | ||
| Line 140: | Line 139: | ||
[[File:Map Thirty Years War-en.svg|left|thumb|upright=1.2|Map of the Thirty Years' War]] | [[File:Map Thirty Years War-en.svg|left|thumb|upright=1.2|Map of the Thirty Years' War]] | ||
Disputes occasionally resulted in full-scale conflict like the 1583 to 1588 [[Cologne War]], | Disputes occasionally resulted in full-scale conflict like the 1583 to 1588 [[Cologne War]], triggered when its [[Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg|ruler]] converted to [[Calvinism]]. More common were events such as the 1606 Battle of the Flags in Donauwörth, when riots broke out after the Lutheran majority blocked a Catholic religious procession. [[Emperor Rudolf]] approved intervention by the Catholic [[Maximilian I, Elector of Bavaria|Maximilian of Bavaria]]. In return, he was allowed to annex the town, and, as agreed at Augsburg, the official religion changed from Lutheran to Catholic.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=222}} | ||
When the Imperial Diet opened in February 1608, both Lutherans and Calvinists sought re-confirmation of the Augsburg settlement. In return, the Habsburg heir [[Ferdinand II, Holy Roman Emperor|Archduke Ferdinand]] required the immediate restoration of any property taken from the Catholic Church since 1555, | When the Imperial Diet opened in February 1608, both Lutherans and Calvinists sought re-confirmation of the Augsburg settlement. In return, the Habsburg heir [[Ferdinand II, Holy Roman Emperor|Archduke Ferdinand]] required the immediate restoration of any property taken from the Catholic Church since 1555, as opposed to the previous practice whereby each case was assessed separately. By threatening all Protestants, his demand paralysed the diet and removed the perception of imperial neutrality.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=224}} | ||
The loss of faith in central authority meant towns and rulers began strengthening their fortifications and armies, with foreign travellers often commenting on the militarisation of Germany in this period.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=11}} When [[Frederick IV, Elector Palatine]] formed the [[Protestant Union]] in 1608, Maximilian responded by setting up the [[Catholic League (German)|Catholic League]] in July 1609. Both were largely vehicles for their leaders' dynastic ambitions, but when combined with the 1609 to 1614 [[War of the Jülich Succession]], the result was to increase tensions throughout the empire.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=47–49}} Some historians who see the war as primarily a European conflict argue Jülich marks its beginning, with Spain and Austria backing the Catholic candidate, France and the [[Dutch Republic]] the Protestant.{{Sfn|Wilson|2008|p=557}} | The loss of faith in central authority meant towns and rulers began strengthening their fortifications and armies, with foreign travellers often commenting on the militarisation of Germany in this period.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=11}} When [[Frederick IV, Elector Palatine]] formed the [[Protestant Union]] in 1608, Maximilian responded by setting up the [[Catholic League (German)|Catholic League]] in July 1609. Both were largely vehicles for their leaders' dynastic ambitions, but when combined with the 1609 to 1614 [[War of the Jülich Succession]], the result was to increase tensions throughout the empire.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=47–49}} Some historians who see the war as primarily a European conflict argue that Jülich marks its beginning, with Spain and Austria backing the Catholic candidate, France and the [[Dutch Republic]] the Protestant.{{Sfn|Wilson|2008|p=557}} | ||
[[File:CaminoEspañol.svg|thumb|right|upright=0.8|The [[Spanish Road]] <br /> '''Purple''': [[Habsburg Spain|Spanish]] dependencies <br /> '''Green''': Ruled by [[Habsburg monarchy|Austria]] <br /> ''' | [[File:CaminoEspañol.svg|thumb|right|upright=0.8|The [[Spanish Road]] <br /> '''Purple''': [[Habsburg Spain|Spanish]] dependencies <br /> '''Green''': Ruled by [[Habsburg monarchy|Austria]] <br /> '''Orange''': Ruled by Spain]] | ||
External powers became involved in what was an internal German dispute | External powers became involved in what was an internal German dispute because of the imminent expiry of the 1609 [[Twelve Years' Truce]], which suspended the [[Eighty Years' War]] between Spain and the Dutch Republic. Before restarting hostilities, [[Ambrosio Spinola]], commander in the Spanish Netherlands, needed to secure the [[Spanish Road]], an overland route connecting Habsburg possessions in Italy to [[Flanders]]. This allowed him to move troops and supplies by road, rather than sea where the Dutch navy was dominant; by 1618, the only part not controlled by Spain ran through the [[Electoral Palatinate]].{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=50}} | ||
Since [[Emperor Matthias]] had no surviving children, in [[Oñate treaty|July 1617]] [[Philip III of Spain]] agreed to support [[Ferdinand II, Holy Roman Emperor|Ferdinand II]]'s election as king of Bohemia and Hungary. In return, Ferdinand made concessions to Spain in northern Italy and Alsace, and agreed to support their offensive against the Dutch. Doing so required his election as emperor, which was not guaranteed; Maximilian of Bavaria, who opposed the increase of Spanish influence in an area he considered his own, tried to create a coalition to support his candidacy.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=63–65}} | Since [[Emperor Matthias]] had no surviving children, in [[Oñate treaty|July 1617]] [[Philip III of Spain]] agreed to support [[Ferdinand II, Holy Roman Emperor|Ferdinand II]]'s election as king of Bohemia and Hungary. In return, Ferdinand made concessions to Spain in northern Italy and Alsace, and agreed to support their offensive against the Dutch. Doing so required his election as emperor, which was not guaranteed; Maximilian of Bavaria, who opposed the increase of Spanish influence in an area he considered his own, tried to create a coalition to support his candidacy.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=63–65}} | ||
Another option was [[Frederick V, Elector Palatine]], a Calvinist who in 1613 married [[Elizabeth of Bohemia]], daughter of [[James VI and I|James I of England]]. | Another option was [[Frederick V, Elector Palatine]], a Calvinist who in 1613 married [[Elizabeth of Bohemia]], daughter of [[James VI and I|James I of England]]. When Ferdinand was elected king of Bohemia in 1617, he also gained control of its electoral vote, but his conservative Catholicism made him unpopular with the mostly Protestant Bohemian nobility, who were also concerned about the erosion of their rights. Since the seven electors previously consisted of three Protestants and four Catholics, replacing Ferdinand with Frederick would alter the religious balance, making possible the election of a Protestant emperor and the end of Habsburg predominance.{{efn|Since electoral votes were associated with the position, rather than the individual, becoming king of Bohemia in addition to Elector Palatine would give Frederick two votes}} These factors combined to bring about the [[Bohemian Revolt]] in May 1618.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=271–274}} | ||
===Phase I: 1618 to 1635=== | ===Phase I: 1618 to 1635=== | ||
====Bohemian | ====Bohemian Revolt==== | ||
{{Main|Bohemian | {{Main|Bohemian Revolt}} | ||
[[File:Friedrich V. von der Pfalz bis.jpg|thumb|left|upright=1.0|"Winter's King", [[Frederick V of the Palatinate]], whose acceptance of the Bohemian crown sparked the conflict]] | [[File:Friedrich V. von der Pfalz bis.jpg|thumb|left|upright=1.0|"Winter's King", [[Frederick V of the Palatinate]], whose acceptance of the Bohemian crown sparked the conflict]] | ||
Ferdinand once claimed he would rather see his lands destroyed than tolerate [[heresy]] within them. Less than 18 months after taking control of [[Duchy of Styria|Styria]] in 1595, he had eliminated Protestantism in what had been a stronghold of the [[Reformation]].{{Sfn|Bassett|2015|p=14}} Absorbed by their war in the Netherlands, his Spanish relatives preferred to avoid antagonising Protestants elsewhere. They recognised the dangers associated with Ferdinand's fervent Catholicism, but supported his claim due to the lack of alternatives.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=74–75}} | Ferdinand once claimed he would rather see his lands destroyed than tolerate [[heresy]] within them. Less than 18 months after taking control of [[Duchy of Styria|Styria]] in 1595, he had eliminated Protestantism in what had been a stronghold of the [[Reformation]].{{Sfn|Bassett|2015|p=14}} Absorbed by their war in the Netherlands, his Spanish relatives preferred to avoid antagonising Protestants elsewhere. They recognised the dangers associated with Ferdinand's fervent Catholicism, but supported his claim due to the lack of alternatives.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=74–75}} | ||
Elected king of Bohemia in May 1617, Ferdinand reconfirmed [[Letter of Majesty|Protestant religious freedoms]], but his record in Styria led to the suspicion he was only awaiting a chance to overturn them. These concerns were heightened after a series of legal disputes over property were all decided in favour of the Catholic Church. In May 1618, Protestant nobles led by [[Jindřich Matyáš Thurn|Count Thurn]] met in [[Prague Castle]] with Ferdinand's two Catholic representatives, [[Vilem Slavata of Chlum|Vilem Slavata]] and [[Jaroslav Borzita of Martinice|Jaroslav Borzita]]. In what became known as the [[Third Defenestration of Prague]], both men were thrown out of the castle windows along with their secretary [[Filip Fabricius]], although all three survived.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=78–79}} | |||
Thurn established a Protestant-dominated government in Bohemia, while unrest expanded into [[Silesia]] and the Habsburg heartlands of [[Lower Austria|Lower]] and [[Upper Austria]], where much of the nobility was also Protestant. Losing control of these threatened the entire Habsburg state, while in addition to its crucial electoral vote, Bohemia was one of the most prosperous areas of the Empire. Regaining control was vital for the Austrian Habsburgs, but chronic financial weakness left them dependent on Maximilian and Spain for the resources needed to achieve this.{{Sfn|Bassett|2015|pp=12, 15}} | Thurn established a Protestant-dominated government in Bohemia, while unrest expanded into [[Silesia]] and the Habsburg heartlands of [[Lower Austria|Lower]] and [[Upper Austria]], where much of the nobility was also Protestant. Losing control of these threatened the entire Habsburg state, while in addition to its crucial electoral vote, Bohemia was one of the most prosperous areas of the Empire. Regaining control was vital for the Austrian Habsburgs, but chronic financial weakness left them dependent on Maximilian and Spain for the resources needed to achieve this.{{Sfn|Bassett|2015|pp=12, 15}} | ||
Spanish involvement | Spanish involvement drew in the Dutch, and potentially [[Kingdom of France|France]], although the strongly Catholic [[Louis XIII]] faced his own domestic [[Huguenot rebellions|Protestant rebels]] and refused to support them elsewhere. The revolt also provided opportunities for external opponents of the Habsburgs, including the Ottoman Empire and [[Savoyard state|Savoy]]. Funded by Frederick and [[Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy]], a mercenary army under [[Ernst von Mansfeld]] was sent to support the Bohemian rebels. Attempts by Maximilian and John George of Saxony to broker a negotiated solution ended when Matthias died in March 1619, since many believed the loss of his authority and influence had fatally damaged the Habsburgs.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=81–82}} | ||
By mid-June 1619, | By mid-June 1619, an army led by Thurn was outside [[Vienna]], and despite defeating Mansfeld at [[Battle of Sablat|Sablat]], Ferdinand's position continued to worsen.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=94}} [[Gabriel Bethlen]], Calvinist [[Prince of Transylvania]], invaded Hungary with Ottoman support, although war with [[Polish–Ottoman War (1620–21)|Poland in 1620]], followed by the [[Ottoman–Safavid War (1623–1639)|1623 to 1639 conflict with Persia]], prevented their direct participation.{{Sfn|Baramova|2014|pp=121–122}} | ||
[[File:Guerre 30 ans 1.jpg|right|thumb|upright=1.0|The Catholic counter-offensive; [[Count of Tilly|Tilly]]'s campaign]] | [[File:Guerre 30 ans 1.jpg|right|thumb|upright=1.0|The Catholic counter-offensive; [[Count of Tilly|Tilly]]'s campaign]] | ||
On 19 August, the Bohemian Estates rescinded Ferdinand's 1617 election as king and a week later formally offered the crown to Frederick. On 28 August, Ferdinand was elected Holy Roman Emperor, making war inevitable if Frederick accepted the Bohemian crown. Most of Frederick's advisors urged him to reject it, as did the Duke of Savoy, and his father-in-law James I | On 19 August, the Bohemian Estates rescinded Ferdinand's 1617 election as king and a week later formally offered the crown to Frederick. On 28 August, Ferdinand was elected Holy Roman Emperor, making war inevitable if Frederick accepted the Bohemian crown. Most of Frederick's advisors urged him to reject it, as did the Duke of Savoy, and his father-in-law James I.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=98–99}} | ||
Although Frederick accepted the crown and entered Prague in October 1619, his support eroded over the next few months. In July 1620, the Protestant Union proclaimed its neutrality, while John George of Saxony backed Ferdinand in return for the cession of [[Lusatia]] | However, he received backing from [[Christian I, Prince of Anhalt-Bernburg|Christian of Anhalt]], along with [[Maurice, Prince of Orange|Maurice of Orange]], for whom conflict in Germany was a means to divert Spanish resources from the Netherlands. The Dutch offered subsidies to Frederick and the Protestant Union, helped raise loans for Bohemia, and provided weapons and munitions.{{sfn|Israel|1995b|p=469}} However, wider European support failed to materialise, largely due to lack of enthusiasm for removing a legally elected ruler, regardless of religion.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=98–99}} | ||
Although Frederick accepted the crown and entered Prague in October 1619, his support eroded over the next few months. In July 1620, the Protestant Union proclaimed its neutrality, while John George of Saxony backed Ferdinand in return for the cession of [[Lusatia]] and a guarantee of Lutheran rights in Bohemia. Maximilian of Bavaria funded a combined [[Imperial Army of the Holy Roman Emperor|Imperial]]-Catholic League army led by [[Johann Tserclaes, Count of Tilly|Count Tilly]] and [[Charles Bonaventure de Longueval, 2nd Count of Bucquoy|de Bucquoy]], which pacified Upper and Lower Austria and occupied western Bohemia before marching on Prague. Defeated at the [[Battle of White Mountain]] in November 1620, the Bohemian army disintegrated, and Frederick fled the country.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=127–129}} | |||
====Palatinate campaign==== | ====Palatinate campaign==== | ||
By abandoning Frederick, the German princes | {{Main|Palatinate campaign}} | ||
By abandoning Frederick, the German princes hoped to restrict the dispute to Bohemia, an objective thwarted by Maximilian's dynastic ambitions. In the October 1619 [[Treaty of Munich (1619)|Treaty of Munich]], Ferdinand transferred the Palatinate's electoral vote to Bavaria, and allowed Maximilian to annex the [[Upper Palatinate]].{{Sfn|Stutler|2014|pp=37–38}} Many Protestants had supported Ferdinand because in principle they opposed the deposition of a legally elected ruler, and now objected to Frederick's removal on the same grounds. For Catholics, it presented an opportunity to regain lands and properties lost since 1555, a combination which destabilised large parts of the Empire.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=117}} | |||
[[File:Joachim von Sandrart - Maximilian I, Elector of Bavaria.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.9|[[Maximilian I, Elector of Bavaria]] whose seizure of the Palatinate expanded the war]] | [[File:Joachim von Sandrart - Maximilian I, Elector of Bavaria.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.9|[[Maximilian I, Elector of Bavaria]] whose seizure of the Palatinate expanded the war]] | ||
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At the same time, Spain was drawn into the conflict due to the strategic importance of the Spanish Road for their war in the Netherlands, and its proximity to the Palatinate. When an army led by [[Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba (1585–1635)|Córdoba]] occupied the [[Lower Palatinate]] in October 1619, James I sent English naval forces against Spanish colonial possessions and threatened war if Spanish troops were not withdrawn by spring 1621. These actions were primarily designed to placate his opponents in [[Parliament of England|Parliament]], who considered his pro-Spanish policy a betrayal of the Protestant cause.{{Sfn|Zaller|1974|pp=147–148}} Spanish chief minister [[Gaspar de Guzmán, Count-Duke of Olivares|Olivares]] correctly interpreted them as an invitation to open negotiations, and in return for an Anglo-Spanish alliance offered to restore Frederick to his Rhineland possessions.{{Sfn|Zaller|1974|pp=152–154}} | At the same time, Spain was drawn into the conflict due to the strategic importance of the Spanish Road for their war in the Netherlands, and its proximity to the Palatinate. When an army led by [[Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba (1585–1635)|Córdoba]] occupied the [[Lower Palatinate]] in October 1619, James I sent English naval forces against Spanish colonial possessions and threatened war if Spanish troops were not withdrawn by spring 1621. These actions were primarily designed to placate his opponents in [[Parliament of England|Parliament]], who considered his pro-Spanish policy a betrayal of the Protestant cause.{{Sfn|Zaller|1974|pp=147–148}} Spanish chief minister [[Gaspar de Guzmán, Count-Duke of Olivares|Olivares]] correctly interpreted them as an invitation to open negotiations, and in return for an Anglo-Spanish alliance offered to restore Frederick to his Rhineland possessions.{{Sfn|Zaller|1974|pp=152–154}} | ||
Since Frederick's demand for full restitution of his lands and titles was incompatible with the Treaty of Munich, hopes of a negotiated peace quickly evaporated. Despite defeat in Bohemia, Frederick's allies included [[George Frederick, Margrave of Baden-Durlach|Georg Friedrich of Baden]] and [[Christian the Younger of Brunswick|Christian of Brunswick]], while the Dutch provided him with military support after the Eighty Years' War restarted in April 1621 and his father-in-law James funded an army of mercenaries under Mansfeld. However, their failure to co-ordinate effectively led to a series of defeats by Spanish and Catholic League forces, | Since Frederick's demand for full restitution of his lands and titles was incompatible with the Treaty of Munich, hopes of a negotiated peace quickly evaporated. Despite defeat in Bohemia, Frederick's allies included [[George Frederick, Margrave of Baden-Durlach|Georg Friedrich of Baden]] and [[Christian the Younger of Brunswick|Christian of Brunswick]], while the Dutch provided him with military support after the Eighty Years' War restarted in April 1621 and his father-in-law James funded an army of mercenaries under Mansfeld. However, their failure to co-ordinate effectively led to a series of defeats by Spanish and Catholic League forces, at [[Battle of Wimpfen|Wimpfen]] in May 1622, which forced Georg Friedrich to seek peace and at [[Battle of Höchst|Höchst]] in June, which forced Christian to meet up with Mansfeld. By November 1622, Spanish and imperial troops controlled most of the Palatinate, apart from [[Siege of Frankenthal|Frankenthal]], which was held by a small English garrison under Sir [[Horace Vere]]. The remnants of Mansfeld's army took refuge in the Dutch Republic, as did Frederick, who spent most of his time in [[The Hague]] until his death in November 1632.{{Sfn|Spielvogel|2017|p=447}} | ||
At a meeting of the Imperial Diet in February 1623, Ferdinand forced through provisions transferring Frederick's titles, lands, and electoral vote to Maximilian. He did so with support from the Catholic League, despite strong opposition from Protestant members, as well as the Spanish. The Palatinate was clearly lost; in March, James instructed Vere to surrender Frankenthal, while Tilly's victory over Christian of Brunswick at [[Battle of Stadtlohn|Stadtlohn]] in August completed military operations.{{Sfn|Pursell|2003|pp=182–185}} However, Spanish and Dutch involvement in the campaign was a significant step in internationalising the war, while Frederick's removal meant other Protestant princes began discussing armed resistance to preserve their own rights and territories.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=162–164}} | At a meeting of the Imperial Diet in February 1623, Ferdinand forced through provisions transferring Frederick's titles, lands, and electoral vote to Maximilian. He did so with support from the Catholic League, despite strong opposition from Protestant members, as well as the Spanish. The Palatinate was clearly lost; in March, James instructed Vere to surrender Frankenthal, while Tilly's victory over Christian of Brunswick at [[Battle of Stadtlohn|Stadtlohn]] in August completed military operations.{{Sfn|Pursell|2003|pp=182–185}} However, Spanish and Dutch involvement in the campaign was a significant step in internationalising the war, while Frederick's removal meant other Protestant princes began discussing armed resistance to preserve their own rights and territories.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=162–164}} | ||
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}} | }} | ||
With Saxony dominating the [[Upper Saxon Circle]] and [[Brandenburg]] the [[Lower Saxon Circle|Lower]], both ''kreise'' | With Saxony dominating the [[Upper Saxon Circle]] and [[Brandenburg]] the [[Lower Saxon Circle|Lower]], both ''kreise'' remained neutral in the early stages. However, Frederick's deposition in 1623 united the Lutheran John George of Saxony and Calvinist [[George William, Elector of Brandenburg]], who became concerned Ferdinand intended to reclaim formerly Catholic bishoprics now held by Protestants. These fears seemed confirmed in early 1625 when Tilly returned to the Catholic church properties in [[Roman Catholic Diocese of Halberstadt|Halberstadt]] which had been Protestant since 1566.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=179–181}} | ||
As Duke of Holstein, Christian IV was also a member of the Lower Saxon circle, while the Danish economy relied on the Baltic trade and tolls from traffic through the [[Øresund]].{{Sfn|Lockhart|2007|pp=107–109}} In 1621, Hamburg accepted Danish "supervision", while his son [[Frederick III of Denmark|Frederick]] became joint-administrator of [[Prince-bishopric of Lübeck|Lübeck]], [[Prince-Archbishopric of Bremen|Bremen]], and [[Prince-Bishopric of Verden|Verden]]; possession ensured Danish control of the [[Elbe]] and [[Weser]] rivers.{{Sfn|Murdoch|2000|p=53}} | As Duke of Holstein, Christian IV was also a member of the Lower Saxon circle, while the Danish economy relied on the Baltic trade and tolls from traffic through the [[Øresund]].{{Sfn|Lockhart|2007|pp=107–109}} In 1621, Hamburg accepted Danish "supervision", while his son [[Frederick III of Denmark|Frederick]] became joint-administrator of [[Prince-bishopric of Lübeck|Lübeck]], [[Prince-Archbishopric of Bremen|Bremen]], and [[Prince-Bishopric of Verden|Verden]]; possession ensured Danish control of the [[Elbe]] and [[Weser]] rivers.{{Sfn|Murdoch|2000|p=53}} | ||
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In the June 1624 [[Treaty of Compiègne (1624)|Treaty of Compiègne]], France had agreed to subsidise the Dutch war against Spain for a minimum of three years, while in the December 1625 [[Treaty of The Hague (1625)|Treaty of The Hague]], the Dutch and English agreed to finance Danish intervention in the Empire.{{Efn|As well as being brother-in-law to Frederick of the Palatinate, James I was also linked to Christian IV of Denmark, having married his elder sister [[Anne of Denmark]] (1574–1619).{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=382}}}} Hoping to create a wider coalition against Ferdinand, the Dutch invited France, Sweden, Savoy, and the [[Republic of Venice]] to join, but it was overtaken by events.{{Sfn|Davenport|1917|p=295}} In early 1626, [[Cardinal Richelieu]], main architect of the alliance, faced a new Huguenot rebellion at home and in the March [[Treaty of Monzón]], France withdrew from northern Italy, re-opening the Spanish Road.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=208}} | In the June 1624 [[Treaty of Compiègne (1624)|Treaty of Compiègne]], France had agreed to subsidise the Dutch war against Spain for a minimum of three years, while in the December 1625 [[Treaty of The Hague (1625)|Treaty of The Hague]], the Dutch and English agreed to finance Danish intervention in the Empire.{{Efn|As well as being brother-in-law to Frederick of the Palatinate, James I was also linked to Christian IV of Denmark, having married his elder sister [[Anne of Denmark]] (1574–1619).{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=382}}}} Hoping to create a wider coalition against Ferdinand, the Dutch invited France, Sweden, Savoy, and the [[Republic of Venice]] to join, but it was overtaken by events.{{Sfn|Davenport|1917|p=295}} In early 1626, [[Cardinal Richelieu]], main architect of the alliance, faced a new Huguenot rebellion at home and in the March [[Treaty of Monzón]], France withdrew from northern Italy, re-opening the Spanish Road.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=208}} | ||
[[File:Danish phase | [[File:Danish phase En Map.svg|thumb|left|upright=1.0|Danish intervention]] | ||
Dutch and English subsidies enabled Christian to devise an ambitious three part campaign plan. While he led the main force down the Weser, Mansfeld would attack Wallenstein in [[Archbishopric of Magdeburg|Magdeburg]], supported by forces led by Christian of Brunswick and [[Maurice, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel|Maurice of Hesse-Kassel]]. However, Mansfeld was defeated at [[Battle of Dessau Bridge|Dessau Bridge]] in April, and when Maurice refused to support him, Christian of Brunswick fell back on [[Wolfenbüttel]], where he died of disease shortly after. The Danes were comprehensively beaten at [[Battle of Lutter|Lutter]] in August, and Mansfeld's army dissolved after his death in November.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=212}} | Dutch and English subsidies enabled Christian to devise an ambitious three part campaign plan. While he led the main force down the Weser, Mansfeld would attack Wallenstein in [[Archbishopric of Magdeburg|Magdeburg]], supported by forces led by Christian of Brunswick and [[Maurice, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel|Maurice of Hesse-Kassel]]. However, Mansfeld was defeated at [[Battle of Dessau Bridge|Dessau Bridge]] in April, and when Maurice refused to support him, Christian of Brunswick fell back on [[Wolfenbüttel]], where he died of disease shortly after. The Danes were comprehensively beaten at [[Battle of Lutter|Lutter]] in August, and Mansfeld's army dissolved after his death in November.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=212}} | ||
Many of Christian's German allies, such as [[Landgraviate of Hesse-Kassel|Hesse-Kassel]] | Many of Christian's German allies, such as [[Landgraviate of Hesse-Kassel|Hesse-Kassel]], had little interest in replacing imperial domination with Danish, while few of the Dutch or English subsidies were ever paid. [[Charles I of England]] allowed Christian to recruit up to 9,000 Scottish mercenaries, but they took time to arrive, and although able to slow Wallenstein's advance, were insufficient to stop him.{{Sfn|Murdoch|Grosjean|2014|pp=43–44}} By the end of 1627, Wallenstein had occupied [[Mecklenburg]], [[Capitulation of Franzburg|Pomerania]], and [[Jutland]], and began making plans to construct a fleet capable of challenging Danish control of the Baltic. He was supported by Spain, for whom it provided an opportunity to open another front against the Dutch.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=426}} | ||
On 13 May 1628, his deputy [[Hans Georg von Arnim-Boitzenburg|von Arnim]] besieged [[Siege of Stralsund (1628)|Stralsund]], the only port with facilities large enough to build this fleet. [[Gustavus Adolphus]] responded by sending several thousand men to Stralsund under [[Alexander Leslie]], who was also appointed governor.{{Sfn|Murdoch| Grosjean|2014|pp=48–49}} Von Arnim abandoned the siege on 4 August, but three weeks later Christian suffered another defeat at [[Battle of Wolgast|Wolgast]]. He began negotiations with Wallenstein, who despite his recent victories was concerned by the prospect of Swedish intervention, and thus anxious to make peace.{{Sfn|Lockhart|2007|p=170}} | On 13 May 1628, his deputy [[Hans Georg von Arnim-Boitzenburg|von Arnim]] besieged [[Siege of Stralsund (1628)|Stralsund]], the only port with facilities large enough to build this fleet. [[Gustavus Adolphus]] responded by sending several thousand men to Stralsund under [[Alexander Leslie]], who was also appointed governor.{{Sfn|Murdoch| Grosjean|2014|pp=48–49}} Von Arnim abandoned the siege on 4 August, but three weeks later Christian suffered another defeat at [[Battle of Wolgast|Wolgast]]. He began negotiations with Wallenstein, who despite his recent victories was concerned by the prospect of Swedish intervention, and thus anxious to make peace.{{Sfn|Lockhart|2007|p=170}} | ||
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[[File:Albrecht von Wallenstein.jpeg|thumb|right|upright=0.7|[[Albrecht von Wallenstein]] achieved great military success for the Empire but his power threatened both Ferdinand and the German princes.]] | [[File:Albrecht von Wallenstein.jpeg|thumb|right|upright=0.7|[[Albrecht von Wallenstein]] achieved great military success for the Empire but his power threatened both Ferdinand and the German princes.]] | ||
With Ferdinand's resources stretched by the outbreak of the [[War of the Mantuan Succession]], Wallenstein persuaded him to agree relatively lenient terms in the June 1629 [[Treaty of Lübeck]]. These allowed Christian to retain [[Duchy of Schleswig|Schleswig]] and Holstein in return for relinquishing Bremen and Verden, and abandoning support for the German Protestants. While Denmark kept Schleswig and Holstein until 1864, this effectively ended its | With Ferdinand's resources stretched by the outbreak of the [[War of the Mantuan Succession]], Wallenstein persuaded him to agree relatively lenient terms in the June 1629 [[Treaty of Lübeck]]. These allowed Christian to retain [[Duchy of Schleswig|Schleswig]] and Holstein in return for relinquishing Bremen and Verden, and abandoning support for the German Protestants. While Denmark kept Schleswig and Holstein until [[Second Schleswig War|1864]], this effectively ended its period as a major power in the Baltic region.{{Sfn|Lockhart|2007|p=172}} | ||
Once again, the methods used to obtain victory explain why the war failed to end. Ferdinand | Once again, the methods used to obtain victory explain why the war failed to end. Ferdinand's chronic financial weakness meant Wallenstein raised money by demanding ransoms from towns, while his men plundered the local territory, regardless of whether it belonged to allies or opponents. When Ferdinand deposed the hereditary [[Adolf Frederick I, Duke of Mecklenburg|Duke of Mecklenburg]] in early 1628 and appointed Wallenstein in his place, the act united all German princes in opposition, regardless of religion. However, Maximilian's desire to retain the Palatinate meant the Catholic League argued only for a return to the position prevailing before 1627, while Protestants wanted that of 1618.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=232–233}} | ||
Made overconfident by success, in March 1629, Ferdinand passed an [[Edict of Restitution]], which required all lands taken from the Catholic church after 1555 to be returned. While technically legal, politically it was extremely unwise, since doing so would alter nearly every single state boundary in north and central Germany, deny the existence of Calvinism and restore Catholicism in areas where it had not been a significant presence for nearly a century. Well aware none of the princes involved would agree, Ferdinand used the device of an imperial [[edict]], once again asserting his right to alter laws without consultation. This new assault on "German liberties" ensured continuing opposition and undermined his previous success.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=242–244}} | Made overconfident by success, in March 1629, Ferdinand passed an [[Edict of Restitution]], which required all lands taken from the Catholic church after 1555 to be returned. While technically legal, politically it was extremely unwise, since doing so would alter nearly every single state boundary in north and central Germany, deny the existence of Calvinism and restore Catholicism in areas where it had not been a significant presence for nearly a century. Well aware none of the princes involved would agree, Ferdinand used the device of an imperial [[edict]], once again asserting his right to alter laws without consultation. This new assault on "German liberties" ensured continuing opposition and undermined his previous success.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=242–244}} | ||
At the same time, his Spanish allies were reluctant to antagonise German Protestants as the [[Eighty Years' War]] had now shifted in favour of the Dutch Republic. Madrid's financial position steadily deteriorated in the 1620s, particularly after the [[Dutch West India Company]] captured the [[Spanish treasure fleet]] at [[Battle in the Bay of Matanzas|Matanzas]] in 1628. Fighting in Italy diverted Spanish resources from the Netherlands,{{sfn|Israel|1995b|p=497}} | At the same time, his Spanish allies were reluctant to antagonise German Protestants as the [[Eighty Years' War]] had now shifted in favour of the Dutch Republic. Madrid's financial position steadily deteriorated in the 1620s, particularly after the [[Dutch West India Company|Dutch]] captured the [[Spanish treasure fleet]] at [[Battle in the Bay of Matanzas|Matanzas]] in 1628. Fighting in Italy diverted Spanish resources from the Netherlands,{{sfn|Israel|1995b|p=497}} allowing [[Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange|Frederick Henry]] to [[Siege of 's-Hertogenbosch|besiege 's-Hertogenbosch]] in 1629. [[Invasion of the Veluwe (1629)|Imperial intervention]] could not prevent its fall.{{sfn|Israel|1995b|p=511}} | ||
====Sweden invades Germany (1630–1635)==== | ====Sweden invades Germany (1630–1635)==== | ||
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From 1626 to 1629, Gustavus was engaged in a [[Polish–Swedish War (1626–1629)|war with Poland–Lithuania]], ruled by his Catholic cousin [[Sigismund III Vasa|Sigismund]], who also claimed the Swedish throne and was backed by Ferdinand II. Once this conflict ended, and with only a few minor states like [[Hesse-Kassel]] still openly opposing Ferdinand, Gustavus became an obvious ally for Richelieu.{{Sfn|Maland|1980|pp=98–99}} In September 1629, the latter helped negotiate the [[Truce of Altmark]] between Sweden and Poland, freeing Gustavus to enter the war. Partly a genuine desire to support his Protestant co-religionists, like Christian he also wanted to maximise his share of the Baltic trade that provided much of Sweden's income.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=385–386}} | From 1626 to 1629, Gustavus was engaged in a [[Polish–Swedish War (1626–1629)|war with Poland–Lithuania]], ruled by his Catholic cousin [[Sigismund III Vasa|Sigismund]], who also claimed the Swedish throne and was backed by Ferdinand II. Once this conflict ended, and with only a few minor states like [[Hesse-Kassel]] still openly opposing Ferdinand, Gustavus became an obvious ally for Richelieu.{{Sfn|Maland|1980|pp=98–99}} In September 1629, the latter helped negotiate the [[Truce of Altmark]] between Sweden and Poland, freeing Gustavus to enter the war. Partly a genuine desire to support his Protestant co-religionists, like Christian he also wanted to maximise his share of the Baltic trade that provided much of Sweden's income.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=385–386}} | ||
After diplomatic negotiations with Ferdinand II failed, Gustavus landed in [[Duchy of Pomerania|Pomerania]] in June 1630 with nearly 18,000 troops. Using Stralsund as a bridgehead, he marched south along the [[Oder]] towards [[Szczecin|Stettin]] and coerced [[Bogislaw XIV, Duke of Pomerania]], into agreeing an [[Treaty of Stettin (1630)|alliance]] which secured his interests in Pomerania against his rival Sigismund.{{Sfn|Norrhem|2019|pp=28–29}} As a result, the Poles turned their attention to Russia, who initiated the 1632 to 1634 [[Smolensk War]].{{Sfn|Porshnev|1995|p=106}} | |||
However, Swedish expectations of widespread German support proved unrealistic. By the end of 1630, their only new ally was the Administrator of Magdeburg, [[Christian William of Brandenburg|Christian William]] whose capital was under siege by Tilly.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=120}} Despite the devastation inflicted by | However, Swedish expectations of widespread German support proved unrealistic. By the end of 1630, their only new ally was the Administrator of Magdeburg, [[Christian William of Brandenburg|Christian William]] whose capital was under siege by Tilly.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=120}} Despite the devastation inflicted by Wallenstein's soldiers, Saxony and Brandenburg were ambivalent about Swedish intervention. Both states had their own ambitions in Pomerania, while experience showed inviting external powers into the Empire was easier than getting them to leave.{{Sfn|O'Connell|1968|pp=253–254}} | ||
[[File:Sack of Magdeburg 1631.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|The [[Sack of Magdeburg]] in 1631]] | [[File:Sack of Magdeburg 1631.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|The [[Sack of Magdeburg]] in 1631]] | ||
Gustavus put pressure on Brandenburg by sacking Küstrin and [[Frankfurt an der Oder]], while the [[Sack of Magdeburg]] in May 1631 provided a powerful warning of the consequences of imperial victory.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=128}} Once again, Richelieu used French financial power to bridge differences between the Swedes and | Gustavus put pressure on Brandenburg by sacking Küstrin and [[Frankfurt an der Oder]], while the [[Sack of Magdeburg]] in May 1631 provided a powerful warning of the consequences of imperial victory.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=128}} Once again, Richelieu used French financial power to bridge differences between the Swedes and their potential allies. In the 1631 [[Treaty of Bärwalde]], he agreed to fund the Swedes and a number of small including Hesse-Kassel, Saxony, and Brandenburg.{{Sfn|O'Connell|1968|p=256}} These payments amounted to 400,000 [[Reichstaler]] per year, or one million [[French livre|livres]], enabling Sweden to support a total of 36,000 troops.{{Sfn|Porshnev|1995|p=38}} | ||
With this army, Gustavus invaded southern Germany, winning victories at [[Battle of Breitenfeld (1631)|Breitenfeld]] in September 1631, then [[Battle of Rain|Rain]] in April 1632, where Tilly was killed.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=305–306}} However, Wallenstein realised the Swedes were overextended, and established himself at [[Fürth]], across their supply lines to the Baltic. At the [[Battle of the Alte Veste]] in late August, a failed Swedish assault on the Imperial camp outside the town was bloodily repulsed, arguably the greatest blunder committed by Gustavus during his German campaign.{{Sfn|Brzezinski|2001|p=4}} | |||
[[File:Swedish phase map.svg|left|thumb|upright=1.0|Campaigns during the Swedish phase]] | [[File:Swedish phase map.svg|left|thumb|upright=1.0|Campaigns during the Swedish phase]] | ||
Two months later, the Swedes | Two months later, the Swedes and Imperialists met at [[Battle of Lützen (1632)|Lützen]], where both sides suffered heavy casualties. Gustavus himself was killed and some Swedish units incurred losses of over 60%.{{Sfn|Wilson|2018|p=89}} Fighting continued until dusk when Wallenstein retreated, abandoning his artillery and wounded.{{Sfn|Wilson|2018|p=89}} Despite the loss of Gustavus, most commentators consider the battle a Swedish victory, although the result continues to be disputed.{{sfn|Wilson|2018|p=99}}{{Sfn|Brzezinski|2001|p=74}} | ||
After his death, Gustavus' policies were continued by his Chancellor [[Axel Oxenstierna]], and | After his death, Gustavus' policies were continued by his Chancellor [[Axel Oxenstierna]], and [[Bernard of Saxe-Weimar]] and [[Gustav Horn, Count of Pori|Gustav Horn]]. With French backing, Sweden and a number of smaller German states formed the [[Heilbronn League]] in April 1633, although Saxony and Brandenburg remained outside. In July, the Swedes and their allies defeated an Bavarian army at [[Battle of Oldendorf|Oldendorf]].{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=523}} Wallenstein's critics claimed this was due to his failure to support them, while rumours spread that he was preparing to switch sides. As a result, Ferdinand II ordered his arrest in February 1634, and he was assassinated by his own officers in Cheb on 25th.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=220–223}} | ||
The loss of Wallenstein and his organisation left Ferdinand II reliant on Spain for military support. Since their main concern was to re-open the Spanish Road for their campaign against the Dutch, the focus of the war now shifted from the north to the Rhineland and Bavaria. [[Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand of Austria]], new Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, raised an army of 18,000 in Italy, which met up with | The loss of Wallenstein and his organisation left Ferdinand II reliant on Spain for military support. Since their main concern was to re-open the Spanish Road for their campaign against the Dutch, the focus of the war now shifted from the north to the Rhineland and Bavaria. [[Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand of Austria]], new Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, raised an army of 18,000 in Italy, which met up with 15,000 Imperial troops at Donauwörth on 2 September 1634. Four days later, their combined army defeated Horn and Bernard at [[Battle of Nördlingen (1634)|Nördlingen]], a result that cost Sweden control of southern Germany.{{Sfn|Kamen|2003|pp=385–386}} | ||
===Phase II: French intervention, 1635 to 1648=== | ===Phase II: French intervention, 1635 to 1648=== | ||
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[[File:Cardinal de Richelieu (detail).jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.9|[[Cardinal Richelieu]], French chief minister from 1624 until 1642, and creator of the anti-Habsburg alliance]] | [[File:Cardinal de Richelieu (detail).jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.9|[[Cardinal Richelieu]], French chief minister from 1624 until 1642, and creator of the anti-Habsburg alliance]] | ||
In March 1635, French soldiers entered the [[Valtellina]], cutting the link between | In March 1635, French soldiers entered the [[Valtellina]], cutting the link between Milan and the Empire.{{Sfn|Kamen|2003|p=387}} This was followed in May by an invasion of the Spanish Netherlands, which collapsed with the loss of 17,000 men. In [[Treaty of Wismar|March 1636]], France joined the Thirty Years War as an ally of Sweden, which was increasingly reliant on French financing for its continued participation.{{efn|While the death of Gustavus was greeted with dismay by most European Protestants, Richelieu was more ambivalent. The two were increasingly at odds over strategic objectives, although there is no evidence for contemporary claims he was involved in the king's death.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=328}}}} The Spanish responded by invading northern France, causing panic in Paris before lack of supplies forced them to retreat.{{Sfn|Israel|1995a|pp=272–273}} Elsewhere, Saxony began the year by occupying Pomerania, before defeats at [[Battle of Dömitz|Dömitz]] and [[Battle of Wittstock|Wittstock]] in October re-established Swedish predominance in northeast Germany.{{Sfn|Murdoch|Zickermann|Marks|2012|pp=80–85}} | ||
Ferdinand II died in February 1637, and was succeeded by his son [[Ferdinand III, Holy Roman Emperor|Ferdinand III]], who faced a precarious military position. Although [[Matthias Gallas]] had forced Banér back to the Baltic, in March 1638 Bernard of Saxe Weimar destroyed an | Ferdinand II died in February 1637, and was succeeded by his son [[Ferdinand III, Holy Roman Emperor|Ferdinand III]], who faced a precarious military position. Although [[Matthias Gallas]] had forced [[Johan Banér]], the new Swedish commander, back to the Baltic, in March 1638 Bernard of Saxe Weimar destroyed an Imperial army at [[Battle of Rheinfelden|Rheinfelden]]. His capture of [[Battle of Breisach|Breisach]] in December severed the Spanish Road, while [[Charles I Louis]] raised an army to regain his father's possessions in the Palatinate. Although the latter was routed by [[Melchior von Hatzfeldt|von Hatzfeldt]] at [[Battle of Vlotho|Vlotho]] in October, lack of supplies obliged Gallas to withdraw from the Baltic.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=595–598}} | ||
In April 1639, Banér defeated the Saxons at [[Battle of Chemnitz|Chemnitz]], then entered Bohemia in May.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=615}} To retrieve the situation, Ferdinand diverted [[Ottavio Piccolomini|Piccolomini]]'s army from [[Relief of Thionville|Thionville]], ending direct military cooperation between Austria and Spain.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=661–662}} Pressure grew on Olivares to make peace, especially after French and Swedish gains in Germany cut the Spanish Road, forcing [[Madrid]] to resupply their armies in Flanders by sea. Attempts to re-assert maritime control ended when the [[Dutch States Navy|Dutch fleet]] under [[Maarten Tromp]] won a significant victory over the Spanish at the [[Battle of the Downs|Downs]] in October 1639.{{Sfn|Bely|2014|pp=94–95}}{{sfn|Israel|1995b|p=537}} | In April 1639, Banér defeated the Saxons at [[Battle of Chemnitz|Chemnitz]], then entered Bohemia in May.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=615}} To retrieve the situation, Ferdinand diverted [[Ottavio Piccolomini|Piccolomini]]'s army from [[Relief of Thionville|Thionville]], ending direct military cooperation between Austria and Spain.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=661–662}} Pressure grew on Olivares to make peace, especially after French and Swedish gains in Germany cut the Spanish Road, forcing [[Madrid]] to resupply their armies in Flanders by sea. Attempts to re-assert maritime control ended when the [[Dutch States Navy|Dutch fleet]] under [[Maarten Tromp]] won a significant victory over the Spanish at the [[Battle of the Downs|Downs]] in October 1639.{{Sfn|Bely|2014|pp=94–95}}{{sfn|Israel|1995b|p=537}} | ||
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After Bernard died in July 1639, his troops joined Banér's Swedish army in an ineffectual campaign along the Weser, the highlight being a surprise attack in January 1641 on the Imperial Diet in Regensburg.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=150}} Forced to retreat, Banér reached [[Halberstadt]] in May where he died, and despite beating off an Imperial force at [[Battle of Wolfenbüttel (1641)|Wolfenbüttel]] in June, his largely German troops mutinied due to lack of pay.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=446}} The situation was saved by the arrival of [[Lennart Torstensson]] in November with 7,000 Swedish recruits and enough cash to satisfy the mutineers.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=447}} | After Bernard died in July 1639, his troops joined Banér's Swedish army in an ineffectual campaign along the Weser, the highlight being a surprise attack in January 1641 on the Imperial Diet in Regensburg.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=150}} Forced to retreat, Banér reached [[Halberstadt]] in May where he died, and despite beating off an Imperial force at [[Battle of Wolfenbüttel (1641)|Wolfenbüttel]] in June, his largely German troops mutinied due to lack of pay.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=446}} The situation was saved by the arrival of [[Lennart Torstensson]] in November with 7,000 Swedish recruits and enough cash to satisfy the mutineers.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=447}} | ||
French victory at [[Battle of Kempen|Kempen]] in January 1642 was followed by [[Battle of Breitenfeld (1642)|Second Breitenfeld]] in October 1642, where Torstensson inflicted almost 10,000 casualties on an Imperial army led by [[Archduke Leopold Wilhelm of Austria]].{{Sfn|Clodfelter|2008|p=41}} The Swedes captured [[Leipzig]] in December, although they failed to take [[Freiberg]],{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=636–639}} and by 1643 the Saxon army had been reduced to a few isolated garrisons.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=641–642}} Despite these setbacks, Ferdinand fought on, hoping to improve his position enough to exclude the | French victory at [[Battle of Kempen|Kempen]] in January 1642 was followed by [[Battle of Breitenfeld (1642)|Second Breitenfeld]] in October 1642, where Torstensson inflicted almost 10,000 casualties on an Imperial army led by [[Archduke Leopold Wilhelm of Austria]].{{Sfn|Clodfelter|2008|p=41}} The Swedes captured [[Leipzig]] in December, although they failed to take [[Freiberg]],{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=636–639}} and by 1643 the Saxon army had been reduced to a few isolated garrisons.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=641–642}} Despite these setbacks, Ferdinand fought on, hoping to improve his position enough to exclude the Imperial Estates from his peace negotiations with France and Sweden, and allow him to represent the Empire as a whole.{{Sfn|Milton|Axworthy|Simms|2018|pp=60–65}} | ||
This seemed more likely when Richelieu died in December 1642, followed by [[Louis XIII]] in May 1643, leaving his five-year-old son [[ | This seemed more likely when Richelieu died in December 1642, followed by [[Louis XIII]] in May 1643, leaving his five-year-old son [[Louis XIV]] as king. However, Richelieu's policies were continued by his successor [[Cardinal Mazarin]], while gains in Alsace allowed France to focus on the war against Spain. In 1643, the Army of Flanders invaded northern France, but were decisively beaten by [[Louis II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé|Condé]] at [[battle of Rocroi|Rocroi]] on 19 May.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=154}} This ended any prospect of re-opening the Spanish Road, and Madrid finally accepted the reality of Dutch independence.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=171}} | ||
[[File:Tortensson1642 marcossouza.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|Campaigns during the Franco-Swedish phase (until 1642)]] | [[File:Tortensson1642 marcossouza.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|Campaigns during the Franco-Swedish phase (until 1642)]] | ||
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However, Condé was unable to fully exploit his victory due to factors affecting all combatants. The devastation inflicted by 25 years of warfare meant armies spent more time foraging than fighting, forcing them to become smaller and more mobile, with a much greater emphasis on cavalry. Difficulties in gathering provisions meant campaigns started later, and restricted them to areas that could be easily supplied, usually close to rivers.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=587}} In addition, the French army in Germany was shattered at [[Battle of Tuttlingen|Tuttlingen]] in November by Bavarian general [[Franz von Mercy]].{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=643–645}} | However, Condé was unable to fully exploit his victory due to factors affecting all combatants. The devastation inflicted by 25 years of warfare meant armies spent more time foraging than fighting, forcing them to become smaller and more mobile, with a much greater emphasis on cavalry. Difficulties in gathering provisions meant campaigns started later, and restricted them to areas that could be easily supplied, usually close to rivers.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=587}} In addition, the French army in Germany was shattered at [[Battle of Tuttlingen|Tuttlingen]] in November by Bavarian general [[Franz von Mercy]].{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=643–645}} | ||
Soon after Rocroi, Ferdinand invited Sweden and France to attend peace talks in the [[Westphalia]]n towns of [[Münster]] and [[Osnabrück]],{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=671}} but negotiations were delayed when Christian of Denmark blockaded Hamburg and increased toll payments in the Baltic.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=687}} This severely impacted the Dutch and Swedish economies, and in December 1643 the [[Torstensson War]] began when the Swedes invaded Jutland with Dutch naval support. Ferdinand assembled an army under Gallas to attack the Swedes from the rear, which proved a disastrous decision. Leaving [[Carl Gustaf Wrangel|Wrangel]] to finish the war in Denmark, in May 1644 Torstensson marched back into Germany Gallas was unable to stop him, | Soon after Rocroi, Ferdinand invited Sweden and France to attend peace talks in the [[Westphalia]]n towns of [[Münster]] and [[Osnabrück]],{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=671}} but negotiations were delayed when Christian of Denmark blockaded Hamburg and increased toll payments in the Baltic.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=687}} This severely impacted the Dutch and Swedish economies, and in December 1643 the [[Torstensson War]] began when to stop [[Christian IV of Denmark|Christian IV]] from mediating and sense he had raised the Sound Tolls. Torstensson and the Swedes invaded Jutland with Dutch naval support and Horn launched an invasion through [[Scania]]. Ferdinand assembled an army under Gallas to attack the Swedes from the rear and to support Denmark, which proved a disastrous decision. Leaving [[Carl Gustaf Wrangel|Wrangel]] to finish the war in Denmark, in May 1644 Torstensson marched back into Germany. Gallas was unable to stop him, and the Danes sued for peace after their defeat at [[Battle of Fehmarn (1644)|Fehmarn]] in October 1644.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=472–473}} | ||
In August 1644, the French and Bavarian armies met in the three day [[Battle of Freiburg]], in which both sides suffered heavy casualties. Convinced the war could no longer be won, Maximilian now put pressure on Ferdinand to end the conflict.{{Sfn|Croxton|1998|p=273}} Shortly after peace talks restarted in November, Gallas' army disintegrated and the remnants retreated into Bohemia, where they were scattered by Torstensson at [[Battle of Jankau|Jankau]] in March 1645.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=693–695}} In May, Bavarians under von Mercy destroyed a French detachment at [[Battle of Herbsthausen|Herbsthausen]], before he in turn was defeated and killed at [[Battle of Nördlingen (1645)|Second Nördlingen]] in August.{{Sfn|Bonney|2002|p=64}} This left John George of Saxony isolated, who was forced to sign a six-month truce with Sweden in September, then agreed to remain neutral in the March 1646 Treaty of Eulenberg.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=711}} | In August 1644, the French and Bavarian armies met in the three day [[Battle of Freiburg]], in which both sides suffered heavy casualties. Convinced the war could no longer be won, Maximilian now put pressure on Ferdinand to end the conflict.{{Sfn|Croxton|1998|p=273}} Shortly after peace talks restarted in November, Gallas' army disintegrated and the remnants retreated into Bohemia, where they were scattered by Torstensson at [[Battle of Jankau|Jankau]] in March 1645.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=693–695}} Following Jankau Transylvania and its Prince, [[George I Rákóczi]], entered the war and besieged Krems and [[Siege of Brno|Brno]]. In May, Bavarians under von Mercy destroyed a French detachment at [[Battle of Herbsthausen|Herbsthausen]], before he in turn was defeated and killed at [[Battle of Nördlingen (1645)|Second Nördlingen]] in August.{{Sfn|Bonney|2002|p=64}} This left John George of Saxony isolated, who was forced to sign a six-month truce with Sweden in September, then agreed to remain neutral in the March 1646 Treaty of Eulenberg.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=711}} | ||
[[File:Slaget vid Prag (1648), ur "Theatri Europæi..." 1663 - Skoklosters slott - 99875.tif|thumb|left|upright=1.2|The final battle of the war; the Swedish [[Battle of Prague (1648)|Siege of Prague]] in 1648]] | [[File:Slaget vid Prag (1648), ur "Theatri Europæi..." 1663 - Skoklosters slott - 99875.tif|thumb|left|upright=1.2|The final battle of the war; the Swedish [[Battle of Prague (1648)|Siege of Prague]] in 1648]] | ||
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Under [[Henri de La Tour d'Auvergne, Viscount of Turenne|Turenne]], French commander in the Rhineland, and Wrangel, who had replaced Torstensson, the French and Swedes separately invaded Bavaria in the summer of 1646.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=493–494}} Maximilian was soon desperate to end the war he was largely responsible for starting, at which point the Spanish publicised a secret offer by Mazarin to exchange French-occupied Catalonia for the Spanish Netherlands. Angered by this duplicity, the Dutch agreed a truce with Spain in January 1647 and began to negotiate their own peace terms.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=495–496}} Having failed to acquire the Netherlands through diplomacy, Mazarin decided to do so by force. To free up resources for the attempt, on 14 March 1647 he signed the [[Truce of Ulm]] with Bavaria, [[Electorate of Cologne|Cologne]] and Sweden.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=716}} | Under [[Henri de La Tour d'Auvergne, Viscount of Turenne|Turenne]], French commander in the Rhineland, and Wrangel, who had replaced Torstensson, the French and Swedes separately invaded Bavaria in the summer of 1646.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=493–494}} Maximilian was soon desperate to end the war he was largely responsible for starting, at which point the Spanish publicised a secret offer by Mazarin to exchange French-occupied Catalonia for the Spanish Netherlands. Angered by this duplicity, the Dutch agreed a truce with Spain in January 1647 and began to negotiate their own peace terms.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|pp=495–496}} Having failed to acquire the Netherlands through diplomacy, Mazarin decided to do so by force. To free up resources for the attempt, on 14 March 1647 he signed the [[Truce of Ulm]] with Bavaria, [[Electorate of Cologne|Cologne]] and Sweden.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=716}} | ||
The planned offensive fell apart when Turenne's mostly German troops mutinied, while Bavarian general [[Johann von Werth]] refused to comply with the truce.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=496}} Although the mutinies were quickly suppressed, Maximilian felt obliged to follow Werth's example, and in September ordered Bronckhorst-Gronsfeld to combine the remnants of the Bavarian army with Imperial troops under [[Peter Melander, Graf von Holzappel|von Holzappel]].{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=726}} Outnumbered by a Franco-Swedish army led by Wrangel and Turenne, they were defeated at [[Battle of Zusmarshausen|Zusmarshausen]] in May 1648. Holzappel was killed, and although most of his army escaped thanks to [[Raimondo Montecuccoli]], Bavaria was left defenceless once again.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=740–741}} | The planned offensive fell apart when Turenne's mostly German troops mutinied, while Bavarian general [[Johann von Werth]] refused to comply with the truce.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=496}} Although the mutinies were quickly suppressed, Maximilian felt obliged to follow Werth's example, and in September ordered Bronckhorst-Gronsfeld to combine the remnants of the Bavarian army with Imperial troops under [[Peter Melander, Graf von Holzappel|Peter von Holzappel]].{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=726}} Outnumbered by a Franco-Swedish army led by Wrangel and Turenne, they were defeated at [[Battle of Zusmarshausen|Zusmarshausen]] in May 1648. Holzappel was killed, and although most of his army escaped thanks to [[Raimondo Montecuccoli]], Bavaria was left defenceless once again.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|pp=740–741}} | ||
The Swedes sent a second force under [[Hans Christoff von Königsmarck|von Königsmarck]] to [[Battle of Prague (1648)|attack Prague]], seizing the castle and [[Malá Strana]] district in July. The main objective was to gain as much loot as possible before the war ended; they failed to take the [[Old Town (Prague)|Old Town]] but captured treasures including the ''[[Codex Gigas]]'', which can now be seen in Stockholm. When a Spanish offensive in Flanders ended with defeat at [[Battle of Lens|Lens]] in August 1648, Ferdinand finally agreed terms and on 24 October, he signed peace treaties with France and Sweden, ending the war.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=501}} | The Swedes sent a second force under [[Hans Christoff von Königsmarck|von Königsmarck]] to [[Battle of Prague (1648)|attack Prague]], seizing the castle and [[Malá Strana]] district in July. The main objective was to gain as much loot as possible before the war ended; they failed to take the [[Old Town (Prague)|Old Town]] but captured treasures including the ''[[Codex Gigas]]'', which can now be seen in Stockholm. When a Spanish offensive in Flanders ended with defeat at [[Battle of Lens|Lens]] in August 1648, Ferdinand finally agreed terms and on 24 October, he signed peace treaties with France and Sweden, ending the war.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=501}} | ||
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Claims of up to 12 million deaths from a population of 18 million are no longer considered realistic, while upper estimates of material losses are not supported by contemporary evidence, or in some cases exceed prewar tax records.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|pp=188–189}} Regardless, modern commentators agree the war was a man-made mortality disaster previously unknown in Europe. Estimates of total deaths range from 4.5 to 8 million, most incurred after 1630 when Sweden entered the war, the vast majority being civilians.{{Sfn|Outram|2001|pp=156–159}} | Claims of up to 12 million deaths from a population of 18 million are no longer considered realistic, while upper estimates of material losses are not supported by contemporary evidence, or in some cases exceed prewar tax records.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|pp=188–189}} Regardless, modern commentators agree the war was a man-made mortality disaster previously unknown in Europe. Estimates of total deaths range from 4.5 to 8 million, most incurred after 1630 when Sweden entered the war, the vast majority being civilians.{{Sfn|Outram|2001|pp=156–159}} | ||
Battles generally featured armies of around 13,000 to 20,000 each, one of the largest being Alte Veste in 1632 with a combined 70,000 to 85,000. Estimates of | Battles generally featured armies of around 13,000 to 20,000 each, one of the largest being Alte Veste in 1632 with a combined 70,000 to 85,000. Estimates of total combatants deployed by both sides within Germany range from an average of 80,000 to 100,000 from 1618 to 1626, peaking at 250,000 in 1632 and falling to under 160,000 by 1648.{{Sfn|Clodfelter|2008|p=40}} | ||
Casualty rates for those who served in the military could be extremely high. Of 230 men conscripted from the Swedish village of [[Bygdeå]] between 1621 and 1639, 215 are recorded as dead or missing, while another 5 returned home crippled.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=173}} Historian Peter Wilson puts those killed or wounded in action at around 450,000. Research shows disease increased that number by a factor of between two and three, which suggests total military casualties ranged from 1.3 to 1.8 million.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=791}} [[Sociologist]] [[Pitirim Sorokin]] | Casualty rates for those who served in the military could be extremely high. Of 230 men conscripted from the Swedish village of [[Bygdeå]] between 1621 and 1639, 215 are recorded as dead or missing, while another 5 returned home crippled.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=173}} Historian Peter Wilson puts those killed or wounded in action at around 450,000. Research shows disease increased that number by a factor of between two and three, which suggests total military casualties ranged from 1.3 to 1.8 million.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=791}} Although his methodology has been disputed, [[Sociologist]] [[Pitirim Sorokin]] estimates 2,071,000 military deaths, of which 1,151,000 occurred between 1635–1648.{{Sfn|Levy|1983|pp=88–91}} | ||
Local returns show only 3% of civilian deaths were | Local returns show only 3% of civilian deaths were due to military action, the major causes being starvation (12%), [[bubonic plague]] (64%), [[typhus]] (4%), and [[dysentery]] (5%).{{Sfn|Outram|2001|pp=160–161}} Poor harvests throughout the 1630s and repeated plundering of the same areas led to widespread famine, with reports of people eating grass, too weak to accept [[alms]], or resorting to [[Human cannibalism|cannibalism]].{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=345}} Although regular outbreaks of disease were common prior to 1618, their spread was accelerated by the influx of foreign soldiers, the shifting locations of battle fronts, and displacement of rural populations into already crowded cities.{{Sfn|Outram|2002|p=250}} Soldiers transferred from Germany allegedly sparked the [[1629–1631 Italian plague]], described as the "worst mortality crisis to affect Italy during the [[early modern period]]".{{Sfn|Alfani|Percoco|2019|p=1175}} This resulted in some 280,000 deaths, with estimates of up to a million.{{Sfn|Hays|2005|p=103}} | ||
Modern historians generally agree the Holy Roman Empire experienced an overall [[population decline]] from 18 and 20 million in 1600 | Modern historians generally agree that the German areas of the Holy Roman Empire experienced an overall [[population decline]] of roughly 40%, from 18 and 20 million in 1600 to between 11 and 13 million in 1650, and did not regain pre-war levels until 1750.{{Sfn|Parker|2008|p=1058}}<ref>{{Cite web |last=Milton |first=Patrick |date=26 January 2016 |title=Ending the new Thirty Years war |url=https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/2016/01/ending-the-new-thirty-years-war |access-date=11 July 2025 |website=New Statesman |language=en-US}}</ref> Nearly 50% of these losses were incurred during the first period of Swedish intervention from 1630 to 1635. [[Lands of the Bohemian Crown|The Czech lands]] also saw a 27% population decline, from approximately 2.95 million in 1600 to 2.15 million in 1650.{{Sfn|Wilson|2009|p=788}} The high mortality rate was partly due to the reliance of all sides on foreign mercenaries, often unpaid and required to live off the land.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|p=122}} Lack of a sense of 'shared community' resulted in atrocities such as the destruction of Magdeburg, in turn creating large numbers of refugees who were extremely susceptible to sickness and hunger. While flight saved lives in the short-term, in the long run it often proved catastrophic.{{Sfn|Outram|2002|pp=245–246}} | ||
[[File:Vrancx Soldiers Plundering.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.2|Soldiers plundering a farm]] | [[File:Vrancx Soldiers Plundering.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.2|Soldiers plundering a farm]] | ||
In 1940, | In 1940, historian [[Günther Franz]] published an analysis of data from across Germany covering the period from 1618 to 1648. Broadly confirmed by more recent work, he concluded about 40% of the civilian rural population became casualties, and 33% of the urban.{{Sfn|Outram|2002|p=248}} These figures need to be read with care, since Franz calculated the ''absolute decline'' in pre and post-war populations, or 'total demographic loss'. They therefore include factors unrelated to death or disease, such as permanent migration to areas outside the Empire or lower birthrates, a common but less obvious impact of extended warfare.{{Sfn|Outram|2001|p=152}}{{efn|For example, the population of [[Augsburg]] fell from 48,000 in 1620 to 21,000 in 1650, which Franz portrays as a demographic loss of 27,000; however, many of these were not dead, but emigrated due to decline in trade}} There were also wide regional variations, with areas of northwest Germany experiencing minimal loss of population, while those of Mecklenburg, [[Pomerania]] and [[Duchy of Württemberg|Württemberg]] fell by nearly 50%.{{Sfn|Parker|1997|pp=188–189}} | ||
Although some towns may have overstated their losses to avoid taxes, individual records confirm serious declines; from 1620 to 1650, the population of [[Munich]] fell from 22,000 to 17,000, that of [[Augsburg]] from 48,000 to 21,000.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=512}} The financial impact is less clear; while the war caused short-term economic dislocation, especially in the period [[Kipper und Wipper|1618 to 1623]], overall it accelerated existing changes in trading patterns. It does not appear to have reversed ongoing macro-economic trends, such as the reduction of price differentials between regional markets, and a greater degree of market integration across Europe.{{Sfn|Schulze| Volckart|2019|p=30}} The death toll may have improved living standards for the survivors; one study shows wages in Germany increased by 40% in real terms between 1603 and 1652.{{Sfn|Pfister|Riedel|Uebele|2012|p=18}} | Although some towns may have overstated their losses to avoid taxes, individual records confirm serious declines; from 1620 to 1650, the population of [[Munich]] fell from 22,000 to 17,000, that of [[Augsburg]] from 48,000 to 21,000.{{Sfn|Wedgwood|1938|p=512}} The financial impact is less clear; while the war caused short-term economic dislocation, especially in the period [[Kipper und Wipper|1618 to 1623]], overall it accelerated existing changes in trading patterns. It does not appear to have reversed ongoing macro-economic trends, such as the reduction of price differentials between regional markets, and a greater degree of market integration across Europe.{{Sfn|Schulze| Volckart|2019|p=30}} The death toll may have improved living standards for the survivors; one study shows wages in Germany increased by 40% in real terms between 1603 and 1652.{{Sfn|Pfister|Riedel|Uebele|2012|p=18}} | ||
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==Sources== | ==Sources== | ||
{{ | {{Refbegin|indent=yes|30em}} | ||
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* {{Cite book |last1=Murdoch |first1=Steve |title=Alexander Leslie and the Scottish generals of the Thirty Years' War, 1618–1648 |last2=Grosjean |first2=Alexia |publisher=Routledge |year=2014 |isbn=978- | * {{Cite book |last1=Murdoch |first1=Steve |title=Alexander Leslie and the Scottish generals of the Thirty Years' War, 1618–1648 |last2=Grosjean |first2=Alexia |publisher=Routledge |year=2014 |isbn=978-1-84893-467-2}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last1=Nicklisch |first1=Nicole |last2=Ramsthaler |first2=Frank |last3=Meller |first3=Harald |last4=Others |date=2017 |title=The face of war: Trauma analysis of a mass grave from the Battle of Lützen (1632) |journal=PLOS ONE |volume=12 |issue=5 | | * {{Cite journal |last1=Nicklisch |first1=Nicole |last2=Ramsthaler |first2=Frank |last3=Meller |first3=Harald |last4=Others |date=2017 |title=The face of war: Trauma analysis of a mass grave from the Battle of Lützen (1632) |journal=PLOS ONE |volume=12 |issue=5 |article-number=e0178252 |bibcode=2017PLoSO..1278252N |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0178252 |pmc=5439951 |pmid=28542491 |doi-access=free}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Norrhem |first=Svante |title=Mercenary Swedes; French subsidies to Sweden 1631–1796 |date=2019 |publisher=Nordic Academic Press |isbn=978-91-88661-82-1 |translator-last=Merton |translator-first=Charlotte}} | * {{Cite book |last=Norrhem |first=Svante |title=Mercenary Swedes; French subsidies to Sweden 1631–1796 |date=2019 |publisher=Nordic Academic Press |isbn=978-91-88661-82-1 |translator-last=Merton |translator-first=Charlotte}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=O'Connell |first=Daniel Patrick |title=Richelieu |date=1968 |publisher=Weidenfeld & Nicolson}} | * {{Cite book |last=O'Connell |first=Daniel Patrick |title=Richelieu |date=1968 |publisher=Weidenfeld & Nicolson}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=O'Connell |first=Robert L |title=Of Arms and Men: A History of War, Weapons, and Aggression|date=1990 |publisher=OUP|isbn=978- | * {{Cite book |last=O'Connell |first=Robert L |title=Of Arms and Men: A History of War, Weapons, and Aggression|date=1990 |publisher=OUP|isbn=978-0-19-505359-3}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Outram |first=Quentin |year=2001 |title=The Socio-Economic Relations of Warfare and the Military Mortality Crises of the Thirty Years' War |url=http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/385/1/outramq1.pdf |journal=Medical History |volume=45 |issue=2 |pages=151–184 |doi=10.1017/S0025727300067703 |pmc=1044352 |pmid=11373858 |access-date=7 October 2020 |archive-date=25 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220625143210/https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/385/1/outramq1.pdf |url-status=live }} | * {{Cite journal |last=Outram |first=Quentin |year=2001 |title=The Socio-Economic Relations of Warfare and the Military Mortality Crises of the Thirty Years' War |url=http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/385/1/outramq1.pdf |journal=Medical History |volume=45 |issue=2 |pages=151–184 |doi=10.1017/S0025727300067703 |pmc=1044352 |pmid=11373858 |access-date=7 October 2020 |archive-date=25 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220625143210/https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/385/1/outramq1.pdf |url-status=live }} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Outram |first=Quentin |year=2002 |title=The Demographic impact of early modern warfare |journal=Social Science History |volume=26 |issue=2 |pages=245–272 |doi=10.1215/01455532-26-2-245|doi-broken-date= | * {{Cite journal |last=Outram |first=Quentin |year=2002 |title=The Demographic impact of early modern warfare |journal=Social Science History |volume=26 |issue=2 |pages=245–272 |doi=10.1215/01455532-26-2-245 |doi-broken-date=22 September 2025 }} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Parker |first=Geoffrey |year=2008 |title=Crisis and Catastrophe: The global crisis of the seventeenth century reconsidered |journal=American Historical Review |volume=113 |issue=4 |pages=1053–1079 |doi=10.1086/ahr.113.4.1053|doi-access=free }} | * {{Cite journal |last=Parker |first=Geoffrey |year=2008 |title=Crisis and Catastrophe: The global crisis of the seventeenth century reconsidered |journal=American Historical Review |volume=113 |issue=4 |pages=1053–1079 |doi=10.1086/ahr.113.4.1053|doi-access=free }} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Parker |first=Geoffrey |year=1976 |title=The 'Military Revolution', 1560–1660 – a Myth?|journal=The Journal of Modern History|volume=48 |issue=2 |pages=195–214 |doi=10.1086/241429 |jstor=1879826|s2cid=143661971 }} | * {{Cite journal |last=Parker |first=Geoffrey |year=1976 |title=The 'Military Revolution', 1560–1660 – a Myth?|journal=The Journal of Modern History|volume=48 |issue=2 |pages=195–214 |doi=10.1086/241429 |jstor=1879826|s2cid=143661971 }} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Parker |first=Geoffrey |title=The Thirty Years' War |publisher=Routledge |orig- | * {{Cite book |last=Parker |first=Geoffrey |title=The Thirty Years' War |publisher=Routledge |orig-date=1984 |isbn=978-0-415-12883-4 |year=1997 |author-link=Geoffrey Parker (historian)}} (with several contributors) | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Parker |first=Geoffrey |title=Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, 1567–1659: The Logistics of Spanish Victory and Defeat in the Low Countries' Wars |orig- | * {{Cite book |last=Parker |first=Geoffrey |title=Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, 1567–1659: The Logistics of Spanish Victory and Defeat in the Low Countries' Wars |orig-date=1972 |publisher=CUP |isbn=978-0-521-54392-7 |year=2004}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Parrott |first=David |title=Richelieu's Army: War, Government and Society in France, 1624–1642 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2001 |isbn=978-0-521-79209-7}} | * {{Cite book |last=Parrott |first=David |title=Richelieu's Army: War, Government and Society in France, 1624–1642 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2001 |isbn=978-0-521-79209-7}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Pazos |first=Conde Miguel |date=2011 |title=El tradado de Nápoles. El encierro del príncipe Juan Casimiro y la leva de Polacos de Medina de las Torres (1638–1642): The Treaty of Naples; the imprisonment of John Casimir and the Polish Levy of Medina de las Torres |journal=Studia Histórica, Historia Moderna |volume=33 |language=ES}} | * {{Cite journal |last=Pazos |first=Conde Miguel |date=2011 |title=El tradado de Nápoles. El encierro del príncipe Juan Casimiro y la leva de Polacos de Medina de las Torres (1638–1642): The Treaty of Naples; the imprisonment of John Casimir and the Polish Levy of Medina de las Torres |journal=Studia Histórica, Historia Moderna |volume=33 |language=ES}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last1=Pfister |first1=Ulrich |last2=Riedel |first2=Jana |last3=Uebele |first3=Martin |date=2012 |title=Real Wages and the Origins of Modern Economic Growth in Germany, 16th to 19th Centuries |url=http://www.ehes.org/EHES_No17.pdf |journal=European Historical Economics Society |volume=17 |access-date=6 October 2020 |archive-date=11 May 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220511081135/http://www.ehes.org/EHES_No17.pdf | * {{Cite journal |last1=Pfister |first1=Ulrich |last2=Riedel |first2=Jana |last3=Uebele |first3=Martin |date=2012 |title=Real Wages and the Origins of Modern Economic Growth in Germany, 16th to 19th Centuries |url=http://www.ehes.org/EHES_No17.pdf |journal=European Historical Economics Society |volume=17 |access-date=6 October 2020 |archive-date=11 May 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220511081135/http://www.ehes.org/EHES_No17.pdf }} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Porshnev |first=Boris Fedorovich |title=Muscovy and Sweden in the Thirty Years' War, 1630–1635 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=1995 |isbn=978-0-521-45139-0 |editor-last=Dukes |editor-first=Paul}} | * {{Cite book |last=Porshnev |first=Boris Fedorovich |title=Muscovy and Sweden in the Thirty Years' War, 1630–1635 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=1995 |isbn=978-0-521-45139-0 |editor-last=Dukes |editor-first=Paul}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Pursell |first=Brennan C. |title=The Winter King: Frederick V of the Palatinate and the Coming of the Thirty Years' War |publisher=Ashgate |year=2003 |isbn=978-0-7546-3401-0}} | * {{Cite book |last=Pursell |first=Brennan C. |title=The Winter King: Frederick V of the Palatinate and the Coming of the Thirty Years' War |publisher=Ashgate |year=2003 |isbn=978-0-7546-3401-0}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Ryan |first=E.A. |date=1948 |title=Catholics and the Peace of Westphalia |url=http://cdn.theologicalstudies.net/9/9.4/9.4.7.pdf |journal=Theological Studies |volume=9 |issue=4 |pages=590–599 |doi=10.1177/004056394800900407 |access-date=7 October 2020 |s2cid=170555324 |archive-date=4 March 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304074628/http://cdn.theologicalstudies.net/9/9.4/9.4.7.pdf | * {{Cite journal |last=Ryan |first=E.A. |date=1948 |title=Catholics and the Peace of Westphalia |url=http://cdn.theologicalstudies.net/9/9.4/9.4.7.pdf |journal=Theological Studies |volume=9 |issue=4 |pages=590–599 |doi=10.1177/004056394800900407 |access-date=7 October 2020 |s2cid=170555324 |archive-date=4 March 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304074628/http://cdn.theologicalstudies.net/9/9.4/9.4.7.pdf }} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last1=Schmidt |first1=Burghart |last2=Richefort |first2=Isabelle |year=2006 |title=Les relations entre la France et les villes hanséatiques de Hambourg, Brême et Lübeck : Moyen Age-XIXe siècle; Relations between France and the Hanseatic ports of Hamburg, Bremen and Lubeck from the Middle Ages to the 19th century |journal=Direction des Archives, Ministère des affaires étrangères |language=FR}} | * {{Cite journal |last1=Schmidt |first1=Burghart |last2=Richefort |first2=Isabelle |year=2006 |title=Les relations entre la France et les villes hanséatiques de Hambourg, Brême et Lübeck: Moyen Age-XIXe siècle; Relations between France and the Hanseatic ports of Hamburg, Bremen and Lubeck from the Middle Ages to the 19th century |journal=Direction des Archives, Ministère des affaires étrangères |language=FR}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last1=Schulze |first1=Max-Stefan |last2=Volckart |first2=Oliver |date=2019 |title=The Long-term Impact of the Thirty Years War: What Grain Price Data Reveal |url=https://eh.net/eha/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/SchulzeVolckart.pdf |journal=Economic History |access-date=6 October 2020 |archive-date=28 July 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210728195514/https://eh.net/eha/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/SchulzeVolckart.pdf |url-status=live }} | * {{Cite journal |last1=Schulze |first1=Max-Stefan |last2=Volckart |first2=Oliver |date=2019 |title=The Long-term Impact of the Thirty Years War: What Grain Price Data Reveal |url=https://eh.net/eha/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/SchulzeVolckart.pdf |journal=Economic History |access-date=6 October 2020 |archive-date=28 July 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210728195514/https://eh.net/eha/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/SchulzeVolckart.pdf |url-status=live }} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last1=Sharman |first1=J.C|date=2018 |title=Myths of military revolution: European expansion and Eurocentrism|journal=European Journal of International Relations|volume=24|issue=3|pages=491–513|doi=10.1177/1354066117719992|s2cid=148771791|doi-access=free|hdl=10072/385454|hdl-access=free}} | * {{Cite journal |last1=Sharman |first1=J.C|date=2018 |title=Myths of military revolution: European expansion and Eurocentrism|journal=European Journal of International Relations|volume=24|issue=3|pages=491–513|doi=10.1177/1354066117719992|s2cid=148771791|doi-access=free|hdl=10072/385454|hdl-access=free}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Spielvogel |first=Jackson |title=Western Civilisation |publisher=Wadsworth Publishing |year=2017 |isbn=978-1-305-95231-7}} | * {{Cite book |last=Spielvogel |first=Jackson |title=Western Civilisation |publisher=Wadsworth Publishing |year=2017 |isbn=978-1-305-95231-7}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Storrs |first=Christopher |title=The Resilience of the Spanish Monarchy 1665–1700 |date=2006 |publisher=OUP |isbn=978-0-19-924637-3}} | * {{Cite book |last=Storrs |first=Christopher |title=The Resilience of the Spanish Monarchy 1665–1700 |date=2006 |publisher=OUP |isbn=978-0-19-924637-3}} | ||
* {{Cite thesis |last=Stutler |first=James Oliver |title=Lords of War: Maximilian I of Bavaria and the Institutions of Lordship in the Catholic League Army, 1619–1626 |date=2014 |degree=PhD |publisher=Duke University |url=https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/37749928.pdf |hdl=10161/8754 |access-date=21 September 2020 |archive-date=28 July 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210728195625/https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/37749928.pdf | * {{Cite thesis |last=Stutler |first=James Oliver |title=Lords of War: Maximilian I of Bavaria and the Institutions of Lordship in the Catholic League Army, 1619–1626 |date=2014 |degree=PhD |publisher=Duke University |url=https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/37749928.pdf |hdl=10161/8754 |access-date=21 September 2020 |archive-date=28 July 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210728195625/https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/37749928.pdf }} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Sutherland |first=NM |date=1992 |title=The Origins of the Thirty Years War and the Structure of European Politics |journal=The English Historical Review |volume=CVII |issue=CCCCXXIV |pages=587–625 |doi=10.1093/ehr/cvii.ccccxxiv.587 |doi-access=free}} | * {{Cite journal |last=Sutherland |first=NM |date=1992 |title=The Origins of the Thirty Years War and the Structure of European Politics |journal=The English Historical Review |volume=CVII |issue=CCCCXXIV |pages=587–625 |doi=10.1093/ehr/cvii.ccccxxiv.587 |doi-access=free}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last1=Talbott |first1=Siobhan |title='Causing misery and suffering miserably': Representations of the Thirty Years' War in Literature and History |journal= | * {{Cite journal |last1=Talbott |first1=Siobhan |title='Causing misery and suffering miserably': Representations of the Thirty Years' War in Literature and History |journal= Literature & History|date=2021 |volume=30 |issue=1 |pages=3–25 |doi=10.1177/03061973211007353|s2cid=234347328 |doi-access=free }} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Thion |first=Stephane |title=French Armies of the Thirty Years' War 1618-1648 |publisher=Helion Books |year=2008 |edition=2014|isbn=978- | * {{Cite book |last=Thion |first=Stephane |title=French Armies of the Thirty Years' War 1618-1648 |publisher=Helion Books |year=2008 |edition=2014|isbn=978-1-80451-448-1}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Thornton |first=John |date=2016 |title=The Kingdom of Kongo and the Thirty Years' War |journal=Journal of World History |volume=27 |issue=2 |pages=189–213 |doi=10.1353/jwh.2016.0100 |jstor=43901848|s2cid=163706878 }} | * {{Cite journal |last=Thornton |first=John |date=2016 |title=The Kingdom of Kongo and the Thirty Years' War |journal=Journal of World History |volume=27 |issue=2 |pages=189–213 |doi=10.1353/jwh.2016.0100 |jstor=43901848|s2cid=163706878 }} | ||
* {{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7RrXDwAAQBAJ | title=A History of West Central Africa to 1850 | isbn=978-1-108-88292-7 | last1=Thornton | first1=John K. | date=26 March 2020 | publisher=Cambridge University Press }} | * {{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7RrXDwAAQBAJ | title=A History of West Central Africa to 1850 | isbn=978-1-108-88292-7 | last1=Thornton | first1=John K. | date=26 March 2020 | publisher=Cambridge University Press }} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Trevor-Roper |first=Hugh |title=The Crisis of the Seventeenth Century: Religion, the Reformation and Social Change |publisher=Liberty Fund |orig- | * {{Cite book |last=Trevor-Roper |first=Hugh |title=The Crisis of the Seventeenth Century: Religion, the Reformation and Social Change |publisher=Liberty Fund |orig-date=1967 |isbn=978-0-86597-278-0 |year=2001}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Van Gelderen |first=Martin |title=Republicanism and Constitutionalism in Early Modern Europe: A Shared European Heritage Volume I |date=2002 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-80203-1}} | * {{Cite book |last=Van Gelderen |first=Martin |title=Republicanism and Constitutionalism in Early Modern Europe: A Shared European Heritage Volume I |date=2002 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-80203-1}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Van Groesen |first=Michiel |date=2011 |title=Lessons Learned: The Second Dutch Conquest of Brazil and the Memory of the First |journal=Colonial Latin American Review |volume=20 |issue=2 |pages=167–193 |doi=10.1080/10609164.2011.585770 |s2cid=218574377}} | * {{Cite journal |last=Van Groesen |first=Michiel |date=2011 |title=Lessons Learned: The Second Dutch Conquest of Brazil and the Memory of the First |journal=Colonial Latin American Review |volume=20 |issue=2 |pages=167–193 |doi=10.1080/10609164.2011.585770 |s2cid=218574377}} | ||
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* {{Cite book |last=Wedgwood |first=C.V. |title=The Thirty Years War |date=1938 |publisher=New York Review of Books |isbn=978-1-59017-146-2 |edition=2005}} | * {{Cite book |last=Wedgwood |first=C.V. |title=The Thirty Years War |date=1938 |publisher=New York Review of Books |isbn=978-1-59017-146-2 |edition=2005}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=White |first=Matthew |title=The Great Big Book of Horrible Things |publisher=W.W. Norton & Co |year=2012 |isbn=978-0-393-08192-3}} | * {{Cite book |last=White |first=Matthew |title=The Great Big Book of Horrible Things |publisher=W.W. Norton & Co |year=2012 |isbn=978-0-393-08192-3}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Wilson |first=Peter H. |title=Europe's Tragedy: A History of the Thirty Years War |publisher=Allen Lane |year=2009 |isbn=978-0-7139-9592-3}} | * {{Cite book|last=Wilson|first=Peter H.|title=Europe's Tragedy: A History of the Thirty Years War|publisher=Allen Lane |year=2009|isbn=978-0-7139-9592-3}} | ||
* {{Cite book|last=Wilson |first=Peter H. | title=Lützen: Great Battles Series |publisher=Oxford University Press| location=Oxford |year=2018 |isbn=978- | * {{Cite book|last=Wilson |first=Peter H. | title=Lützen: Great Battles Series |publisher=Oxford University Press| location=Oxford |year=2018 |isbn=978-0-19-964254-0 }} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Wilson |first=Peter |date=2008 |title=The Causes of the Thirty Years War 1618–48 |journal=The English Historical Review |volume=123 |issue=502 |pages=554–586 |doi=10.1093/ehr/cen160 |jstor=20108541}} | * {{Cite journal |last=Wilson |first=Peter |date=2008 |title=The Causes of the Thirty Years War 1618–48 |journal=The English Historical Review |volume=123 |issue=502 |pages=554–586 |doi=10.1093/ehr/cen160 |jstor=20108541}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Zaller |first=Robert |date=1974 |title='Interest of State': James I and the Palatinate |journal=Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies |volume=6 |issue=2 |pages=144–175 |doi=10.2307/4048141 |jstor=4048141}} | * {{Cite journal |last=Zaller |first=Robert |date=1974 |title='Interest of State': James I and the Palatinate |journal=Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies |volume=6 |issue=2 |pages=144–175 |doi=10.2307/4048141 |jstor=4048141}} | ||
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* {{Cite book |last=Roberts |first=Michael |title=Gustavus Adolphus: A History of Sweden, 1611–1632 |publisher=Longmans, Green and Co |year=1958}} | * {{Cite book |last=Roberts |first=Michael |title=Gustavus Adolphus: A History of Sweden, 1611–1632 |publisher=Longmans, Green and Co |year=1958}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Schiller |first=Frederic |author-link=Friedrich Schiller |title=The History of the Thirty Years War in Germany |publisher=London, printed for W. Miller |year=1799}} in 2 vols; translation by William Blaquiere. | * {{Cite book |last=Schiller |first=Frederic |author-link=Friedrich Schiller |title=The History of the Thirty Years War in Germany |publisher=London, printed for W. Miller |year=1799}} in 2 vols; translation by William Blaquiere. | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Schiller |first=Friedrich |author-link=Friedrich Schiller |title=The Thirty Years War |publisher=East India Publishing Company |location=Ottawa |translator=Alexander James William Morrison |year=2023}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Steinberg |first=S. H. |author-link=S. H. Steinberg |title=The 'Thirty Years War' and the Conflict for European Hegemony 1600–1660 |publisher=Edward Arnold |year=1966}} | * {{Cite book |last=Steinberg |first=S. H. |author-link=S. H. Steinberg |title=The 'Thirty Years War' and the Conflict for European Hegemony 1600–1660 |publisher=Edward Arnold |year=1966}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Theibault |first=John |year=1997 |title=The Demography of the Thirty Years War Re-revisited: Günther Franz and his Critics |journal=German History |volume=15 |issue=1 |pages=1–21 |doi=10.1093/gh/15.1.1}} | * {{Cite journal |last=Theibault |first=John |year=1997 |title=The Demography of the Thirty Years War Re-revisited: Günther Franz and his Critics |journal=German History |volume=15 |issue=1 |pages=1–21 |doi=10.1093/gh/15.1.1}} | ||
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[[Category:Thirty Years' War| ]]<!-- Please leave the empty space as per [[WP:EPONYMOUS]]. --> | [[Category:Thirty Years' War| ]]<!-- Please leave the empty space as per [[WP:EPONYMOUS]]. --> | ||
[[Category:17th century in Europe]] | [[Category:17th century in Europe]] | ||
[[Category:17th century in France]] | [[Category:17th century in France]] | ||
[[Category:17th century in the Holy Roman Empire]] | [[Category:17th century in the Holy Roman Empire]] | ||
[[Category:17th century in the Spanish Empire]] | [[Category:17th century in the Spanish Empire]] | ||
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[[Category:Wars involving the Habsburg monarchy]] | [[Category:Wars involving the Habsburg monarchy]] | ||
[[Category:Wars involving the Holy Roman Empire]] | [[Category:Wars involving the Holy Roman Empire]] | ||
[[Category:Wars involving Sweden]] | |||
Latest revision as of 17:53, 18 November 2025
Template:Short description Script error: No such module "other uses". Template:Use British English Template:Use dmy dates Script error: No such module "Infobox military conflict". Script error: No such module "Military navigation". Template:Campaignbox Franco-Spanish War (1635–1659)
The Thirty Years' War,Template:Efn fought primarily in Central Europe between 1618 and 1648, was one of the most destructive conflicts in human history. An estimated 4.5 to 8 million soldiers and civilians died from the effects of battle, famine, or disease, with parts of Germany reporting population declines of over 50%.Template:Sfn Related conflicts include the Eighty Years' War, the War of the Mantuan Succession, the Franco-Spanish War, the Torstenson War, the Dutch–Portuguese War, and the Portuguese Restoration War.
Its causes derived from religious conflict within the Holy Roman Empire, sparked by the 16th-century Reformation. The 1555 Peace of Augsburg attempted to resolve this by dividing the Empire into Catholic and Lutheran states, but was later destabilised by the expansion of Protestantism beyond these boundaries. Combined with disagreements over the limits of imperial authority, religion was thus an important factor in starting the war. However, its scope and extent was largely the consequence of external drivers such as the French–Habsburg rivalry and the Dutch Revolt.Template:Sfn
The war began in 1618,Template:Efn when the Catholic Emperor Ferdinand II was replaced as king of Bohemia by the Protestant Frederick V of the Palatinate. Although Ferdinand quickly regained control of Bohemia, Frederick's participation expanded fighting into the Palatinate, whose strategic importance drew in the Dutch Republic and Spain, then engaged in the Eighty Years' War. In addition, the acquisition of territories within the Empire by rulers like Christian IV of Denmark and Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden gave them and other foreign powers an ongoing motive to intervene. Combined with fears that the Protestant religion in general was threatened, these factors turned an internal dynastic dispute into a European conflict.
The period 1618 to 1635 was primarily a civil war within the Holy Roman Empire, which largely ended with the Peace of Prague. However, France's entry into the war in alliance with Sweden turned the empire into one theatre of a wider struggle with their Habsburg rivals, Emperor Ferdinand III and Spain. Fighting ended with the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, whose terms included greater autonomy for states like Bavaria and Saxony, as well as acceptance of Dutch independence by Spain. The conflict shifted the balance of power in favour of France and its subsequent expansion under Louis XIV.
Structural origins
The 16th century Reformation caused open warfare between Protestants and Catholics within the Holy Roman Empire, which ended with the 1552 Peace of Passau. The Peace of Augsburg in 1555 tried to prevent a recurrence by fixing boundaries between the two faiths, using the principle of cuius regio, eius religio. States were designated as either Lutheran, then the most usual form of Protestantism, or Catholic, based on the religion of their ruler. Other provisions protected substantial religious minorities in cities like Donauwörth, and confirmed Lutheran ownership of property taken from the Catholic Church since 1552.Template:SfnTemplate:Efn
However, the settlement was undermined by the expansion of Protestantism into Catholic areas post-1555, particularly Calvinism, a Protestant doctrine viewed with hostility by both Lutherans and Catholics.Template:Sfn Augsburg also gave individual rulers significantly greater autonomy, allowing larger states to pursue their own objectives, which often clashed with those of central authority or external powers. Conflict sometimes superseded religion, with the Protestant states of Saxony and Brandenburg competing with Denmark–Norway and Sweden over the lucrative Baltic trade.Template:SfnTemplate:Efn
Reconciling these differences was hampered by fragmented political institutions, which included 300 imperial estates distributed across Germany, the Low Countries, northern Italy, and present-day France.Template:Efn These ranged in size and importance from the seven Prince-electors who voted for the Holy Roman Emperor, down to Prince-bishoprics and imperial cities like Hamburg.Template:Efn Each also belonged to a separate regional grouping known as an Imperial Circle, which was chiefly concerned with defence, and operated independently. Above all of these was the Imperial Diet, which assembled infrequently, and focused on discussion, rather than legislation.Template:Sfn
Since 1440, the position of emperor had been held by the House of Habsburg, the largest single landowner within the Holy Roman Empire. They directly ruled over eight million subjects and territories that included Austria, Bohemia and Hungary.Template:Sfn The Habsburgs also controlled the Spanish Empire until 1556, when Charles V divided his possessions between different branches of the family. This bond was reinforced by frequent inter-marriage, while Spain retained territories within the Holy Roman Empire such as the Spanish Netherlands, Milan and Franche-Comté. However, although the two often collaborated, there was no such thing as a joint "Habsburg" policy.Template:Sfn
This is because the two entities were very different. Spain was a global maritime superpower, stretching from Europe to the Philippines and the Americas, while AustriaTemplate:Efn was a land-based power, focused on Germany and securing its eastern border against the Ottoman Empire.Template:Sfn Another key difference was the disparity in relative financial strength, with the Spanish Habsburgs providing large subsidies to their Austrian counterparts. The loss of these post 1640, as Spain itself struggled with the costs of a long running global war, substantially weakened the imperial position.Template:Sfn
Prior to the Reformation, shared religion partially compensated for weak imperial institutions. After 1556, rising religious and political tensions allowed states like Lutheran Saxony and Catholic Bavaria to expand their own power, while further weakening imperial authority. This internal political struggle was exacerbated by external powers with their own strategic objectives, such as Spain, the Dutch Republic, or France, confronted by Habsburg lands on its borders to the north, south, and along the Pyrenees. Since a number of foreign rulers were also imperial princes, divisions within the empire drew in players like Christian IV of Denmark, who joined the war in 1625 as Duke of Holstein-Gottorp.Template:Sfn
History
Background: 1556 to 1618
Disputes occasionally resulted in full-scale conflict like the 1583 to 1588 Cologne War, triggered when its ruler converted to Calvinism. More common were events such as the 1606 Battle of the Flags in Donauwörth, when riots broke out after the Lutheran majority blocked a Catholic religious procession. Emperor Rudolf approved intervention by the Catholic Maximilian of Bavaria. In return, he was allowed to annex the town, and, as agreed at Augsburg, the official religion changed from Lutheran to Catholic.Template:Sfn
When the Imperial Diet opened in February 1608, both Lutherans and Calvinists sought re-confirmation of the Augsburg settlement. In return, the Habsburg heir Archduke Ferdinand required the immediate restoration of any property taken from the Catholic Church since 1555, as opposed to the previous practice whereby each case was assessed separately. By threatening all Protestants, his demand paralysed the diet and removed the perception of imperial neutrality.Template:Sfn
The loss of faith in central authority meant towns and rulers began strengthening their fortifications and armies, with foreign travellers often commenting on the militarisation of Germany in this period.Template:Sfn When Frederick IV, Elector Palatine formed the Protestant Union in 1608, Maximilian responded by setting up the Catholic League in July 1609. Both were largely vehicles for their leaders' dynastic ambitions, but when combined with the 1609 to 1614 War of the Jülich Succession, the result was to increase tensions throughout the empire.Template:Sfn Some historians who see the war as primarily a European conflict argue that Jülich marks its beginning, with Spain and Austria backing the Catholic candidate, France and the Dutch Republic the Protestant.Template:Sfn
Purple: Spanish dependencies
Green: Ruled by Austria
Orange: Ruled by Spain
External powers became involved in what was an internal German dispute because of the imminent expiry of the 1609 Twelve Years' Truce, which suspended the Eighty Years' War between Spain and the Dutch Republic. Before restarting hostilities, Ambrosio Spinola, commander in the Spanish Netherlands, needed to secure the Spanish Road, an overland route connecting Habsburg possessions in Italy to Flanders. This allowed him to move troops and supplies by road, rather than sea where the Dutch navy was dominant; by 1618, the only part not controlled by Spain ran through the Electoral Palatinate.Template:Sfn
Since Emperor Matthias had no surviving children, in July 1617 Philip III of Spain agreed to support Ferdinand II's election as king of Bohemia and Hungary. In return, Ferdinand made concessions to Spain in northern Italy and Alsace, and agreed to support their offensive against the Dutch. Doing so required his election as emperor, which was not guaranteed; Maximilian of Bavaria, who opposed the increase of Spanish influence in an area he considered his own, tried to create a coalition to support his candidacy.Template:Sfn
Another option was Frederick V, Elector Palatine, a Calvinist who in 1613 married Elizabeth of Bohemia, daughter of James I of England. When Ferdinand was elected king of Bohemia in 1617, he also gained control of its electoral vote, but his conservative Catholicism made him unpopular with the mostly Protestant Bohemian nobility, who were also concerned about the erosion of their rights. Since the seven electors previously consisted of three Protestants and four Catholics, replacing Ferdinand with Frederick would alter the religious balance, making possible the election of a Protestant emperor and the end of Habsburg predominance.Template:Efn These factors combined to bring about the Bohemian Revolt in May 1618.Template:Sfn
Phase I: 1618 to 1635
Bohemian Revolt
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Ferdinand once claimed he would rather see his lands destroyed than tolerate heresy within them. Less than 18 months after taking control of Styria in 1595, he had eliminated Protestantism in what had been a stronghold of the Reformation.Template:Sfn Absorbed by their war in the Netherlands, his Spanish relatives preferred to avoid antagonising Protestants elsewhere. They recognised the dangers associated with Ferdinand's fervent Catholicism, but supported his claim due to the lack of alternatives.Template:Sfn
Elected king of Bohemia in May 1617, Ferdinand reconfirmed Protestant religious freedoms, but his record in Styria led to the suspicion he was only awaiting a chance to overturn them. These concerns were heightened after a series of legal disputes over property were all decided in favour of the Catholic Church. In May 1618, Protestant nobles led by Count Thurn met in Prague Castle with Ferdinand's two Catholic representatives, Vilem Slavata and Jaroslav Borzita. In what became known as the Third Defenestration of Prague, both men were thrown out of the castle windows along with their secretary Filip Fabricius, although all three survived.Template:Sfn
Thurn established a Protestant-dominated government in Bohemia, while unrest expanded into Silesia and the Habsburg heartlands of Lower and Upper Austria, where much of the nobility was also Protestant. Losing control of these threatened the entire Habsburg state, while in addition to its crucial electoral vote, Bohemia was one of the most prosperous areas of the Empire. Regaining control was vital for the Austrian Habsburgs, but chronic financial weakness left them dependent on Maximilian and Spain for the resources needed to achieve this.Template:Sfn
Spanish involvement drew in the Dutch, and potentially France, although the strongly Catholic Louis XIII faced his own domestic Protestant rebels and refused to support them elsewhere. The revolt also provided opportunities for external opponents of the Habsburgs, including the Ottoman Empire and Savoy. Funded by Frederick and Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy, a mercenary army under Ernst von Mansfeld was sent to support the Bohemian rebels. Attempts by Maximilian and John George of Saxony to broker a negotiated solution ended when Matthias died in March 1619, since many believed the loss of his authority and influence had fatally damaged the Habsburgs.Template:Sfn
By mid-June 1619, an army led by Thurn was outside Vienna, and despite defeating Mansfeld at Sablat, Ferdinand's position continued to worsen.Template:Sfn Gabriel Bethlen, Calvinist Prince of Transylvania, invaded Hungary with Ottoman support, although war with Poland in 1620, followed by the 1623 to 1639 conflict with Persia, prevented their direct participation.Template:Sfn
On 19 August, the Bohemian Estates rescinded Ferdinand's 1617 election as king and a week later formally offered the crown to Frederick. On 28 August, Ferdinand was elected Holy Roman Emperor, making war inevitable if Frederick accepted the Bohemian crown. Most of Frederick's advisors urged him to reject it, as did the Duke of Savoy, and his father-in-law James I.Template:Sfn
However, he received backing from Christian of Anhalt, along with Maurice of Orange, for whom conflict in Germany was a means to divert Spanish resources from the Netherlands. The Dutch offered subsidies to Frederick and the Protestant Union, helped raise loans for Bohemia, and provided weapons and munitions.Template:Sfn However, wider European support failed to materialise, largely due to lack of enthusiasm for removing a legally elected ruler, regardless of religion.Template:Sfn
Although Frederick accepted the crown and entered Prague in October 1619, his support eroded over the next few months. In July 1620, the Protestant Union proclaimed its neutrality, while John George of Saxony backed Ferdinand in return for the cession of Lusatia and a guarantee of Lutheran rights in Bohemia. Maximilian of Bavaria funded a combined Imperial-Catholic League army led by Count Tilly and de Bucquoy, which pacified Upper and Lower Austria and occupied western Bohemia before marching on Prague. Defeated at the Battle of White Mountain in November 1620, the Bohemian army disintegrated, and Frederick fled the country.Template:Sfn
Palatinate campaign
Script error: No such module "Labelled list hatnote". By abandoning Frederick, the German princes hoped to restrict the dispute to Bohemia, an objective thwarted by Maximilian's dynastic ambitions. In the October 1619 Treaty of Munich, Ferdinand transferred the Palatinate's electoral vote to Bavaria, and allowed Maximilian to annex the Upper Palatinate.Template:Sfn Many Protestants had supported Ferdinand because in principle they opposed the deposition of a legally elected ruler, and now objected to Frederick's removal on the same grounds. For Catholics, it presented an opportunity to regain lands and properties lost since 1555, a combination which destabilised large parts of the Empire.Template:Sfn
At the same time, Spain was drawn into the conflict due to the strategic importance of the Spanish Road for their war in the Netherlands, and its proximity to the Palatinate. When an army led by Córdoba occupied the Lower Palatinate in October 1619, James I sent English naval forces against Spanish colonial possessions and threatened war if Spanish troops were not withdrawn by spring 1621. These actions were primarily designed to placate his opponents in Parliament, who considered his pro-Spanish policy a betrayal of the Protestant cause.Template:Sfn Spanish chief minister Olivares correctly interpreted them as an invitation to open negotiations, and in return for an Anglo-Spanish alliance offered to restore Frederick to his Rhineland possessions.Template:Sfn
Since Frederick's demand for full restitution of his lands and titles was incompatible with the Treaty of Munich, hopes of a negotiated peace quickly evaporated. Despite defeat in Bohemia, Frederick's allies included Georg Friedrich of Baden and Christian of Brunswick, while the Dutch provided him with military support after the Eighty Years' War restarted in April 1621 and his father-in-law James funded an army of mercenaries under Mansfeld. However, their failure to co-ordinate effectively led to a series of defeats by Spanish and Catholic League forces, at Wimpfen in May 1622, which forced Georg Friedrich to seek peace and at Höchst in June, which forced Christian to meet up with Mansfeld. By November 1622, Spanish and imperial troops controlled most of the Palatinate, apart from Frankenthal, which was held by a small English garrison under Sir Horace Vere. The remnants of Mansfeld's army took refuge in the Dutch Republic, as did Frederick, who spent most of his time in The Hague until his death in November 1632.Template:Sfn
At a meeting of the Imperial Diet in February 1623, Ferdinand forced through provisions transferring Frederick's titles, lands, and electoral vote to Maximilian. He did so with support from the Catholic League, despite strong opposition from Protestant members, as well as the Spanish. The Palatinate was clearly lost; in March, James instructed Vere to surrender Frankenthal, while Tilly's victory over Christian of Brunswick at Stadtlohn in August completed military operations.Template:Sfn However, Spanish and Dutch involvement in the campaign was a significant step in internationalising the war, while Frederick's removal meant other Protestant princes began discussing armed resistance to preserve their own rights and territories.Template:Sfn
Danish intervention (1625–1629)
With Saxony dominating the Upper Saxon Circle and Brandenburg the Lower, both kreise remained neutral in the early stages. However, Frederick's deposition in 1623 united the Lutheran John George of Saxony and Calvinist George William, Elector of Brandenburg, who became concerned Ferdinand intended to reclaim formerly Catholic bishoprics now held by Protestants. These fears seemed confirmed in early 1625 when Tilly returned to the Catholic church properties in Halberstadt which had been Protestant since 1566.Template:Sfn
As Duke of Holstein, Christian IV was also a member of the Lower Saxon circle, while the Danish economy relied on the Baltic trade and tolls from traffic through the Øresund.Template:Sfn In 1621, Hamburg accepted Danish "supervision", while his son Frederick became joint-administrator of Lübeck, Bremen, and Verden; possession ensured Danish control of the Elbe and Weser rivers.Template:Sfn
Ferdinand had paid Albrecht von Wallenstein for his support against Frederick with estates confiscated from the Bohemian rebels, and now contracted with him to conquer the north on a similar basis. In May 1625, the Lower Saxony kreis elected Christian their military commander, although not without resistance; Saxony and Brandenburg viewed Denmark and Sweden as competitors, and wanted to avoid either becoming involved in the empire. Attempts to negotiate a peaceful solution failed as the conflict in Germany became part of the wider struggle between France and their Habsburg rivals in Spain and Austria.Template:Sfn
In the June 1624 Treaty of Compiègne, France had agreed to subsidise the Dutch war against Spain for a minimum of three years, while in the December 1625 Treaty of The Hague, the Dutch and English agreed to finance Danish intervention in the Empire.Template:Efn Hoping to create a wider coalition against Ferdinand, the Dutch invited France, Sweden, Savoy, and the Republic of Venice to join, but it was overtaken by events.Template:Sfn In early 1626, Cardinal Richelieu, main architect of the alliance, faced a new Huguenot rebellion at home and in the March Treaty of Monzón, France withdrew from northern Italy, re-opening the Spanish Road.Template:Sfn
Dutch and English subsidies enabled Christian to devise an ambitious three part campaign plan. While he led the main force down the Weser, Mansfeld would attack Wallenstein in Magdeburg, supported by forces led by Christian of Brunswick and Maurice of Hesse-Kassel. However, Mansfeld was defeated at Dessau Bridge in April, and when Maurice refused to support him, Christian of Brunswick fell back on Wolfenbüttel, where he died of disease shortly after. The Danes were comprehensively beaten at Lutter in August, and Mansfeld's army dissolved after his death in November.Template:Sfn
Many of Christian's German allies, such as Hesse-Kassel, had little interest in replacing imperial domination with Danish, while few of the Dutch or English subsidies were ever paid. Charles I of England allowed Christian to recruit up to 9,000 Scottish mercenaries, but they took time to arrive, and although able to slow Wallenstein's advance, were insufficient to stop him.Template:Sfn By the end of 1627, Wallenstein had occupied Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and Jutland, and began making plans to construct a fleet capable of challenging Danish control of the Baltic. He was supported by Spain, for whom it provided an opportunity to open another front against the Dutch.Template:Sfn
On 13 May 1628, his deputy von Arnim besieged Stralsund, the only port with facilities large enough to build this fleet. Gustavus Adolphus responded by sending several thousand men to Stralsund under Alexander Leslie, who was also appointed governor.Template:Sfn Von Arnim abandoned the siege on 4 August, but three weeks later Christian suffered another defeat at Wolgast. He began negotiations with Wallenstein, who despite his recent victories was concerned by the prospect of Swedish intervention, and thus anxious to make peace.Template:Sfn
With Ferdinand's resources stretched by the outbreak of the War of the Mantuan Succession, Wallenstein persuaded him to agree relatively lenient terms in the June 1629 Treaty of Lübeck. These allowed Christian to retain Schleswig and Holstein in return for relinquishing Bremen and Verden, and abandoning support for the German Protestants. While Denmark kept Schleswig and Holstein until 1864, this effectively ended its period as a major power in the Baltic region.Template:Sfn
Once again, the methods used to obtain victory explain why the war failed to end. Ferdinand's chronic financial weakness meant Wallenstein raised money by demanding ransoms from towns, while his men plundered the local territory, regardless of whether it belonged to allies or opponents. When Ferdinand deposed the hereditary Duke of Mecklenburg in early 1628 and appointed Wallenstein in his place, the act united all German princes in opposition, regardless of religion. However, Maximilian's desire to retain the Palatinate meant the Catholic League argued only for a return to the position prevailing before 1627, while Protestants wanted that of 1618.Template:Sfn
Made overconfident by success, in March 1629, Ferdinand passed an Edict of Restitution, which required all lands taken from the Catholic church after 1555 to be returned. While technically legal, politically it was extremely unwise, since doing so would alter nearly every single state boundary in north and central Germany, deny the existence of Calvinism and restore Catholicism in areas where it had not been a significant presence for nearly a century. Well aware none of the princes involved would agree, Ferdinand used the device of an imperial edict, once again asserting his right to alter laws without consultation. This new assault on "German liberties" ensured continuing opposition and undermined his previous success.Template:Sfn
At the same time, his Spanish allies were reluctant to antagonise German Protestants as the Eighty Years' War had now shifted in favour of the Dutch Republic. Madrid's financial position steadily deteriorated in the 1620s, particularly after the Dutch captured the Spanish treasure fleet at Matanzas in 1628. Fighting in Italy diverted Spanish resources from the Netherlands,Template:Sfn allowing Frederick Henry to besiege 's-Hertogenbosch in 1629. Imperial intervention could not prevent its fall.Template:Sfn
Sweden invades Germany (1630–1635)
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From 1626 to 1629, Gustavus was engaged in a war with Poland–Lithuania, ruled by his Catholic cousin Sigismund, who also claimed the Swedish throne and was backed by Ferdinand II. Once this conflict ended, and with only a few minor states like Hesse-Kassel still openly opposing Ferdinand, Gustavus became an obvious ally for Richelieu.Template:Sfn In September 1629, the latter helped negotiate the Truce of Altmark between Sweden and Poland, freeing Gustavus to enter the war. Partly a genuine desire to support his Protestant co-religionists, like Christian he also wanted to maximise his share of the Baltic trade that provided much of Sweden's income.Template:Sfn
After diplomatic negotiations with Ferdinand II failed, Gustavus landed in Pomerania in June 1630 with nearly 18,000 troops. Using Stralsund as a bridgehead, he marched south along the Oder towards Stettin and coerced Bogislaw XIV, Duke of Pomerania, into agreeing an alliance which secured his interests in Pomerania against his rival Sigismund.Template:Sfn As a result, the Poles turned their attention to Russia, who initiated the 1632 to 1634 Smolensk War.Template:Sfn
However, Swedish expectations of widespread German support proved unrealistic. By the end of 1630, their only new ally was the Administrator of Magdeburg, Christian William whose capital was under siege by Tilly.Template:Sfn Despite the devastation inflicted by Wallenstein's soldiers, Saxony and Brandenburg were ambivalent about Swedish intervention. Both states had their own ambitions in Pomerania, while experience showed inviting external powers into the Empire was easier than getting them to leave.Template:Sfn
Gustavus put pressure on Brandenburg by sacking Küstrin and Frankfurt an der Oder, while the Sack of Magdeburg in May 1631 provided a powerful warning of the consequences of imperial victory.Template:Sfn Once again, Richelieu used French financial power to bridge differences between the Swedes and their potential allies. In the 1631 Treaty of Bärwalde, he agreed to fund the Swedes and a number of small including Hesse-Kassel, Saxony, and Brandenburg.Template:Sfn These payments amounted to 400,000 Reichstaler per year, or one million livres, enabling Sweden to support a total of 36,000 troops.Template:Sfn
With this army, Gustavus invaded southern Germany, winning victories at Breitenfeld in September 1631, then Rain in April 1632, where Tilly was killed.Template:Sfn However, Wallenstein realised the Swedes were overextended, and established himself at Fürth, across their supply lines to the Baltic. At the Battle of the Alte Veste in late August, a failed Swedish assault on the Imperial camp outside the town was bloodily repulsed, arguably the greatest blunder committed by Gustavus during his German campaign.Template:Sfn
Two months later, the Swedes and Imperialists met at Lützen, where both sides suffered heavy casualties. Gustavus himself was killed and some Swedish units incurred losses of over 60%.Template:Sfn Fighting continued until dusk when Wallenstein retreated, abandoning his artillery and wounded.Template:Sfn Despite the loss of Gustavus, most commentators consider the battle a Swedish victory, although the result continues to be disputed.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn
After his death, Gustavus' policies were continued by his Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna, and Bernard of Saxe-Weimar and Gustav Horn. With French backing, Sweden and a number of smaller German states formed the Heilbronn League in April 1633, although Saxony and Brandenburg remained outside. In July, the Swedes and their allies defeated an Bavarian army at Oldendorf.Template:Sfn Wallenstein's critics claimed this was due to his failure to support them, while rumours spread that he was preparing to switch sides. As a result, Ferdinand II ordered his arrest in February 1634, and he was assassinated by his own officers in Cheb on 25th.Template:Sfn
The loss of Wallenstein and his organisation left Ferdinand II reliant on Spain for military support. Since their main concern was to re-open the Spanish Road for their campaign against the Dutch, the focus of the war now shifted from the north to the Rhineland and Bavaria. Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand of Austria, new Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, raised an army of 18,000 in Italy, which met up with 15,000 Imperial troops at Donauwörth on 2 September 1634. Four days later, their combined army defeated Horn and Bernard at Nördlingen, a result that cost Sweden control of southern Germany.Template:Sfn
Phase II: French intervention, 1635 to 1648
By triggering direct French intervention, Nördlingen expanded the conflict rather than ending it. Richelieu provided the Swedes with new subsidies, hired mercenaries led by Bernard of Saxe-Weimar for an offensive in the Rhineland, and in May 1635 initiated the Franco-Spanish War (1635–1659).Template:Sfn A few days later, the German states and Ferdinand agreed to the Peace of Prague. In return for withdrawing the Edict of Restitution, the Heilbronn and Catholic Leagues agreed to dissolve their forces, which were replaced by a single Imperial army, although Saxony and Bavaria retained control of their own forces. This is generally seen as the point when the war ceased to be a primarily inter-German religious conflict.Template:Sfn
In March 1635, French soldiers entered the Valtellina, cutting the link between Milan and the Empire.Template:Sfn This was followed in May by an invasion of the Spanish Netherlands, which collapsed with the loss of 17,000 men. In March 1636, France joined the Thirty Years War as an ally of Sweden, which was increasingly reliant on French financing for its continued participation.Template:Efn The Spanish responded by invading northern France, causing panic in Paris before lack of supplies forced them to retreat.Template:Sfn Elsewhere, Saxony began the year by occupying Pomerania, before defeats at Dömitz and Wittstock in October re-established Swedish predominance in northeast Germany.Template:Sfn
Ferdinand II died in February 1637, and was succeeded by his son Ferdinand III, who faced a precarious military position. Although Matthias Gallas had forced Johan Banér, the new Swedish commander, back to the Baltic, in March 1638 Bernard of Saxe Weimar destroyed an Imperial army at Rheinfelden. His capture of Breisach in December severed the Spanish Road, while Charles I Louis raised an army to regain his father's possessions in the Palatinate. Although the latter was routed by von Hatzfeldt at Vlotho in October, lack of supplies obliged Gallas to withdraw from the Baltic.Template:Sfn
In April 1639, Banér defeated the Saxons at Chemnitz, then entered Bohemia in May.Template:Sfn To retrieve the situation, Ferdinand diverted Piccolomini's army from Thionville, ending direct military cooperation between Austria and Spain.Template:Sfn Pressure grew on Olivares to make peace, especially after French and Swedish gains in Germany cut the Spanish Road, forcing Madrid to resupply their armies in Flanders by sea. Attempts to re-assert maritime control ended when the Dutch fleet under Maarten Tromp won a significant victory over the Spanish at the Downs in October 1639.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn
The French occupied Spanish-controlled Artois in 1640, while Dutch attacks on Portuguese colonies, combined with opposition to taxes, led to revolts in both Portugal and Catalonia.Template:Sfn Olivares now argued Spain should accept Dutch independence, and focus on preventing further French gains in the Spanish Netherlands.Template:Sfn This appeared achievable since most of the Dutch regenten believed the war was won, the only question being the price of peace. They therefore reduced the army budget for 1640, despite objections from Frederick Henry.Template:Sfn
After Bernard died in July 1639, his troops joined Banér's Swedish army in an ineffectual campaign along the Weser, the highlight being a surprise attack in January 1641 on the Imperial Diet in Regensburg.Template:Sfn Forced to retreat, Banér reached Halberstadt in May where he died, and despite beating off an Imperial force at Wolfenbüttel in June, his largely German troops mutinied due to lack of pay.Template:Sfn The situation was saved by the arrival of Lennart Torstensson in November with 7,000 Swedish recruits and enough cash to satisfy the mutineers.Template:Sfn
French victory at Kempen in January 1642 was followed by Second Breitenfeld in October 1642, where Torstensson inflicted almost 10,000 casualties on an Imperial army led by Archduke Leopold Wilhelm of Austria.Template:Sfn The Swedes captured Leipzig in December, although they failed to take Freiberg,Template:Sfn and by 1643 the Saxon army had been reduced to a few isolated garrisons.Template:Sfn Despite these setbacks, Ferdinand fought on, hoping to improve his position enough to exclude the Imperial Estates from his peace negotiations with France and Sweden, and allow him to represent the Empire as a whole.Template:Sfn
This seemed more likely when Richelieu died in December 1642, followed by Louis XIII in May 1643, leaving his five-year-old son Louis XIV as king. However, Richelieu's policies were continued by his successor Cardinal Mazarin, while gains in Alsace allowed France to focus on the war against Spain. In 1643, the Army of Flanders invaded northern France, but were decisively beaten by Condé at Rocroi on 19 May.Template:Sfn This ended any prospect of re-opening the Spanish Road, and Madrid finally accepted the reality of Dutch independence.Template:Sfn
However, Condé was unable to fully exploit his victory due to factors affecting all combatants. The devastation inflicted by 25 years of warfare meant armies spent more time foraging than fighting, forcing them to become smaller and more mobile, with a much greater emphasis on cavalry. Difficulties in gathering provisions meant campaigns started later, and restricted them to areas that could be easily supplied, usually close to rivers.Template:Sfn In addition, the French army in Germany was shattered at Tuttlingen in November by Bavarian general Franz von Mercy.Template:Sfn
Soon after Rocroi, Ferdinand invited Sweden and France to attend peace talks in the Westphalian towns of Münster and Osnabrück,Template:Sfn but negotiations were delayed when Christian of Denmark blockaded Hamburg and increased toll payments in the Baltic.Template:Sfn This severely impacted the Dutch and Swedish economies, and in December 1643 the Torstensson War began when to stop Christian IV from mediating and sense he had raised the Sound Tolls. Torstensson and the Swedes invaded Jutland with Dutch naval support and Horn launched an invasion through Scania. Ferdinand assembled an army under Gallas to attack the Swedes from the rear and to support Denmark, which proved a disastrous decision. Leaving Wrangel to finish the war in Denmark, in May 1644 Torstensson marched back into Germany. Gallas was unable to stop him, and the Danes sued for peace after their defeat at Fehmarn in October 1644.Template:Sfn
In August 1644, the French and Bavarian armies met in the three day Battle of Freiburg, in which both sides suffered heavy casualties. Convinced the war could no longer be won, Maximilian now put pressure on Ferdinand to end the conflict.Template:Sfn Shortly after peace talks restarted in November, Gallas' army disintegrated and the remnants retreated into Bohemia, where they were scattered by Torstensson at Jankau in March 1645.Template:Sfn Following Jankau Transylvania and its Prince, George I Rákóczi, entered the war and besieged Krems and Brno. In May, Bavarians under von Mercy destroyed a French detachment at Herbsthausen, before he in turn was defeated and killed at Second Nördlingen in August.Template:Sfn This left John George of Saxony isolated, who was forced to sign a six-month truce with Sweden in September, then agreed to remain neutral in the March 1646 Treaty of Eulenberg.Template:Sfn
Under Turenne, French commander in the Rhineland, and Wrangel, who had replaced Torstensson, the French and Swedes separately invaded Bavaria in the summer of 1646.Template:Sfn Maximilian was soon desperate to end the war he was largely responsible for starting, at which point the Spanish publicised a secret offer by Mazarin to exchange French-occupied Catalonia for the Spanish Netherlands. Angered by this duplicity, the Dutch agreed a truce with Spain in January 1647 and began to negotiate their own peace terms.Template:Sfn Having failed to acquire the Netherlands through diplomacy, Mazarin decided to do so by force. To free up resources for the attempt, on 14 March 1647 he signed the Truce of Ulm with Bavaria, Cologne and Sweden.Template:Sfn
The planned offensive fell apart when Turenne's mostly German troops mutinied, while Bavarian general Johann von Werth refused to comply with the truce.Template:Sfn Although the mutinies were quickly suppressed, Maximilian felt obliged to follow Werth's example, and in September ordered Bronckhorst-Gronsfeld to combine the remnants of the Bavarian army with Imperial troops under Peter von Holzappel.Template:Sfn Outnumbered by a Franco-Swedish army led by Wrangel and Turenne, they were defeated at Zusmarshausen in May 1648. Holzappel was killed, and although most of his army escaped thanks to Raimondo Montecuccoli, Bavaria was left defenceless once again.Template:Sfn
The Swedes sent a second force under von Königsmarck to attack Prague, seizing the castle and Malá Strana district in July. The main objective was to gain as much loot as possible before the war ended; they failed to take the Old Town but captured treasures including the Codex Gigas, which can now be seen in Stockholm. When a Spanish offensive in Flanders ended with defeat at Lens in August 1648, Ferdinand finally agreed terms and on 24 October, he signed peace treaties with France and Sweden, ending the war.Template:Sfn
Conflict outside Germany
Northern Italy
Template:Location map many Northern Italy had been contested by France and the Habsburgs since the end of the 15th century, as its control provided access to the vulnerable southern borders of France and Austria. In addition, large sections of the Spanish Road ran through it, a route that allowed Spain to safely move recruits and supplies from their Italian possessions to support their war against the Dutch. This reliance on long exterior lines of communication was a strategic weakness, which the French sought to exploit by disrupting the Road. This usually involved attacks on the Spanish-held Duchy of Milan, or blocking the Alpine passes.Template:Sfn
Montferrat and its fortress of Casale Monferrato were subsidiary territories of the Duchy of Mantua and their possession allowed the holder to threaten Milan. This meant when the last duke in the direct line died in December 1627, France and Spain backed rival claimants, resulting in the 1628 to 1631 War of the Mantuan Succession.Template:Sfn The French-born Duke of Nevers was backed by France and the Republic of Venice, his rival the Duke of Guastalla by Spain, Ferdinand II, Savoy and Tuscany. While a relatively minor conflict, the struggle had a disproportionate impact on the Thirty Years War, since Pope Urban VIII viewed Habsburg expansion in Italy as a threat to the Papal States. His opposition to Ferdinand II divided the Catholic powers, and made it acceptable for France to employ Protestant allies against Austria.Template:Sfn
In March 1629, the French stormed Savoyard positions in the Pas de Suse, lifted the Spanish siege of Casale, and captured Pinerolo.Template:Sfn The Treaty of Suza then ceded the two fortresses to France and allowed their troops unrestricted passage through Savoyard territory, giving them control over Piedmont and the Alpine passes into southern France.Template:Sfn However, as soon as the main French army withdrew in late 1629, the Spanish and Savoyards besieged Casale once again. At the same time, mercenaries funded by Ferdinand II were used in a Spanish offensive which routed the main Venetian field army, and forced Nevers to abandon Mantua. By October 1630, the French position seemed so precarious their representatives agreed the Treaty of Ratisbon. It was never ratified, as Richelieu claimed he had not approved the terms.Template:Sfn
Several factors restored the French position in northern Italy, notably a devastating outbreak of plague; between 1629 and 1631, over 60,000 died in Milan and 46,000 in Venice, with proportionate losses elsewhere.Template:Sfn Richelieu took advantage of the diversion of imperial resources to fund a Swedish invasion of Germany, whose success forced the Spanish-Savoyard alliance to withdraw from Casale and sign the Treaty of Cherasco in April 1631. Nevers was confirmed as Duke of Mantua and although Richelieu's representative, Cardinal Mazarin, agreed to evacuate Pinerolo, it was later secretly returned under an agreement with Victor Amadeus I, Duke of Savoy. With the exception of the 1639 to 1642 Piedmontese Civil War, this secured the French position in northern Italy for the next twenty years.Template:Sfn
After the outbreak of the Franco-Spanish War in 1635, Richelieu supported a renewed offensive by Victor Amadeus against Milan to tie down Spanish resources. These included an unsuccessful attack on Valenza in 1635, plus minor victories at Tornavento and Mombaldone.Template:Sfn However, the anti-Habsburg alliance in northern Italy fell apart when first Charles of Mantua died in September 1637, then Victor Amadeus in October, whose death led to a struggle for control of the Savoyard state between his widow Christine of France and brothers, Thomas and Maurice.Template:Sfn
In 1639, their quarrel erupted into open warfare, with France backing Christine and Spain the two brothers, and resulted in the Siege of Turin. One of the most famous military events of the 17th century, at one stage it featured no less than three different armies besieging each other. However, revolts in Portugal and Catalonia forced the Spanish to cease operations in Italy, and the war was settled on terms favourable to Christine and France.Template:Sfn
In 1647, a French-backed rebellion succeeded in temporarily overthrowing Spanish rule in Naples. The Spanish quickly crushed the insurrection and restored their rule over all of southern Italy, defeating multiple French expeditionary forces sent to back the rebels.Template:Sfn However, it exposed the weakness of Spanish rule in Italy and the alienation of the local elites from Madrid. In 1650, the governor of Milan wrote that as well as widespread dissatisfaction in the south, the only one of the Italian states that could be relied on was the Duchy of Parma.Template:Sfn
Catalonia
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On 26 January, a combined French-Catalan force routed a larger Spanish army at Montjuïc and secured Barcelona. However, the rebels soon found the new French administration differed little from the old, turning the war into a three-sided contest between the Franco-Catalan elite, the rural peasantry, and the Spanish. There was little serious fighting after France took control of Perpignan and Roussillon, establishing the current-day Franco-Spanish border in the Pyrenees. The revolt ended in 1651 when Madrid recaptured Barcelona.Template:Sfn
Outside Europe
In 1580, Philip II of Spain also became ruler of the Portuguese Empire, creating the Iberian Union; long-standing commercial rivals, the 1602 to 1663 Dutch–Portuguese War was an offshoot of the Dutch fight for independence from Spain. The Portuguese dominated the trans-Atlantic economy known as the Triangular trade, in which slaves were transported from West Africa and Portuguese Angola to work on plantations in Portuguese Brazil, which exported sugar and tobacco to Europe. Known by Dutch historians as the 'Great Design", control of this trade would not only be extremely profitable but also deprive the Spanish of funds needed to finance their war in the Netherlands.Template:Sfn
In 1621, the Dutch West India Company was formed to achieve this, and a Dutch fleet captured the Brazilian port of Salvador, Bahia in 1624. After it was retaken by the Portuguese in 1625, a second fleet established Dutch Brazil in 1630, which was not returned until 1654.Template:Sfn In 1641, the Dutch seized Portuguese slave trading hubs in Angola and São Tomé, with support from the kingdoms of Kongo and Ndongo,Template:SfnScript error: No such module "Unsubst". whose position was threatened by Portuguese expansion.Template:Sfn Although those gains proved short-lived, the Dutch retained territories elsewhere, like the Cape Colony, as well as Portuguese trading posts on the Gold Coast, in Malacca, on the Malabar Coast, the Moluccas and Ceylon.Template:Sfn
Peace of Westphalia (1648)
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The final Peace of Westphalia consisted of three separate agreements. These were the Peace of Münster between Spain and the Dutch Republic, the Treaty of Osnabrück between the Empire and Sweden, and the Treaty of Münster between the Empire and France. Preliminary discussions began in 1642, with a total of 109 delegations attending talks at one time or other, split between Münster and Osnabrück. After the Swedes rejected Christian of Denmark as mediator, the negotiators finally agreed on Papal Legate Fabio Chigi, and Venetian envoy Alvise Contarini.Template:Sfn
The first to be signed on 30 January 1648, the Peace of Münster forms part of the Westphalia settlement since the Dutch Republic was still considered imperial territory. It confirmed Dutch independence from Spain, although the Republic was not officially acknowledged as being outside the Empire until 1728.Template:Sfn The Dutch also gained a monopoly over trade conducted through the Scheldt estuary, ensuring the commercial ascendancy of Amsterdam. Antwerp, capital of the Spanish Netherlands and previously the most important port in northern Europe, would not recover economically until the late 19th century.Template:Sfn
The terms of the separate treaties with France and Sweden had first to be agreed by Ferdinand and the imperial estates. It has been argued they were a "major turning point in German and European...legal history", because they went beyond normal peace settlements and effected major constitutional and religious changes to the Empire itself.Template:Sfn These negotiations were complex, with states like Saxony and Bavaria having very different views on desired outcomes, while Ferdinand continued to hope for an improvement in his military position. With Swedish troops on the verge of taking Prague, he finally signed the Peace on 24 October.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn
Key elements of the Peace were provisions confirming the autonomy of states within the Empire, including Ferdinand's acceptance of the supremacy of the Imperial Diet, and those seeking to prevent future religious conflict. Article 5 reconfirmed the Augsburg settlement, established 1624 as the basis, or "Normaljahr", for determining the dominant religion of a state and guaranteed freedom of worship for religious minorities. Article 7 recognised Calvinism as a Reformed faith and removed the ius reformandi, the requirement that if a ruler changed his religion, his subjects had to follow suit. These terms did not apply to the hereditary lands of the Habsburg monarchy, such as Lower and Upper Austria.[1]
In terms of territorial concessions, Brandenburg-Prussia received Farther Pomerania, and the bishoprics of Magdeburg, Halberstadt, Kammin, and Minden. Frederick's son Charles Louis regained the Lower Palatinate and became the eighth imperial elector, although Bavaria kept the Upper Palatinate and its electoral vote.Template:Sfn In Lorraine, the Three Bishoprics of Metz, Toul and Verdun, occupied by France since 1552, were formally ceded, as were the cities of the Décapole in Alsace, with the exception of Strasbourg and Mulhouse.Template:Sfn Sweden received an indemnity of five million thalers, the imperial territories of Swedish Pomerania, and the Prince-bishoprics of Bremen and Verden, which also gave them a seat in the Imperial Diet.Template:Sfn
The Peace was denounced by Pope Innocent X, who regarded the bishoprics ceded to France and Brandenburg as property of the Catholic church, and thus his to assign.Template:Sfn It also disappointed many exiles by accepting Catholicism as the dominant religion in Bohemia, Upper and Lower Austria, all Protestant strongholds prior to 1618. Fighting did not end immediately, since demobilising over 200,000 soldiers took time, and the last Swedish garrison did not leave Germany until 1654.Template:Sfn In addition, Mazarin insisted on excluding the Burgundian Circle from the Treaty of Münster, allowing France to continue its campaign against Spain in the Low Countries, a war that continued until the 1659 Treaty of the Pyrenees. The political disintegration of Poland-Lithuania led to the 1655 to 1660 Second Northern War with Sweden, which also involved Denmark, Russia and Brandenburg, while two Swedish attempts to impose its control on the port of Bremen failed in 1654 and 1666.Template:Sfn
It has been argued the Peace established the principle known as Westphalian sovereignty, the idea of non-interference in domestic affairs by outside powers, although this has since been challenged. The 'Congress' model was used for peace negotiations at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1668, Nijmegen in 1678, and Ryswick in 1697, although unlike the 19th century 'Congress' system, these were intended to end wars, rather than prevent them.Template:Sfn
Human and financial cost of the war
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Claims of up to 12 million deaths from a population of 18 million are no longer considered realistic, while upper estimates of material losses are not supported by contemporary evidence, or in some cases exceed prewar tax records.Template:Sfn Regardless, modern commentators agree the war was a man-made mortality disaster previously unknown in Europe. Estimates of total deaths range from 4.5 to 8 million, most incurred after 1630 when Sweden entered the war, the vast majority being civilians.Template:Sfn
Battles generally featured armies of around 13,000 to 20,000 each, one of the largest being Alte Veste in 1632 with a combined 70,000 to 85,000. Estimates of total combatants deployed by both sides within Germany range from an average of 80,000 to 100,000 from 1618 to 1626, peaking at 250,000 in 1632 and falling to under 160,000 by 1648.Template:Sfn
Casualty rates for those who served in the military could be extremely high. Of 230 men conscripted from the Swedish village of Bygdeå between 1621 and 1639, 215 are recorded as dead or missing, while another 5 returned home crippled.Template:Sfn Historian Peter Wilson puts those killed or wounded in action at around 450,000. Research shows disease increased that number by a factor of between two and three, which suggests total military casualties ranged from 1.3 to 1.8 million.Template:Sfn Although his methodology has been disputed, Sociologist Pitirim Sorokin estimates 2,071,000 military deaths, of which 1,151,000 occurred between 1635–1648.Template:Sfn
Local returns show only 3% of civilian deaths were due to military action, the major causes being starvation (12%), bubonic plague (64%), typhus (4%), and dysentery (5%).Template:Sfn Poor harvests throughout the 1630s and repeated plundering of the same areas led to widespread famine, with reports of people eating grass, too weak to accept alms, or resorting to cannibalism.Template:Sfn Although regular outbreaks of disease were common prior to 1618, their spread was accelerated by the influx of foreign soldiers, the shifting locations of battle fronts, and displacement of rural populations into already crowded cities.Template:Sfn Soldiers transferred from Germany allegedly sparked the 1629–1631 Italian plague, described as the "worst mortality crisis to affect Italy during the early modern period".Template:Sfn This resulted in some 280,000 deaths, with estimates of up to a million.Template:Sfn
Modern historians generally agree that the German areas of the Holy Roman Empire experienced an overall population decline of roughly 40%, from 18 and 20 million in 1600 to between 11 and 13 million in 1650, and did not regain pre-war levels until 1750.Template:Sfn[2] Nearly 50% of these losses were incurred during the first period of Swedish intervention from 1630 to 1635. The Czech lands also saw a 27% population decline, from approximately 2.95 million in 1600 to 2.15 million in 1650.Template:Sfn The high mortality rate was partly due to the reliance of all sides on foreign mercenaries, often unpaid and required to live off the land.Template:Sfn Lack of a sense of 'shared community' resulted in atrocities such as the destruction of Magdeburg, in turn creating large numbers of refugees who were extremely susceptible to sickness and hunger. While flight saved lives in the short-term, in the long run it often proved catastrophic.Template:Sfn
In 1940, historian Günther Franz published an analysis of data from across Germany covering the period from 1618 to 1648. Broadly confirmed by more recent work, he concluded about 40% of the civilian rural population became casualties, and 33% of the urban.Template:Sfn These figures need to be read with care, since Franz calculated the absolute decline in pre and post-war populations, or 'total demographic loss'. They therefore include factors unrelated to death or disease, such as permanent migration to areas outside the Empire or lower birthrates, a common but less obvious impact of extended warfare.Template:SfnTemplate:Efn There were also wide regional variations, with areas of northwest Germany experiencing minimal loss of population, while those of Mecklenburg, Pomerania and Württemberg fell by nearly 50%.Template:Sfn
Although some towns may have overstated their losses to avoid taxes, individual records confirm serious declines; from 1620 to 1650, the population of Munich fell from 22,000 to 17,000, that of Augsburg from 48,000 to 21,000.Template:Sfn The financial impact is less clear; while the war caused short-term economic dislocation, especially in the period 1618 to 1623, overall it accelerated existing changes in trading patterns. It does not appear to have reversed ongoing macro-economic trends, such as the reduction of price differentials between regional markets, and a greater degree of market integration across Europe.Template:Sfn The death toll may have improved living standards for the survivors; one study shows wages in Germany increased by 40% in real terms between 1603 and 1652.Template:Sfn
Military developments
Innovations made by Gustavus in particular are considered part of the evolution known as the "Military Revolution", although whether tactics or technology were at the heart of these changes is still debated.Template:Sfn Introduced by Maurice of Orange in the 1590s, these sought to increase infantry firepower by moving from massed columns to line formation. Gustavus further reduced the ten ranks used by Maurice to six, and increased the proportion of musketeers to pikemen. He also enhanced their firepower by providing each unit with quick-firing light artillery pieces on either flank. The best example of their application in battle was the victory over Tilly's traditionally organised army at Breitenfeld in September 1631.Template:Sfn
Line formations were often harder to co-ordinate, as demonstrated when the supposedly obsolete Spanish tercios defeated the Swedes at Nördlingen in 1634.Template:Sfn Since they also lacked the offensive impact of columns, Gustavus compensated by requiring his cavalry to be far more aggressive, often employing Finnish Hakkapeliitta as shock troops. However, even the Swedes used columns on occasion, notably the failed assault at Alte Veste in September 1632. The line versus column debate continued into the early 19th century, and both were employed during the Napoleonic Wars.Template:Sfn
Such tactics needed professional soldiers, who could retain formation, reload and fire disciplined salvos while under attack, as well as the use of standardised weapons. The first half of the 17th century saw the publication of numerous instruction manuals showing the movements required, thirty-two for pikemen and forty-two for musketeers.Template:Sfn In theory, it took up to six months to train infantry to operate in this way, but in reality many went into battle with far less experience.Template:Sfn It also placed greater responsibility on junior officers who provided the vital links between senior commanders and the tactical unit. One of the first military schools designed to produce such men was set up at Siegen in 1616, and others soon followed.Template:Sfn
On the other hand, strategic thinking failed to develop at the same pace. Historian Jeremy Black claims most campaigns were "inconclusive", since they were primarily concerned with gaining access to supplies and money for the soldiers, rather than focused strategic objectives. The disconnect between military and diplomatic goals helps explain why the war lasted so long, and peace proved so elusive.Template:Sfn When fighting officially ended in 1648, there were still over 150,000 troops under arms within the Empire, small numbers by modern standards, but unprecedented at the time.Template:Sfn Most 17th century states could not finance armies of this size for extended periods, forcing them to depend on "contributions" from areas they passed through.Template:Sfn
Supplies thus became the limiting factor in planning campaigns, a problem that grew more acute as the war progressed. Armies became smaller, with a greater emphasis on cavalry that could cover greater distances and move faster, rather than slow moving infantry. Poor infrastructure also required commanders to stay close to rivers, then the primary means of bulk transportation, and meant they could not move too far from their main bases.Template:Sfn Feeding the troops became an objective in itself, unconnected to diplomatic goals and largely uncontrolled by their central governments. The result was "armies increasingly devoid of intelligible political objectives...degenerating into travelling armed mobs, living in a symbiotic relationship with the countryside they passed through".Template:Sfn This often conflicted with the political aims of their employers; the devastation inflicted in 1628 and 1629 by imperial troops on Brandenburg and Saxony, both nominally allies, was a major factor in their support for Swedish intervention.Template:Sfn
Finally, some commentators argue that while the Thirty Years War certainly played its part in accelerating new tactics and technology, of greater significance was the need to fund, supply and direct permanent armies for long periods, across wide-ranging theatres. Doing so required much more sophisticated mechanisms, and led to the transfer of organised violence from "contractor" generals like Wallenstein or Mansfeld to nation states. In that sense, the truly "revolutionary" aspect of the Military Revolution was less on the tactics and technology used by soldiers, but the institutions required to support them.Template:Sfn
Social and cultural impact
The breakdown of social order caused by the war was often more significant and longer lasting than the immediate damage.Template:Sfn The collapse of local government created landless peasants, who banded together to protect themselves from the soldiers of both sides, and led to widespread rebellions in Upper Austria, Bavaria and Brandenburg. Soldiers devastated one area before moving on, leaving large tracts of land empty of people and changing the ecosystem. Food shortages were worsened by an explosion in the rodent population, while Bavaria was overrun by wolves in the winter of 1638, and its crops destroyed by packs of wild pigs the following spring.Template:Sfn
Contemporaries spoke of a "frenzy of despair" as people sought to make sense of the relentless and often random bloodshed unleashed by the war. Attributed by religious authorities to divine retribution, attempts to identify a supernatural cause led to a series of witch-hunts, starting in Franconia in 1626, then quickly spreading to other parts of Germany.Template:Sfn They began in the Bishopric of Würzburg, an area with a history of such events going back to 1616 and now re-ignited by Bishop von Ehrenberg, a devout Catholic eager to assert the church's authority in his territories. By the time he died in 1631, over 900 people from all levels of society had been executed.Template:Sfn
The Bamberg witch trials, held in the nearby Bishopric of Bamberg from 1626 to 1631, claimed over one thousand lives; in 1629, 274 died in the Eichstätt witch trials, plus another 50 in the adjacent Duchy of Palatinate-Neuburg.Template:Sfn Elsewhere, persecution followed imperial military success, expanding into Baden and the Palatinate following their reconquest by Tilly, then into the Rhineland.Template:Sfn However, the extent to which they were symptomatic of the impact of the conflict on society is debatable, since many took place in areas relatively untouched by the war. Concerned their brutality would discredit the Counter-Reformation, Ferdinand ensured active persecution largely ended by 1630.Template:Sfn
Although the war caused immense destruction, it has also been credited with sparking a revival in German literature, including the creation of societies dedicated to "purging foreign elements" from the German language.Template:Sfn One example is Simplicius Simplicissimus, often suggested as one of the earliest examples of the picaresque novel; written by Hans Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen in 1668, it includes a realistic portrayal of a soldier's life based on his own experiences, many of which are verified by other sources.Template:Sfn Other less famous examples include the diaries of Peter Hagendorf, a participant in the Sack of Magdeburg whose descriptions of the everyday brutalities of the war remain compelling.Template:Sfn
For German, and to a lesser extent Czech writers, the war was remembered as a defining moment of national trauma, the 18th century poet and playwright Friedrich Schiller being one of many to use it in their work. Variously known as the 'Great German War,' 'Great War' or 'Great Schism', for 19th and early 20th century German nationalists it showed the dangers of a divided Germany and was used to justify the creation of the German Empire in 1871, as well as the Greater Germanic Reich envisaged by the Nazis.Template:Sfn Bertolt Brecht used it as the backdrop for his 1939 anti-war play Mother Courage and Her Children, while its enduring cultural resonance is illustrated by the novel Tyll; written by Austro-German author Daniel Kehlmann and also set during the war, it was nominated for the 2020 Booker Prize.Template:Sfn
Political consequences
The Peace reconfirmed "German liberties", ending Habsburg attempts to convert the Holy Roman Empire into a centralised state similar to Spain. Over the next 50 years, Bavaria, Brandenburg-Prussia, Saxony and others increasingly pursued their own policies, while Sweden gained a permanent foothold in the Empire. Despite these setbacks, the Habsburg lands suffered less from the war than many others. They also became a far more coherent geographical bloc with the addition of Bohemia, and the restoration of Catholicism throughout their territories.Template:Sfn
By laying the foundations of the modern nation state, Westphalia changed the relationship between rulers and ruled, many of whom previously had multiple political and religious allegiances. After 1648, they were now understood to be subject first and foremost to the laws and edicts of their respective state authority, not the claims of any other entity, either religious or secular. This made it easier to levy national forces loyal to the state and its leader; one lesson learned from Wallenstein and the Swedish invasion was the need for their own permanent armies, and German society became far more militarised.Template:Sfn
For Sweden, the benefits ultimately proved short-lived. Unlike French gains, which were incorporated into France, Swedish territories remained part of the Empire, and they became members of the Lower and Upper Saxon kreis. While this provided both seats and influence in the Imperial Diet, it also brought Sweden into direct conflict with Brandenburg-Prussia and Saxony, their competitors in Pomerania. The income from their German possessions was relatively minor, and although parts of Pomerania remained Swedish until 1815, much of it was ceded to Prussia in 1679 and 1720.Template:Sfn
France arguably gained more from the conflict than any other power, and by 1648, most of Richelieu's objectives had been achieved. These included separation of the Spanish and Austrian Habsburgs, expansion of the French frontier into the Empire, and an end to Spanish military supremacy in northern Europe.Template:Sfn Although the Franco-Spanish war continued until 1659, Westphalia allowed Louis XIV to begin replacing Spain as the predominant European power.Template:Sfn
While religion remained a divisive political issue in many countries, the Thirty Years' War is arguably the last major European conflict where it was a primary driver. Future religious conflicts were either internal, such as the Camisards revolt in southern France, or relatively minor, like the 1712 Toggenburg War.Template:Sfn The war created the outlines of a Europe that persisted until 1815 and beyond, most significantly the nation-state of France, along with the start of a split between Germany and a separate Austro-Hungarian bloc.Template:Sfn
Notes
References
Sources
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- Thirty Years' War
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- 17th-century Christianity
- 17th-century conflicts
- 17th-century military history of the Kingdom of England
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