View source for Viacheslav Chornovil

{{Short description|Ukrainian activist and politician (1937–1999)}}
{{Family name hatnote|Maksymovych|Chornovil|lang=Eastern Slavic}}
{{Use British English|date=May 2024}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=June 2022}}
{{Infobox officeholder
| honorific_prefix    = [[Hero of Ukraine]]
| name                = Viacheslav Chornovil
| native_name         = {{nobold|В'ячеслав Чорновіл}}
| image               = НДУ 3 Чорновіл Вячеслав Максимович.jpg
| alt                 = Chornovil in a black suit, blue shirt, and green tie.
| caption             = Chornovil in 1998
| office              = [[People's Deputy of Ukraine]]
| term_start          = 15 May 1990
| term_end            = 26 March 1999
| predecessor         = {{plainlist|
* ''Position established'' {{small|(1990)}}
* [[Oleksandr Shevchenko (politician, born 1924)|Oleksandr Shevchenko]] {{small|(1994)}}
}}
| successor           = {{plainlist|
* [[Oleksandr Shandriuk]] {{small|(1994)}}
* ''Constituency abolished'' {{small|(1998)}}
}}
| constituency        = {{plainlist|
* [[Lviv Oblast]], [[Shevchenkivskyi District, Lviv|Shevchenkivskyi District]] {{small|(1990–1994)}}
* [[Ternopil Oblast]],  No. 357 {{small|(1994–1998)}}
* People's Movement of Ukraine, No. 1 {{small|(1998–1999)}}
}}
| office1             = Chairman of the [[Lviv Oblast Council]]
| term_start1         = April 1990
| term_end1           = April 1992
| predecessor1        = ''Position established''
| successor1          = [[Mykola Horyn]]
| birth_date          = {{Birth date|1937|12|24|df=yes}}
| birth_place         = [[Yerky]], Ukrainian SSR, Soviet Union
| death_cause         = [[Traffic collision]]
| death_date          = {{death date and age|1999|3|25|1937|12|24|df=yes}}
| death_place         = Near [[Boryspil]], Ukraine
| party               = [[People's Movement of Ukraine]] (from 1989)
| otherparty          = [[Komsomol]] ({{circa|late 1950s}}–1966)
| spouse              = {{plainlist|
* {{marriage|Iryna Brunevets|1960|1962|end=div}}
* {{marriage|[[Olena Antoniv]]|1963|<!--unknown-->|end=div}}
* {{marriage|[[Atena Pashko]]|1969}}
}}
| children            = {{hlist|[[Andriy Chornovil|Andriy]]|[[Taras Chornovil|Taras]]}}
| alma_mater          = [[Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv]]
| awards              = {{plainlist|
* [[Hero of Ukraine]] (2000)
* [[Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise]]
* [[Shevchenko National Prize]] (1996)
}}
| signature           = Chornovil autograph.svg
}}
'''Viacheslav Maksymovych Chornovil''' ({{langx|uk|В'ячеслав Максимович Чорновіл}}; 24 December 1937 – 25 March 1999) was a Ukrainian [[Soviet dissidents|Soviet dissident]], independence activist and politician who was the leader of the [[People's Movement of Ukraine]] from 1989 until his death in 1999. He spent fifteen years imprisoned by the Soviet government for his human rights activism, and was later a [[People's Deputy of Ukraine]] from 1990 to 1999, being among the first and most prominent anti-communists to hold public office in Ukraine. He twice ran for the [[President of Ukraine|presidency of Ukraine]]; the first time, in [[1991 Ukrainian presidential election|1991]], he was defeated by [[Leonid Kravchuk]], while in [[1999 Ukrainian presidential election|1999]] he died in a car crash under disputed circumstances.

Chornovil was born in the village of [[Yerky]], in central Ukraine, then under the [[Soviet Union]]. A member of the [[Komsomol]] from his time in university, he was affiliated with the counter-cultural [[Sixtiers|Sixtier]] movement, and was removed from the Komsomol after speaking out against communism. His [[samizdat|samvydav]], which investigated violations of intellectuals arrested during a [[1965–1966 Ukrainian purge|1965–1966 Soviet crackdown]], earned him Western acclaim, as well as a three-year prison sentence in [[Yakutia]]. Upon his release he returned to samvydav and began publishing ''[[The Ukrainian Herald (1970–1972, 1987–1989)|The Ukrainian Herald]]'', a predecessor to the modern Ukrainian independent press. He was again arrested in [[1972–1973 Ukrainian purge|another purge of intellectuals]] in January 1972 and sentenced to between six and twelve years in prison.

Chornovil was described by fellow dissident [[Mikhail Kheifets]] as "general of the [[wikt:zek|zek]]s" for his leadership of Ukrainian political prisoners, and recognised as a [[prisoner of conscience]] by [[Amnesty International]]. He was allowed to return to Ukraine in 1985 as part of ''[[perestroika]]''. Throughout the late 1980s he was active in organising a movement in opposition to Soviet rule over Ukraine. The movement later resulted in a [[1989–1991 Ukrainian revolution|popular revolution]] that toppled communism and led to Chornovil taking office as a member of [[Verkhovna Rada|Ukraine's parliament]]. He was one of the two main candidates in the [[1991 Ukrainian presidential election]], though he was defeated by former communist leader [[Leonid Kravchuk]], and he actively promoted Ukrainian membership in the [[European Union]] and opposition to the emergence of the [[Ukrainian oligarchs]].

Chornovil was a controversial figure in his lifetime, and the last months of his life were dominated by a split in his party, the [[People's Movement of Ukraine]]. His death in a car crash during the [[1999 Ukrainian presidential election]], during which he was a candidate in opposition to incumbent president [[Leonid Kuchma]], has led to conspiracy theories and several years of investigations and trials, which have neither confirmed nor eliminated assassination as a possibility. He is a popular figure in present-day Ukraine, where he has twice been placed among the top ten most popular Ukrainians and is a symbol of the country's democracy and human rights activism as well as [[Pro-Europeanism]].

== Early life and education ==
[[File:71-212-0076 SAM 9126 Vilkhovets.jpg|alt=Photograph of a white and green house surrounded by trees|thumb|left|Chornovil's childhood home in [[Vilkhovets, Cherkasy Oblast]]]]
Viacheslav Maksymovych Chornovil was born on 24 December 1937 in the village of [[Yerky]], in what was then the [[Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic]], to a family of teachers.{{sfn|LIGA.net 2009}} His father, Maksym Iosypovych Chornovil, was descended from [[Cossack nobility]], while his mother was part of the aristocratic [[Tereshchenko family]]. In spite of the Soviet policy of state atheism and the [[Russification of Ukraine]], the young Chornovil was raised in Ukrainian Christian traditions, with his family celebrating Ukrainian festivals in their home.{{sfn|Stepaniuk|2023}}

Born and raised during the [[Great Purge]], Viacheslav's childhood was dominated by Soviet repressions; his paternal uncle, Petro Iosypovych, was executed, while his father lived as a fugitive. The family regularly moved from village to village in an effort by Maksym to evade arrest.{{sfn|Gazeta.ua 2017a}} During [[World War II]] and the [[Reichskommissariat Ukraine|German occupation of Ukraine]] the Chornovil family lived in the village of [[Husakove]], where Viacheslav attended school. He later claimed in his autobiography that following the recapture of Husakove by the Soviet Union, his family was expelled from the village. They later lived in [[Vilkhovets, Cherkasy Oblast|Vilkhovets]], where they had lived prior to Husakove, and where Viacheslav later graduated from middle school with a gold medal in 1955.{{sfn|Chornovil, autobiography}}

Chornovil enrolled at the [[Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv|Taras Shevchenko University of Kyiv]] the same year, studying to become a journalist. At this time he also joined the [[Komsomol]], the youth division of the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]]. During his time in Kyiv Chornovil first acquired an interest in politics, becoming a strong believer in [[friendship of peoples]] and internationalism. The negative response by Kyiv's Russophone population to those who spoke the Ukrainian language disgruntled him and left him with an increased consciousness of his status as a Ukrainian.{{sfn|Ivanova|2024}} Like other young Soviet activists of the time, Chornovil was also influenced by the [[20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] in 1956, in which [[Nikita Khrushchev]] [[On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences|denounced]] the rule of [[Joseph Stalin]].{{sfn|Kulchytskyi|2019|p=50}}

Chornovil's noncomformist views brought him into conflict with the faculty's newspaper, which condemned him for "nonstandard thinking" in 1957.{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}} As a result, he was forced to pause his studies and sent to work as an [[udarnik]]{{sfn|Chornovil, autobiography}} constructing a blast furnace in the [[Donbas]] city of [[Mariupol|Zhdanov]] (today known as Mariupol). He also worked as an itinerant editor for the ''Kyiv Komsomolets'' newspaper. After a year, he returned to his studies, graduating in 1960 with distinction.{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}} His diploma dissertation was on the publicist works of [[Borys Hrinchenko]].{{sfn|LB.ua 2015}} The same year, he married his first wife, Iryna Brunevets. The two had one son, [[Andriy Chornovil|Andriy]], before divorcing in 1962.{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}}

== Journalistic and party career ==
Following his graduation Chornovil became an editor at Lviv Television (now [[Suspilne Lviv]]) in July 1960, where he had previously worked as an assistant from January of the same year. During this time, he possibly met and interacted with [[Zenovii Krasivskyi]], who was studying television journalism at the [[University of Lviv]]. Much like Chornovil, Krasivskyi would later become a leader of the dissident movement. Chornovil wrote scripts for the channel's broadcasts, primarily concerning the history of Ukrainian literature.{{sfn|Ostrovskyi 2018a|p=106}} At least three (on [[Mykhailo Stelmakh]], [[Vasyl Chumak]], and the [[Young Muse]] group) were broadcast in 1962.{{sfn|Seko|2020|p=135}} During this time, Chornovil also took up [[literary criticism]], focusing particularly on the works of Hrinchenko, [[Taras Shevchenko]], and [[Volodymyr Samiilenko]].{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}}
[[File:Київська ГЕС.jpg|alt=Aerial photograph of a large hydroelectric power plant|thumb|[[Kyiv Hydroelectric Power Plant]], where Chornovil worked as a [[Komsomol]] secretary from 1963 to 1964]]
Chornovil left his job at Lviv Television in May 1963 to return to Kyiv. There, he was the Kyiv Komsomol secretary for the construction of [[Kyiv Hydroelectric Power Plant]].{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}} He simultaneously worked as an editor for the Kyiv-based newspapers ''Young Guard'' and ''Second Reading'',{{sfn|Chornovil, autobiography}} and was part of the [[Artistic Youths' Club]], an informal group of intellectuals affiliated with the counter-cultural [[Sixtiers|Sixtier movement]].{{sfn|Ostrovskyi 2018a|p=107}} In June 1963, Chornovil married his second wife, [[Olena Antoniv]], and by 1964, Chornovil's second son, [[Taras Chornovil|Taras]], was born.{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}} Chornovil also passed exams for post-graduate courses at the [[National Pedagogical Drahomanov University|Kyiv Paedagogical Institute]] in 1964, but he was denied the right to take courses on the basis of his political beliefs.{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}} In particular was his involvement in the Artistic Youths' Club.{{sfn|Ostrovskyi 2018a|p=107}}

The [[Shevchenko Days]] on 9 March 1964 was marked by celebrations throughout the Soviet Union marking the 150th anniversary of Taras Shevchenko's birth. As part of the Shevchenko Days celebrations Chornovil gave a speech to the workers of the Kyiv Hydroelectric Power Plant. During his speech, he described Shevchenko as a uniquely Ukrainian hero, rejecting official interpretations, which emphasised Shevchenko's role in anti-serfdom activities. Tying Shevchenko's life to Ukrainians' history, Chornovil said, "Let's read ''[[Kobzar (poetry collection)|Kobzar]]'' together, and we shall see that in all the poet's work, from the first to the last line, a red thread passes through with trembling love for the disgraced and despised native land," and that Shevchenko's works themselves argued, "every system built on the oppression of man by man, on contempt for human dignity and inalienable human rights, on the suppression of free, human thoughts, on the oppression of one nation by another nation, and in whatever new form it may hide – it is against human nature, and must be destroyed."{{sfn|Seko|2020|pp=123–125}}

Historian Yaroslav Seko notes that Chornovil's speech placed him as a member of the Sixtiers. However, he also advises that the speech was far from the most important work of the Sixtier movement and that Chornovil's role was minimal in comparison to individuals such as [[Ivan Dziuba]], writer of ''[[Internationalism or Russification?]]'', and [[Yevhen Sverstiuk]].{{sfn|Seko|2020|pp=128–129}} On 8 August 1965, during the opening of a monument to Shevchenko in the village of [[Sheshory]], Chornovil gave a speech with strongly anti-communist overtones. As a result, he was fired from his Komsomol job. Following his firing, Chornovil wrote several letters to the leadership of the Komsomol in an effort to demonstrate his innocence.{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}}

== Dissident and human rights activist ==
=== 1965–1966 purge ===
{{Multiple image
| header            = Chornovil's co-protesters at the 1965 ''[[Shadows of Forgotten Ancestors]]'' premiere
| align             = left
| total_width       = 300
| image1            = Ivan Dziuba (2004).jpg
| caption1          = [[Ivan Dziuba]]
| image2            = EthnoCarpathians 22082017DolynaUA-26 Crop and fix.jpg
| caption2          = [[Vasyl Stus]]
}}
The next year marked the beginning of [[1965–1966 Ukrainian purge|a series of mass arrests]] of Sixtier intellectuals following Khrushchev's removal and replacement by [[Leonid Brezhnev]]. In protest of the arrests, Chornovil, as well as Dziuba and student [[Vasyl Stus]], held a protest inside the {{ill|Ukraine (Kyiv film theatre)|lt=Ukraine|uk|Україна (кінотеатр, Київ)}} Kyiv film theatre during the 4 September premiere of [[Sergei Parajanov]]'s ''[[Shadows of Forgotten Ancestors]]''. Dziuba said that the film's greatness was overshadowed by the ongoing purge, and, as he was being escorted off-stage, Stus called on those "against the revival of Stalinism" in the audience to stand up. The protest was one of the first open protests by Ukrainians against their status in the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Asadcheva|2024}} On 31 September his Lviv flat was searched by the [[KGB]], and 190 books were confiscated. Included in the confiscated literature was the ''[[Galician–Volhynian Chronicle]]'', the [[Books of the Genesis of the Ukrainian People]], and monographs and articles by authors [[Panteleimon Kulish]], [[Volodymyr Antonovych]], [[Volodymyr Hnatiuk]], [[Dmytro Doroshenko]], [[Ivan Krypiakevych]], and [[Volodymyr Vynnychenko]], as well as history books about the First World War and [[interwar period]].{{sfn|Ostrovskyi 2018b|p=119}}

Later that year, with the purges continuing, Chornovil was called upon to give evidence at the trials of [[Mykhaylo Osadchy]], [[Bohdan Horyn|Bohdan]] and [[Mykhailo Horyn]], and {{ill|Myroslava Zvarychevska|uk|Зваричевська Мирослава Василівна}}. Chornovil refused, and as a result was fired from his editor position at ''Second Reading''. He turned to [[samizdat|samvydav]], publishing ''Court of Law or a Return of the Terror?'' in May 1966. On 8 July he was charged under Article 179 of the criminal code of the Ukrainian SSR, and sentenced to three months of hard labour with 20% of salary withheld. In this period, he worked various jobs, including as a technician in expeditions of the [[Academy of Sciences of Ukraine]] to the [[Carpathian Mountains]], as an advertiser for KyivKnyhTorh, and as a teacher at the Lviv Regional Centre for Protection of Nature.{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}}

In 1967 Chornovil published his second work of samvydav. Known as ''Woe from Wit: Portraits of Twenty "Criminals"'', it included information on those arrested during the 1965–1966 crackdown. Chornovil sent the work to the [[Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine (Soviet Union)|Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine]], the [[Committee for State Security (Ukraine)|Committee for State Security of Ukraine]], the [[National Writers' Union of Ukraine|Writers' Union of Ukraine]], and the [[National Union of Artists of Ukraine|Union of Artists of Ukraine]]. On 21 October 1967 it was read during a broadcast of [[Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty|Radio Liberty]], and it was professionally printed by the end of the year.{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}} Chornovil's samvydav was published in the West in 1969 under the title of ''The Chornovil Papers'', drawing attention to the purge at a time when public consciousness was focused largely on the [[Sinyavsky–Daniel trial]].{{sfn|Bociurkiw|1970|p=343}} Chornovil's work established him as one of the leading figures among Ukrainian activists at the time, and, along with Dziuba's ''Internationalism or Russification?'', demonstrated to those in the rest of Europe that Ukrainians were not fully accepting of Soviet rule.{{sfn|Matiash|2017|p=11}}

In addition to ''Woe from Wit'' Chornovil also wrote letters to the head of the Ukrainian KGB and the [[Prosecutor General of Ukraine]] complaining that investigators had violated the laws during the arrests of Sixtiers. On 5 May 1967 he was summoned to the office of the deputy Prosecutor General of [[Lviv Oblast]], E. Starykov, who informed him of the existence of article 187-1 of the criminal code of the Ukrainian SSR, which forbade defaming the Soviet system or government, including by writing letters complaining about actions committed by members of the government, under the threat of as much as three years' imprisonment. Although not a secret, the law had gone unpublished at the time, and it was only due to Starykov's informing him after the fact that Chornovil learned that his acts may have been illegal.{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}}

=== First arrest ===
[[File:Якутия.png|alt=A topographical map of the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic|thumb|Chornovil was sent to the [[Yakut ASSR]] (map pictured) following his first arrest]]
Chornovil was arrested in August 1967 in response to ''Woe from Wit'' and charged under article 187-1.{{sfn|Melnykova-Kurhanova|2019|p=79}} Another search of his flat resulted in the seizure of a copy of ''Woe from Wit'', as well as [[Valentyn Moroz]]'s ''Report from the Beria Reserve'' samvydav, which served as the basis for the charges against him. Chornovil chose to forgo a lawyer, as the latter option at the time carried the risks of having one's arguments distorted and manipulated during interrogations. Chornovil argued his innocence, as well as that of those who had been arrested during the purge, saying,{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}}

{{blockquote|Representatives of the Ukrainian intelligentsia were arrested in August and September 1965 in Kyiv, Lviv, and other cities of Ukraine. They were charged with anti-Soviet propaganda, and the majority of them were convicted in 1965 in closed court processes. I personally knew several of those arrested and convicted; I never noticed anything anti-Soviet in their actions and words, but, on the contrary, I saw sincere concern for the state of Ukrainian culture, the Ukrainian language, for the restoration of normal socialist law and socialist democracy, which were trampled during the years of the tyranny of Stalin and Beria. None of this differs from the 20th Congress of the CPSU. Later, M. Osadchy, interrogated and searched as a witness in the case of a teacher and a former instructor of the Lviv Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, came to the conclusion that the KGB bodies, which conducted the investigation, allowed violations of procedural norms, fitting the investigation to preconceived qualifications.}}

He also stated that the process, and the lack of Soviet authorities' action on his complaints, had significantly reduced his faith in the Soviet system. He continued to insist, however, that he had no ill-will towards the Soviet government, alleging that he was being targeted by certain officials who wished to illegally prevent him from informing high-ranking officials about the state of the country.{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}} Chornovil was convicted on 13 November 1967 and sentenced to three years' imprisonment.{{sfn|Melnykova-Kurhanova|2019|p=79}} During this period, he lived in the village of [[Chappanda]] in the [[Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic]].{{sfn|Matiash|2017|p=29}}
[[File:Атена Пашко на Донбасі1.jpg|thumb|[[Atena Pashko]], Chornovil's third and final wife]]
In 1969 Chornovil married fellow activist [[Atena Pashko]], whom he had met at the home of [[Ivan Svitlychnyi]]. The two were formally wed in the town of [[Nyurba]]. As a result of Chornovil's exile, holding a traditional wedding ceremony was impossible. Pashko later recalled that, on the way back to Chappanda, Chornovil made an impromptu bouquet of [[St. John's wort]], while Pashko herself made one from wild roses. The newlyweds chose to leave their wedding rings in a large tree rather than wear them, intending that they stay there forever.{{sfn|Matiash|2017|p=29}}

=== Life between arrests (1969–1972) ===
Chornovil was released as part of a general amnesty in 1969. Struggling to get a job, between October 1969 and 1970 he variously worked at a weather station in [[Zakarpattia Oblast]], as an excavator during an archaeological expedition to [[Odesa Oblast]], and as an employee at {{ill|Sknyliv railway station|uk|Скнилів (станція)}}.{{sfn|Matiash|2017|p=14}} In September 1969 he also met Valentyn Moroz, another dissident who had been imprisoned as part of the 1965–1966 purge. The two quickly formed a friendship, as they both sought to strengthen the dissident movement and further confront government abuses. Moroz travelled to meet Chornovil no less than four times between his release on 31 September 1969 and his re-arrest on 1 June 1970, and Chornovil in turn visited Moroz's home in [[Ivano-Frankivsk]] multiple times. During this time period, Chornovil, alongside Svitlychnyi and Sverstiuk, also led a donations campaign to prevent Moroz (unable to find employment due to his criminal record) from falling into poverty. The campaign collected 3,500 rubles.{{sfn|Paska|2018|p=135}} He organised further donation campaigns for other formerly-imprisoned dissidents, such as [[Sviatoslav Karavanskyi]] and [[Nina Strokata Karavanska|Nina Strokata]].{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2018|p=199}}

In January 1970 Chornovil launched a new samvydav newspaper, known as ''[[The Ukrainian Herald (1970–1972, 1987–1989)|The Ukrainian Herald]]''. The newspaper contained other samvydav publications, as well as information on human rights abuses by the Soviet government and police which Chornovil believed to be contrary to the [[constitution of the Soviet Union]], [[Great Russian chauvinism]] and [[anti-Ukrainian sentiment]], and other information regarding the dissident movement in Ukraine.{{sfn|Shanovska|2019|p=144–145}} Chornovil was the chief editor of ''The Ukrainian Herald'', and one of its three editors (alongside [[Mykhailo Kosiv]] and [[Yaroslav Kendzior]]). ''The Ukrainian Herald'' maintained a large professional staff, with correspondents throughout Ukraine (ranging as far east as [[Dnipro]]petrovsk and [[Donetsk]]),{{sfn|Dubyk|Zaitsev|2019}} and has been described by biographer V. I. Matiash as the forerunner to independent press in Ukraine.{{sfn|Matiash|2017|p=8}}

Fearing arrest, in June 1971 wrote a declaration to the [[United Nations Human Rights Committee]], which he intended to be released in the event he was to be taken into custody. In the letter, he outlined examples of violations of the law by Soviet legal bodies, and argued that Soviet political prisoners lacked the right to defend themselves and were subject to a campaign of eavesdropping, surveillance, blackmail, and threats. He rejected the possibility of cooperating with investigators, writing, "I would rather die behind bars than give in to the aforementioned principles."{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2018|p=200}}

At this time, Chornovil also departed from principles of [[Marxism–Leninism]], instead adopting a cautiously favourable view of [[libertarian socialism]] as exemplified by [[Mykhailo Drahomanov]]. In an October 1971 letter to Moroz Chornovil remarked that in his studies of anarchist revolutionaries [[Pierre-Joseph Proudhon]] and [[Mikhail Bakunin]] he had come to reject unconditional support for Drahomanov's policies, but believed that the earlier intellectual's libertarian views on self-government were worth supporting. This attitude later informed his support for federalism.{{sfn|Seko|2021|pp=95–96}}

Chornovil established the Civic Committee for the Defence of Nina Strokata on 21 December 1971, following the eponymous activist's arrest. This marked a change in his attitude towards the formation of human rights organisations; he had previously rejected them in favour of petition campaigns, viewing the formation of an organisation as impossible due to the circumstances of Ukraine's status within the Soviet Union, but this position had come under increasing criticism from dissidents (notably Moroz) and the Ukrainian public, who viewed them as too slow and without significant results. The committee had its roots in public committees established for the legal defence of [[Angela Davis]], an American civil rights activist whose case was popular in the Soviet Union. Chornovil believed that by delivering information on the case to the U.N. Human Rights Committee Strokata could be freed, and additionally requested the support of Ivan Dziuba, Strokata's close friend Leonid Tymchuk, Moscow-based activists [[Pyotr Yakir]] and [[Lyudmila Alexeyeva]], and [[Zynoviia Franko]], granddaughter of the writer [[Ivan Franko]].{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2015|pp=21–22}}

Dziuba and Franko both refused to take part in the committee. Franko believed that it should be subordinated to [[Andrei Sakharov]]'s [[Committee on Human Rights in the USSR]] and felt that it was pointless to form a group to defend a single individual. Dziuba, on the other hand, refused to join forces with Sakharov's committee, believing that they were insufficiently attentive to repressive activities occurring in Ukraine, and further stated that he would issue a statement about Strokata when he believed the time was right. Other dissidents, such as Svitlychnyi, [[Mykhailyna Kotsiubynska]], and [[Hryhorii Kochur]] also refused to support the committee. These refusals impacted Chornovil, particularly that of Franko, whose familial ties he believed could help protect the committee from being attacked by the Soviet government.{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2015|pp=21–22}}

Tymchuk ultimately joined the committee, as did Vasyl Stus. The group based its reasoning on the Soviet constitution, the [[Universal Declaration of Human Rights]], and the [[International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights]]. The committee's publications included, in a first for Soviet activists, the addresses of its members, where submissions for materials on Strokata's behalf were to be sent. It was the first human rights organisation in Ukraine's history, but it would be destroyed the next year after all but one of its members (Tymchuk) were arrested.{{sfn|Zaitsev|2006}}

=== Second arrest (1972–1978) ===
[[File:1 Bandery Street, Lviv (01).jpg|thumb|left|The [[Prison on Łącki Street]], where Chornovil was held in pre-trial detention after his 1972 arrest]]
Another [[1972–1973 Ukrainian purge|wide-reaching crackdown on Ukrainian intelligentsia]] began in January 1972, sparked by the arrest of the Belgian-Ukrainian Yaroslav Dobosh, an [[Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists]] member tasked with smuggling samvydav out of the Soviet Union. Chornovil was arrested on 12 January following a [[Vertep]] celebration at the Lviv flat of Olena Antoniv. He was charged under articles 62 ([[anti-Soviet agitation]]) and 187-1 (slander against the Soviet Union) of the criminal code of the Ukrainian SSR.{{sfn|Tereshchuk|2022}} The Vertep ceremony had been organised as a protest against Soviet cultural and religious policy, additionally serving as a fundraising effort for ''The Ukrainian Herald'' and for political prisoners and their families. It raised 250 rubles, which were used to assist those who had been arrested during the crackdown instead. Chornovil was imprisoned at the [[Prison on Łącki Street|KGB pre-trial detention centre]] in Lviv, alongside [[Iryna Kalynets]], [[Ivan Gel]], [[Stefaniia Shabatura]], Mykhaylo Osadchy and [[Yaroslav Dashkevych]].{{sfn|Hrytsiv|2017}}

Chornovil's trial took place behind closed doors.{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}} Prosecutors cited as justification for the charges the belief that he was responsible for the contents of ''The Ukrainian Herald'', which he denied.{{sfn|Seko|2020|p=134}} During the investigation, other dissident activists refused to give evidence of Chornovil's role in the paper; it relied on guesses from other individuals, such as Zynoviia Franko, for its arguments.{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2017}} Chornovil likewise refused to give evidence against fellow dissidents or cooperate with investigators, stating during a 2 February 1972 interrogation that he believed his trial to be illegal and unrelated to that of other dissidents. He was interrogated more than one hundred times during his trial, with 83 interrogations in 1972.{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}}

Chornovil's employment of several different conflicting forms of writing and spelling formed a significant part of his defence, and he used it to argue that he had been blamed without linguistic analysis of the text. In the minutes of a 15 January 1973 court appearance Chornovil asserted, "Any investigation into my case does not exist, there is open preparation of a massacre against me, and no means are being spared. From this moment on, I refuse to participate in such an 'investigation'."{{sfn|Seko|2020|p=134}} Wiretapping of Chornovil's cell led KGB investigators to discover that Chornovil intended to declare a hunger strike if sent into exile outside of Ukraine, and that he desired to be allowed to leave the Soviet Union for Yugoslavia.{{sfn|Bazhan|2018|p=35}}

The sentence given at the conclusion of Chornovil's trial has been disputed; [[Amnesty International]] stated in 1977 that he had been sentenced to seven years' imprisonment and five years' exile;{{sfn|Amnesty International 1977}} ''[[The New York Times]]'' in March 1973 claimed that he had been subject to twelve years' imprisonment and exile, without differentiating between the two;{{sfn|The New York Times 1973}} The [[Encyclopedia of Ukraine]] in 2015 asserted that he received a term of six years' imprisonment and three years' internal exile,{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}} which historians Bohdan Paska{{sfn|Paska|2018|p=141}} and Oleh Bazhan similarly professed. According to Bazhan, Chornovil was sentenced on 8 April 1973 by the Lviv Oblast Court,{{sfn|Bazhan|2018|p=35}} though Chornovil recollected in 1974 that he had been sentenced on 12 April.{{sfn|Chornovil|1976|p=58}} Chornovil made three appeals to higher courts regarding his case; the first two were rejected, while the third was formally accepted in part – although no changes were made to Chornovil's sentence.{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}}

Following his trial Chornovil was sent to a [[corrective labour colony]] in the [[Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic]]. From 1973 to 1978 he was variously imprisoned at two camps; ZhKh-385/17-A{{efn|Also known as Camp 17-A or simply Camp 17. Located in {{ill|Ozerny, Zubovo-Polyansky District|ru|Озёрный (Зубово-Полянский район)|uk|Озерний (Зубово-Полянський район)}}.}} and ZhKh-385/3.{{efn|Also known as Camp 19. Located in {{ill|Barashevo, Tengushevsky District|ru|Барашево (Теньгушевский район)|uk|Барашево (Теньгушевський район)}}.}}{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}}

Despite his imprisonment, Chornovil continued to actively lead prisoners' protests, leading him to be nicknamed "General of the [[wikt:зэк|zeks]]" by author and dissident [[Mikhail Kheifets]]. He was placed in a {{ill|chamber-type room|ru|Помещение камерного типа}}{{efn|{{langx|ru|Помещение камерного типа|translit=Pomeshcheniye kamernogo tipa}}; abbreviated PKT ({{lang|ru|ПКТ}}).}} after refusing to obey any of the rules which prisoners were meant to follow.{{sfn|Kheifets|2018}} B. Azernikov and L. Kaminskyi, two individuals who were imprisoned at the same camp as Chornovil, also described him as having "great authority among all political prisoners," and wrote an open letter to global society urging his release after they left the Soviet Union in 1975.{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2021|pp=119–120}}

Chornovil's activities continued to draw international attention during his imprisonment. He was recognised as a [[prisoner of conscience]] by human rights group Amnesty International,{{sfn|Amnesty International 1977}} and awarded the Nicholas Tomalin Prize for Journalism, recognising writers whose freedom of expression is threatened, in 1975.{{sfn|Chornovil|1976|p=57}} Around this time Chornovil also began to smuggle his writings out of prison, and used the opportunity as a means to continue to demonstrate Soviet human rights abuses.{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2021|p=120}} He wrote a letter to U.S. President [[Gerald Ford]] urging him to match the policy of [[détente]] with increased attention towards human rights in the Soviet Union, alleging that the Soviet authorities had used détente as a means by which to suppress dissident voices.{{sfn|Chornovil|1975}} He further urged him to support the [[Jackson–Vanik amendment]], which sanctioned the Soviet Union in an effort to allow for [[freedom of migration]] from the country.{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2018|pp=201–202}} Alongside Boris Penson, he wrote the samvydav booklet "Daily Life in the Mordovian Camps", which was smuggled to [[Jerusalem]] and published in Russian before being translated into Ukrainian in the [[Munich]]-based ''[[Suchasnist]]'' journal the next year.{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}}

The [[Helsinki Accords]] were signed between 30 July and 1 August 1975. The signatory nations comprised all of Europe (aside from [[People's Socialist Republic of Albania|Albania]]), the Soviet Union, the United States, and Canada. In the Soviet Union, the Helsinki Accords were seen as marking a new beginning for dissidents, who found that they had a means to reveal Soviet human rights abuses. Referring to themselves as "Helsinki monitors", they found support from the United States Congress, which established the [[Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe]] in July 1976 to organise responses to human rights violations.{{sfn|Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 2019}} [[Mykola Rudenko]], a dissident living in the Kyiv neighbourhood of [[Koncha-Zaspa]], declared the formation of the [[Ukrainian Helsinki Group]] on 9 November 1975 in an effort to highlight abuses.{{sfn|Marynovych|2021|p=90}} Chornovil was imprisoned at the time of the group's founding, and would not be able to become a member until he was released from prison in 1979.{{sfn|Marynovych|2021|p=102}}

Along with Moroz and other political prisoners, Chornovil's resistance activities continued after the establishment of the UHG. The duo took part in a 12 January 1977 hunger strike in which they called for an end to persecution on the basis of national beliefs. At this time, however, a split was forming among Ukrainian political prisoners over whether it was better to actively resist the Soviet prison system (as represented by Moroz, Karavanskyi, and Ivan Gel) and those who favoured self-preservation above all else (as represented by [[refusenik]] [[Eduard Kuznetsov (dissident)|Eduard Kuznetsov]], [[Oleksii Murzhenko]], and [[Danylo Shumuk]]). With influence from the KGB, the two factions began to clash openly. Chornovil, imprisoned in a different camp from Moroz and Shumuk, refused to take a side in the conflict and served as a mediator. In early 1977, during a meeting with Shumuk at a hospital, Chornovil accused the former of artificially intensifying his conflict with Moroz, and compared letters by Shumuk to Canadian family members (in which he disparaged Moroz) as being equivalent to police complaints. Following his release from prison, Chornovil accused Shumuk and Moroz of being equally responsible for the feud as a result of their egocentric attitudes.{{sfn|Paska|2018|pp=141–142}}

==== Second exile (1978–1980) ====
Chornovil was released from prison and again sent to Chappanda in early 1978. There, he continued to write about the status of political prisoners and human rights within the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Zakharov|2005}} He also continued to get involved in the conflict between Moroz and Shumuk; in a letter to Moroz's wife Raisa, he called for a public "boycott" of Shumuk, while arguing that Moroz was being inflexible. Moroz's nine-year imprisonment had seriously impacted his mental and emotional state; Chornovil characterised him as self-aggrandising and narcissistic. During his exile, Chornovil's friendship with Moroz came to an end as the former sought to distance himself from the latter, owing to the conflict with Shumuk.{{sfn|Paska|2018|p=142}}

During his exile, Chornovil continued to send letters to the Soviet authorities. In a 10 April 1978 letter to the [[Procurator General of the Soviet Union]], he criticised the fact that the theoretically wide-reaching rights granted by the Soviet constitution were absent in reality, asking "Why do Soviet laws exist?".{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2018|p=202}} He also wrote a samvydav pamphlet, entitled "Only One Year",{{sfn|Matiash|2017|p=13}} and was admitted to [[PEN International]] that year.{{sfn|Zakharov|2005}} At the time, he was working as a labourer on a [[sovkhoz]] farm in Nyurba,{{sfn|Matiash|2017|p=13}} where he had been sent in October 1979. As previously, much of Chornovil's samvydav works served to illustrate human rights abuses and the conditions faced by prisoners of conscience.{{sfn|Ostrovskyi 2018a|pp=110–111}}

Chornovil joined the Ukrainian Helsinki Group from exile on 22 May 1979.{{sfn|Marynovych|2021|p=102}} From November 1979 to March 1980 he was placed under constant surveillance by the KGB, which recorded that he established contacts with dissidents Mykhailo Horyn, [[Oksana Meshko]], and [[Ivan Sokulskyi]]. He also made contact with several other individuals who wished to establish chapters of the UHG in the [[oblasts of Ukraine]]. Unbeknownest to Chornovil, Meshko, at the time leader of the UHG, had also fallen under heavy KGB surveillance, and had ceased to admit individuals in order to prevent their arrests. Zenovii Krasivskyi, a leading UHG member, dispatched [[Petro Rozumnyi]] to visit imprisoned and exiled dissidents. Among them was Chornovil, who was asked to replace Meshko as head of the UHG.{{sfn|Ostrovskyi 2018a|pp=110–111}}

=== Third arrest (1980–1983) ===
Chornovil was arrested yet again on 8,{{sfn|Kryzhanovska|2022}} 9,{{sfn|A Chronicle of Current Events 1983}} or 15{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}} April 1980 on charges of attempted rape. The charges are frequently described in Ukrainian historiography as a total fabrication,{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}}{{sfn|Kryzhanovska|2022}}{{sfn|Matiash|2017|p=14}} and were likewise referred to as such by the American ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' magazine.{{sfn|Blake|1980}} The charges of attempted rape reflected similar such accusations against several other leading dissidents at the time, such as [[Mykola Horbal]], [[Yaroslav Lesiv]], and [[Yosyf Zisels]]. [[Myroslav Marynovych]], a member of the UHG, later accused the KGB of outright falsifying information which led to Chornovil's arrest, quoting a KGB officer as stating that "we will not make any more martyrs" by arresting individuals exclusively on political charges.{{sfn|Marynovych|2021|p=115}} Chornovil's arrest, as well as those of several other dissidents from Ukraine and throughout the Soviet Union, took place amidst a meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in [[Madrid]], and ''Time'' stated that some observers believed the arrests were done to demonstrate Soviet umbrage towards the Helsinki Accords.{{sfn|Blake|1980}}

Following his arrest, Chornovil declared a hunger strike,{{sfn|A Chronicle of Current Events 1983}} characterising his arrest and those of others as contrary to Leninist ideals and an effort to stifle dissent in the leadup to the [[1980 Summer Olympics]].{{sfn|Chornovil|2007|p=673}} He was moved to a prison camp in [[Tabaga, Megino-Kangalassky District, Sakha Republic|Tabaga]], Yakutia, where he was placed into a cell smeared with vomit and feces. At one point, he was transferred to a "recreation room", where he had no access to water. Lacking strength as a result of his hunger strike, Chornovil crawled on all fours to reach the prison's toilet, which was one storey below his cell and across the prison yard. Several times, he passed out from exhaustion, and was awoken by being doused in water by guards. During an epidemic of dysentery at the camp, Chornovil was infected, and he promptly ended his hunger strike after doctors stated that they would refuse to treat him if he did not end his hunger strike. Chornovil was later held in solitary confinement from 5 to 21 November 1980 as a response to the hunger strike.{{sfn|A Chronicle of Current Events 1983}} He was found guilty by a closed court in the city of [[Mirny, Sakha Republic|Mirny]] and sentenced to five years imprisonment.{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}}

Chornovil continued to write in prison, including a February 1981 open letter to the [[26th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] in which he accused General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev and KGB chairman [[Yuri Andropov]] of orchestrating massive purges against the UHG. He also wrote to his wife, urging "no compromises" in dissidents' reactions to the congress. He wrote another letter on 9 April 1981, this time to the United Nations Human Rights Committee, Amnesty International, the [[Committee for the Free World]], and the [[Helsinki Committee for Human Rights|Helsinki Committees for Human Rights]] urging increased attention towards Soviet persecution of the UHG in formulating their diplomatic policies towards the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2018|pp=202–203}} Chornovil was released in 1983, but was barred from returning to Ukraine. He remained in the town of [[Pokrovsk, Sakha Republic|Pokrovsk]],{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}} working as a fire stoker.{{sfn|Matiash|2017|p=14}} On 15 April 1985{{sfn|Shvydkyi|2013}} he was given permission to return to Ukraine by Soviet leader [[Mikhail Gorbachev]] as part of his [[perestroika]].{{sfn|Ivanova|2024}}{{sfn|Kulchytskyi|2019|p=50}} Chornovil spent a total of 15 years imprisoned by the Soviet government.{{sfn|Ivanova|2024}}

=== Return to Ukraine ===
By the time Chornovil returned to Ukraine, the country had changed dramatically since his 1972 arrest. First Secretary [[Petro Shelest]] had himself been removed and replaced by [[Volodymyr Shcherbytsky]], a hardliner and a member of Brezhnev's [[Dnipropetrovsk Mafia]]. Shcherbytsky had dramatically escalated Russification policies and a crackdown on Ukrainian culture during his rule. Partially as a result of Shcherbytsky's policies, by the time of [[death and state funeral of Leonid Brezhnev|Brezhnev's death]] in 1982, less books had been published in Ukrainian than during the rule of Joseph Stalin.{{sfn|Kuzio|2010}}

On 26 April 1986 [[Chernobyl disaster|an explosion]] occurred at the No. 4 reactor of [[Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant]]. The explosion resulted in the discharge of radiation across northern Ukraine, as well as western Russia and most of Belarus. The disaster's consequences (including the evacuation of thousands of individuals), as well as the early inaction of the Ukrainian communist government, significantly worsened public attitudes towards Shcherbytsky's government. In the aftermath of the Chernobyl disaster, the Communist Party of Ukraine experienced a crisis of public confidence, which led Chornovil and other Ukrainian dissidents to begin the process of building a unified group in opposition to communist rule.{{sfn|Poberezhets|2013|p=115}}

Chornovil formally re-launched ''The Ukrainian Herald'' on 21 August 1987. The first issue of the renewed newspaper was dedicated to Vasyl Stus, who had died in prison in 1985. The new editorial board comprised Chornovil, Ivan Gel, Mykhailo Horyn, and [[Pavlo Skochok]], and several leading Ukrainian intellectuals contributed essays.{{sfn|Kipiani|2002}} The editorial board was based in Chornovil's home,{{sfn|Kipiani|2011}} and the ''Herald'' became part of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group.{{sfn|Zakharov|2005}}

In the summer of the same year, Chornovil was visited by Martha Kolomiyets, an American journalist for Ukrainianian diaspora newspaper ''[[The Ukrainian Weekly]]''. Kolomiyets interviewed Chornovil in a video that was subsequently broadcast on television in Lviv, Kyiv, and Moscow as part of an effort by the Soviet government to create a poor impression of Chornovil. On the contrary, the interview, during which he was allowed to freely articulate the dissident movement's attitude towards religion and Ukrainian culture, only boosted Chornovil's image and that of the dissident movement. Kolomiyets was later arrested as an "American saboteur", but by then the interview had already been widely-publicised and shared.{{sfn|Bila|2020}}

Human rights activities continued to be a significant focus for Chornovil's efforts following his release. On 24 February 1987 he travelled to the [[Lubyanka Building]], the KGB's headquarters in Moscow, where he spoke to employees and demanded the release of all political prisoners, the clearing of their sentences, and the return of objects seized from them during searches. While at Lubyanka, he announced that, in response to official celebrations of the [[1000th anniversary of the Christianization of Rus']], the dissident movement would launch a campaign to reverse the decision of the 1946 [[Synod of Lviv (1946)|Synod of Lviv]] that merged the [[Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church]] into the [[Russian Orthodox Church]].{{sfn|Danylenko|2019|p=26}}

Chornovil was one of the founding members of the Ukrainian Initiative Group for the Liberation of Prisoners of Conscience, led by Mykhailo Horyn. The two joined [[Vasyl Barladianu]], Gel, [[Zorian Popadiuk]], and [[Stepan Khmara]] in advocating for the removal of anti-Soviet agitation from the criminal code and the release and rehabilitation of all political prisoners.{{sfn|Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group 2006}} Despite Gorbachev's reforms, the Soviet government continued to intervene against Chornovil and other dissidents. In one instance, Chornovil was blocked from attending a planned December 1987 seminar on the rights of non-Russian nations within the Soviet Union by being called to a "preventive" interview in Lviv, where he was warned against involvement in "anti-social" activities.{{sfn|Danylenko|2019|pp=26-27}}

Meanwhile, Shcherbytsky was facing internal revolt over his policies of Russification. The Writers' Union of Ukraine, the state organ of writers, held a plenum titled "Ukrainian Soviet literature in the patriotic and international education of working people" in June 1987. The meeting was dedicated to the preservation and strengthening of the Ukrainian language.{{sfn|Bilyk|2019|pp=14–15}} In Moscow, Gorbachev was putting increasing pressure on Shcherbytsky, by then the leading conservative member of the Central Committee, to resign from his positions. In response, the Soviet Ukrainian leader launched a public relations campaign against Chornovil and other dissidents, accusing the ''Herald''{{'}}s editorial board of being supported by "foreign subversive services". A press release was issued by Shcherbytsky's office on 22 December 1987 pledging to increase KGB surveillance of dissidents, particularly Chornovil. Newspapers throughout the country, including ''{{ill|Democratic Ukraine (newspaper)|lt=Soviet Ukraine|uk|Демократична Україна (газета)}}'', ''[[Evening Kyiv]]'', and ''[[Vysoky Zamok (newspaper)|Lviv Pravda]]'' were mobilised to attack the dissident movement, as were radio and television stations.{{sfn|Danylenko|2019|pp=27-28}} Chornovil responded with a letter upbraiding the writers of one such article in the Lviv newspaper ''{{ill|Free Ukraine (Lviv newspaper)|lt=Free Ukraine|uk|Вільна Україна (газета, Львів)}}'', saying that the treatment of himself and Horyn was comparable to that of [[Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn]] 15 years prior.{{sfn|Chornovil|81–82}}

On 11 March 1988 Chornovil formally re-established the Ukrainian Helsinki Group in a letter co-signed by Mykhailo Horyn and Krasivskyi, although the group had already resumed activity in the summer of the previous year. By this time, several independent organisations existed, such as the [[Lion's Society]], ''[[Spadshchyna]]'', and the [[Ukrainian Culturological Club]]. The fragmented nature of the dissident movement (now united under the label of [[National Democracy (Ukraine)|National Democracy]]) led Chornovil to begin the process of bringing the organisations together into one unified structure in April 1988.{{sfn|Krupnyk|2019|p=45}} Further attention was brought to the idea of unifying independent groups in June, after thousands of people attended protests commemorating the Chernobyl disaster in Lviv. Those present called for a [[popular front]] of independent organisations, in line with similar proposals in the [[Baltic states]] at the time.{{sfn|Pipash|2020|pp=104–105}}
[[File:Гельсінська спілка-1.jpg|thumb|Chornovil with members of the [[Donetsk]] branch of Ukrainian Helsinki Union, 1989]]
Chornovil created the [[Ukrainian Helsinki Union]] ({{langx|uk|Українська Гельсінська спілка|translit=Ukrainska Helsinska spilka|link=no}}, abbreviated UHS) on 7 June 1988. Contrary to its name, the new structure was a political party, though it was not referred to as such in order to avoid giving the Soviet government justification to crack down on activists. It was the first independent political party in Soviet Ukraine.{{sfn|Krupnyk|2019|pp=45-46}} During the founding meeting of the UHS on 7 July 1988, Chornovil presented the party's programme, co-written by him and Bohdan and Mykhailo Horyn.{{sfn|Kobuta|2020|pp=36–37}} It called for Ukrainian independence, which was described as being beneficial to both Ukrainians and Ukrainian minorities, as well as a confederation between the countries of the Soviet Union. The latter position was one of pragmatism, taken in order to prevent the UHS from being banned.{{sfn|Krupnyk|2019|p=46}}

Chornovil's activities during this time period were not limited to Ukraine; he maintained extensive contacts with other dissidents, particularly those from the Baltic states, Armenia, and Georgia. A 8 September 1988 internal notice of the Ukrainian KGB informed employees that an organisation known as the International Committee for the Protection of Political Prisoners, established by Chornovil and Armenian dissident [[Paruyr Hayrikyan]] in January 1988, was actively involved in efforts to repeal articles on anti-Soviet agitation, to close prison camps and [[psikhushka]]s, and to solidify cooperation between the nationalist movements of Ukraine and other countries within the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Krupnyk|2019|pp=46-47}} At a 24–25 September conference of dissident groups in [[Riga]], Chornovil (along with [[Oles Shevchenko]] and Khmara) represented the UHS. Chornovil wrote the conference's concluding statement, which read, "Hearing the report about the situation in Latvia, Lithuania, Ukraine, Moldavia, Estonia, that the [[Crimean Tatar civil rights movement|Crimean Tatar movement]] has, in Georgia [...] We call on the participants of the National-Democratic movements of the peoples of the USSR to join us, rallying under the slogan that has always united the peoples of the world who suffered internal or external violence: [[For our freedom and yours]]!"{{sfn|Krupnyk|2019|p=47}}

==== Revolution ====
{{see also|1989–1991 Ukrainian revolution}}
[[File:В.М.Чорновіл на шахті ім. Поченкова. 2.JPG|alt=Viacheslav Chornovil speaking to striking workers around him|thumb|Chornovil at a [[Makiivka]] mine meeting with striking workers, {{circa|1990s}}]]
The [[Revolutions of 1989]] sweeping Central and Eastern Europe throughout 1988 and 1989 greatly interested Chornovil, particularly in their adherence to non-violence. Their success later in the latter year would lead Chornovil to abandon his public support for Marxism–Leninism in favour of anti-communism, which he had supported in private since the mid-1960s but avoided publicly stating in an effort to appear as moderate.{{sfn|Seko|2019|p=124}} Other Ukrainian intellectuals, too, began to back anti-communism, and the Writers' Union of Ukraine began to develop a popular front in late 1988, justifying it as encouraging the populace to become more active in local government and take a greater interest in economic concerns. The Writers' Union published a draft programme for its proposed group in ''Literary Ukraine'' on 16 February 1989, in which it called for the establishment of Ukrainian as the state language of the Ukrainian SSR, a national and cultural revival, and Ukrainian self-government, as well as the strengthening of linguistic rights for minorities within Ukraine.{{sfn|Adamovych|2020|p=8}} Chornovil additionally supported the spread of [[Memorial (society)|Memorial]], a human rights movement in the Soviet Union, to Ukraine, writing a positive letter to the presidium of the group's Ukrainian chapter upon its founding in March 1989.{{sfn|Chornovil|2009|pp=476–477}}

On 18 July 1989, coal miners in the city of [[Makiivka]], in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, began striking. The strikes, part of a [[1989 Soviet miners' strikes|broader, union-wide wave of mining strikes]], was primarily motivated by declining social conditions in the region and both Ukraine and the Soviet Union as a whole. Promises made by the Twelfth Five-Year Plan had gone unfulfilled,{{sfn|Lykhobova|Kuzina|2009|pp=155–156}} and severe shortages in basic goods, such as soap, infuriated miners.{{sfn|Safire|1989}} Soviet leaders, Gorbachev among them, sought to implement [[Stakhanovite movement|Stakhanovite]] policies, and worker safety was sacrificed as a result.{{sfn|Marples|1991|p=176}} The striking miners of the Donbas first demanded increased social protections and wages. From the outset, however, several miners had also viewed the Ukrainian independence movement with sympathy as a potential path to self-governance.{{sfn|Walkowitz|1991}}

Chornovil supported the strikes from their early days, issuing a statement on 21 July 1989 in part saying,
{{blockquote|Mass strikes of miners in Russia and Ukraine are tearing down the veil of party demagoguery regarding the unity of the party and the people, which, they claimed, is being attacked by various "extremists" there. A new stage of Perestroika is beginning, one may say its workers' stage, being characterised by mass people's movements, not only national, but also social.{{sfn|Radio Liberty 2014}}}}
On the contrary, Shcherbytsky reacted harshly to the strikes. He again mobilised the government against the perceived threat, disparaging the miners in state media and preventing communications between strike committees in various cities.{{sfn|Walkowitz|1991}} This radicalised the miners, who soon began to call for the resignations of Shcherbytsky and [[Valentyna Shevchenko (politician)|Valentyna Shevchenko]], [[Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada|Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine]].{{sfn|Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty 2021}}

While the strikes were unfolding, Chornovil continued to be active in other political sectors. He published a pre-election programme for himself in August 1989, ahead of the [[1990 Ukrainian Supreme Soviet election|March 1990 Supreme Soviet election]], in which he called for "statehood, democracy, and self-government", cooperation with non-ethnic Ukrainians, and federalism. Chornovil's concept of a federal Ukraine was based on twelve "lands" ({{langx|uk|землі|translit=zemli|link=no}}), with internal borders being roughly defined by the governorates of the [[Ukrainian People's Republic]] plus a separate land for the Donbas. Crimea was to exist as either an independent state or an autonomous republic of Ukraine, and the [[Central Rada]] was to be reestablished as a bicameral body including deputies elected in equal numbers by [[proportional representation]] and from the lands.{{sfn|Chornovil|2009|pp=580–583}} According to Vasyl Derevinskyi, a biographer of Chornovil, at this time he was also one of the primary individuals pushing for the adoption of pro-independence positions within the UHS at this time, proposing that the question of independence be proposed in the party's programme.{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2023|p=335}}
[[File:1съезд.jpg|thumb|left|The {{ill|First Congress of the People's Movement of Ukraine|lt=First Congress of ''Rukh''|uk|I З'їзд Народного Руху України}} took place in September 1989]]
On 8 September 1989, the [[People's Movement of Ukraine]] ({{langx|uk|Народний рух України|translit=Narodnyi rukh Ukrainy|links=no}}, abbreviated as "''Rukh''") was established on the basis of the programme of the Writers' Union.{{sfn|Adamovych|2020|p=9}} Fully named as the "People's Movement of Ukraine for Perestroika", its first leader was poet [[Ivan Drach]]. Despite this, however, Chornovil was the ''de facto'' leader of the party and organised its establishment, according to historian {{ill|Roman Hrytskiv|uk|Грицьків Роман Ярославович}}. ''Rukh'''s founding meeting was the largest gathering of Ukrainian anti-communists ever,{{sfn|Popovych|2023}} comprising around 1,100 delegates, 130 journalists, representatives of the Polish government and the [[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]] trade union, members of the Ukrainian diaspora in Latvia and Lithuania, and a select few members of the Communist Party (among them [[Leonid Kravchuk]], Chornovil's future political rival).{{sfn|Kahui|2019}} Coincidentally, Shcherbytsky was forced to resign the same month, a combination of pressure from the miners' strikes{{sfn|Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty 2021}} and from Gorbachev, whose reforms were at odds with Shcherbytsky's status as one of the few remaining conservatives to hold high office.{{sfn|Senkus|2007}}

Late 1989 and 1990 were marked by the consolidation of anti-communist groups as part of the electoral campaign, with the opposition disseminating information via leaflets and amateur newspapers. This was a reaction to the Communist Party's domination of most channels of information, and proved largely successful, forming the basis for Ukraine's later independent media.{{sfn|Kozhanov|Shypotilova|2021|pp=34–35}} Another noteworthy part of the anti-communist campaign in 1990 was a human chain from Lviv to Kyiv commemorating the anniversary of the [[Unification Act]], signed on 22 January 1919. Around three million people participated in the chain in what was at that point the largest protest undertaken by ''Rukh''.{{sfn|Poberezhets|2011|p=288}} Chornovil played a significant role in the event being realised, having pushed for the Unification Act's anniversary to be recognised as a holiday.{{sfn|Adamovych|2018|p=3}} Chornovil, along with other dissidents and the Writer's Union, also pursued a strategy of strengthening ''Rukh'''s position in rural Ukraine.{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2019|p=137}}

== Chornovil in government ==
{{Multiple image
| header            = Official portraits of Chornovil, [[Verkhovna Rada]]{{efn|[[Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic|Supreme Soviet]] until 1991.}}
| width             = 100
| image1            = НДУ 1 Чорновіл Вячеслав Максимович.jpg
| caption1          = 1st ([[List of members of the Verkhovna Rada, 1990–1994|1990–1994]])
| image2            = НДУ 2 Чорновіл Вячеслав Максимович.jpg
| caption2          = 2nd (1994–1998)
| image3            = НДУ 3 Чорновіл Вячеслав Максимович.jpg
| caption3          = 3rd ([[List of members of the parliament of Ukraine, 1998–2002|1998–1999]])
}}
The Supreme Soviet election, the first multi-party vote in Soviet Ukraine's history, was held on 4 March 1990. It was marked by high turnout, with 85% of registered voters participating. In most of Ukraine, the result was beneficial for the communists, with 90% of previously-elected deputies being re-elected and 373 of 450 deputies belonging to the Communist Party. In all three Galician oblasts,{{efn|Lviv Oblast, [[Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast]] and [[Ternopil Oblast]].}} however, the [[Democratic Bloc (Ukraine)|Democratic Bloc]], a ''Rukh''-led coalition,{{sfn|Kozhanov|2020|p=44}} won the majority of seats. [[Ivan Plyushch]], who was elected as Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, wrote in 2010 that the communist majority was unable to command the same influence at a parliamentary level as the Democratic Bloc was.{{sfn|Kulchytskyi|2019|pp=51–52}} Chornovil was elected as a Democratic Bloc deputy from the city of Lviv's [[Shevchenkivskyi District, Lviv|Shevchenkivskyi District]] by an absolute majority, winning 68.60% of all votes against seven other candidates.{{sfn|1st Verkhovna Rada}} Within the Supreme Soviet Chornovil was among the leaders of the Democratic Bloc's radical wing.{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2019|p=137}}

Chornovil was also elected Chairman of the [[Lviv Oblast Council]] in April 1990, making him the first non-communist head of government of Lviv Oblast.{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2019|p=137}} He quickly adapted from life as a dissident to politics, moving to the right and becoming one of the first Ukrainian politicians to explicitly endorse an anti-communist revolution.{{sfn|Seko|2018|p=174}} In the economic sector, he launched land reforms by abolishing collective farms and redistributing the lands to peasants, privatised the housing market and light industry.{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2019|p=137}} Socially, he actively supported Ukraine's cultural and national revival; Ukrainian, rather than Soviet symbols were used by his government, soldiers of the [[Ukrainian Insurgent Army]] were recognised as veterans, the ban on the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church imposed by the Synod of Lviv was repealed and religious holidays were recognised as public holidays.{{sfn|Adamovych|2018|p=3}} [[list of statues of Vladimir Lenin|Statues of Vladimir Lenin]] were [[demolition of monuments to Vladimir Lenin in Ukraine|demolished]] for the first time under Chornovil's government,{{sfn|Kobuta|2020|pp=37–38}} with the statue in Chervonohrad (now [[Sheptytskyi]]) being toppled on 1 July 1990. This launched a wave of demolitions of Lenin monuments in Galicia throughout 1990 and 1991.{{sfn|Gazeta.ua 2018}}

Chornovil's policies were directly at odds with the laws of the Ukrainian SSR and the Soviet Union at the time, and his government was castigated in Ukrainian and Union-wide pro-government media. Despite this, the other Galician oblasts, which had come under the control of ''Rukh'', soon followed Chornovil's example in pursuing reforms.{{sfn|Kobuta|2020|pp=38–39}} The Soviet government imposed a blockade of Galicia in response, leading to the formation of the [[Galician Assembly]] by the oblasts in an effort to strengthen economic ties amongst one another. Chornovil was appointed as head of the Galician Assembly upon its formation.{{sfn|Adamovych|2018|p=3}}

As a deputy of the Supreme Soviet, Chornovil devoted himself to increasing Ukraine's sovereignty within the Soviet Union with the eventual aim of independence, as well as land reform, environmental conservation, minority and religious rights, federalism and the enshrining of Ukrainian as the sole language of government.{{sfn|Kobuta|2020|p=37}} He was nominated as the Democratic Bloc's candidate for Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, though he refused the nomination and endorsed the coalition's leader, [[Ihor Yukhnovskyi]]. Ultimately, neither were elected, as the communists pushed through [[Vladimir Ivashko]].{{sfn|Kulchytskyi|2019|p=52}} During voting, Chornovil openly called for Ukraine's independence from the Soviet Union, arguing it was the only possible way to end what he referred to as the "economic, environmental and spiritual catastrophe" facing Ukraine at the time.{{sfn|Kobuta|2020|pp=37–38}}

Chornovil continued to advocate for federalism, saying in a May 1990 press conference that "Kyivan centralism" would lead to the emergence of Russian nationalism in the Donbas and a [[Rusyns|Rusyn]] identity in Zakarpattia Oblast.{{sfn|Riabinin|2021|p=90}} Historian Stepan Kobuta has argued that the rejection of Soviet laws by Galicia was an expression of Chornovil's federalist beliefs.{{sfn|Kobuta|2020|p=39}} The same month, as conflicts between rural Greek Catholics and Orthodox Christians broke out, the government of Lviv Oblast experimented with holding referendums in villages to determine which church would be given control of churches. As part of the system, which was conceived by Chornovil, after a decision was reached the majority sect would carry responsibility for building a church belonging to the minority's faith. This system successfully prevented a sectarian conflict from emerging in the region.{{sfn|Yurash|2021|pp=134–135}}

On 12 June 1990, Russia [[Declaration of State Sovereignty of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|declared sovereignty]] within the Soviet Union. This gave a boost to efforts by the Democratic Bloc to push for voting on the [[Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine]], which had been blocked by communist deputies. During a 5 July debate on the declaration, Chornovil and fellow coalition member [[Mykhailo Batih]] accused the communists of being told how to vote by the Party. Chornovil subsequently revealed that several deputies had received instructions to amend the draft law on sovereignty in order to strip it of measures such as the establishment of an independent military or legal system. This revelation led acting Supreme Soviet chairman Ivan Plyushch to launch an investigation, which intensified after it was discovered that several deputies had quoted the instructions word-for-word.{{sfn|Kulchytskyi|2019|pp=57–59}}

Chornovil and an unknown communist deputy then attempted to begin a vote on the declaration. Plyushch refused, noting that members of the [[Congress of People's Deputies of the Soviet Union]] had not yet returned and that quorum was therefore impossible. In response, Chornovil moved to demand the immediate return of Soviet People's Deputies, which was then endorsed by pro-sovereignty communists and passed by a wide margin. Four days later, the deputies returned and debate on the Declaration of State Sovereignty resumed. The anti-declaration group was led by [[Stanislav Hurenko]] and Leonid Kravchuk, who claimed that the matter of sovereignty would be resolved in Moscow rather than Kyiv.{{sfn|Kulchytskyi|2019|pp=59–61}}
[[File:Підняття українського прапора над Києвом, подія.JPG|thumb|left|300px|Demonstration in support of the Declaration of Sovereignty of Ukraine in central Kyiv, July 1990]]
Ivashko formally resigned from his Ukrainian government positions on 11 July to become deputy [[General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union]]. This move came as a shock to the Ukrainian public, as the CPSU was perceived as collapsing, and Ivashko's resignation from Ukrainian positions to serve the party demonstrated apathy towards the Ukrainian population. Following Ivashko's resignation, the communists were left demoralised, allowing Chornovil to push the declaration through office. It was eventually passed on 16 July 1990, giving precedence to Ukrainian laws over the laws of the Soviet government.{{sfn|Kulchytskyi|2019|pp=61–63}} This was a major victory for Chornovil, who had privately sought a declaration of state sovereignty since July 1989.{{sfn|Kobuta|2020|p=37}}

Ukrainian public sentiment continued to turn against the government through the remainder of 1990. A series of student protests, known as the [[Revolution on Granite]], began in October after groups of students claimed that the government had manipulated the results in order to prevent the Democratic Bloc from achieving a majority. The students launched a hunger strike on October Revolution Square in Kyiv (now [[Maidan Nezalezhnosti]]), and were subsequently mocked by communist deputies. This insensitive attitude led almost all moderates and national communists to abandon the Communist Party, following the lead of writer [[Oles Honchar]]. These individuals defected to the National-Democrats, further weakening the remaining communists.{{sfn|Pipash|2021|p=82}}

The [[January Events]], in which the Soviet government deployed the military on 16 January 1991 in an attempt to prevent Lithuania from becoming independent, led Chornovil to temporarily reorient his policies towards the establishment of a Ukrainian military separate from the [[Soviet Army]]. In order to achieve this, he co-founded the Military Collegium of ''Rukh'' alongside [[Ihor Derkach]], [[Mykola Porovskyi]], [[Vitalii Lazorkin]] and [[Vilen Martyrosian]], which was tasked with creating the [[Armed Forces of Ukraine]] and preventing the usage of Ukrainian troops in Soviet government crackdowns.{{sfn|Lazorkin|2020|p=74}} Chornovil continued to advocate for integration of the Galician oblasts, particularly in expanding access to education and inter-oblast trade, at the second meeting of the Galician Assembly on 16 February 1991.{{sfn|Adamovych|2018|p=4}} Chornovil also oversaw a {{ill|March 1991 Ukrainian independence referendum|lt=March 1991 independence referendum|uk|Галицький референдум (1991)}}, in which the majority of the Galician oblasts voted for Ukraine to separate from the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Fedyk|2019|p=137}}

=== Declaration of independence and presidential election ===
[[File:Chornovil5.JPG|thumb|Chornovil in [[Kryvyi Rih]], 1990]]
The Supreme Soviet passed a law on 5 July 1991 establishing the office of [[President of Ukraine|President]], with its holder to be determined by [[1991 Ukrainian presidential election|election]].{{sfn|Law on Ukrainian SSR presidential elections 1991}}

Hardliners opposed to Gorbachev's leadership of the Soviet Union [[1991 Soviet coup attempt|launched a coup d'état]] on 19 August 1991. At the time of the coup, Chornovil was in the city of [[Zaporizhzhia]] on a business trip. Upon learning that a putsch had occurred, he immediately returned to Kyiv and began calling for an emergency session of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR; he also banned the Communist Party's activities in Lviv Oblast. In the Supreme Soviet, the deputies of the Democratic Bloc began to advocate for Ukrainian independence, arguing that Ukraine was a part of Europe and not the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Bohatchuk|2020|p=225}} Following the failure of the coup, the Supreme Soviet adopted the [[Declaration of Independence of Ukraine]] on 24 August 1991.{{sfn|Adamovych|2018|p=4}}

The campaign for the presidential election officially began on 1 September 1991.{{sfn|Zolotariova 2021a}} The National-Democratic camp was fractious, with three major candidates (Chornovil, Yukhnovskyi and Levko Lukianenko), while Kravchuk was already a well-established figure as the incumbent, if ''de facto'', head of state.{{sfn|Potichnyj|1991|p=135}} The race soon narrowed to an effective two-man campaign with Chornovil against Kravchuk, as they were the only candidates with the necessary organisation to compete at a national scale; in spite of Yukhnovskyi's leadership of the Democratic Bloc he was unpopular outside of intellectual urban centres and western Ukraine, while Lukianenko, despite being a popular pro-independence figure, lacked an organised campaign and was unknown in most of Ukraine.{{sfn|Potichnyj|1991|pp=137–138}}

Chornovil travelled throughout Ukraine to spread the message of Ukrainian independence, including staunchly pro-Russian regions such as Crimea. Appealing to both Russophone and Ukrainian-language audiences by speaking in both languages, Chornovil argued for a programme in which he would transition from a planned economy to free-market capitalism within a year via a series of decrees and acquiring the attention of Western investors,{{sfn|Dahlburg|1991}} as well as membership in the [[European Economic Community]] and a hypothetical pan-European collective security organisation.{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2016|p=34}} Chornovil condemned Kravchuk as "a sly politician" who was "trying to get [Ukraine] back into the union," warning that he would re-establish political and economic ties with Russia.{{sfn|Dahlburg|1991}}
[[File:1991 Ukrainian presidential election.svg|thumb|Results of the [[1991 Ukrainian presidential election]]. Oblasts won by Chornovil are shown in blue.]]
Chornovil was initially unpopular due to decades of Soviet propaganda against his beliefs, which Kravchuk had previously directed.{{sfn|Dahlburg|1991}} The inability of the National-Democrats to nominate a single candidate also contributed to the belief that the dissidents were unfit to rule in the public consciousness.{{sfn|Kulchynskyi|2023}} Despite this, Chornovil's campaign gradually began to close the gap outside of Galicia in opinion polling; a poll from November 1991 showed Chornovil with 22% of the vote in [[Odesa]] compared to 28% for Kravchuk, with the number of undecided voters growing from a quarter to one-third of the local electorate.{{sfn|Dahlburg|1991}} Northwestern Ukraine ([[Khmelnytskyi Oblast|Khmelnytskyi]], [[Rivne Oblast|Rivne]] and [[Volyn Oblast|Volyn]] oblasts) served as a significant battleground from October, as surveys initially forecasted a practical tie before later giving Chornovil a slight lead.{{sfn|Potichnyj|1991|p=136}}

Ukrainians voted in both the presidential election and [[1991 Ukrainian independence referendum|a referendum confirming Ukraine's independence]] on 1 December 1991. 84.18% of the population participated in the referendum, with 90.32% voting in favour.{{sfn|Potichnyj|1991|p=129}} Kravchuk won the presidential election, with 61.59% of the election. Chornovil placed a distant second with 23.27% of the vote, avoiding a runoff. In contrast to the prior predictions of a Chornovil victory in northwestern oblasts, he ultimately only won in Galicia, though he performed well in [[Chernivtsi Oblast|Chernivtsi]], [[Cherkasy Oblast|Cherkasy]], [[Kyiv Oblast|Kyiv]], Rivne, Volyn and Zakarpattia oblasts, as well as the city of Kyiv. Chornovil accepted defeat on election day, saying "The pre-election campaign gave me the opportunity to travel all over Ukraine, to meet the people and to politicise the East."{{sfn|Potichnyj|1991|pp=134–135}} He later stated that another six months of campaigning, rather than the truncated campaign that occurred in 1991, would have allowed for a victory.{{sfn|Urban|1992|p=40}}

=== Independent Ukraine ===
Following the presidential election, fissures developed within ''Rukh'' over the future of the group. One faction, led by Drach and Mykhailo Horyn, sought to dissolve the organisation and support Kravchuk's [[nation-building]] efforts, while Chornovil and his supporters sought to reformulate the organisation into a party to support Chornovil's future presidential ambitions.{{sfn|Potichnyj|1991|pp=138}} Tensions within ''Rukh'' had also been aggravated by the presidential election, in which several members threw their support behind Yukhnovskyi or Lukianenko, rejecting a ''Rukh'' resolution pledging support for Chornovil as purely recommendatory.{{sfn|Malynovskyi|2019|p=72}}

At the {{ill|Third Congress of the People's Movement of Ukraine|lt=Third Congress of ''Rukh''|uk|III З'їзд Народного Руху України}} on 28 February 1992, a split in the organisation was briefly averted. Drach, Horyn and Chornovil were elected as co-chairs of ''Rukh'' as a compromise between the two factions.{{sfn|Kulchytskyi|2020}} Nonetheless, the [[Ukrainian Republican Party]] and the [[Democratic Party of Ukraine]], which had formed out of ''Rukh'', decided to cooperate with Kravchuk.{{sfn|Haran|Sydorchuk|2010}} This unity was brought to an end at the {{ill|Fourth Congress of the People's Movement of Ukraine|lt=Fourth Congress|uk|IV З'їзд Народного Руху України}} in December 1992, when Chornovil's supporters reorganised ''Rukh'' into a centre-right political party under his leadership.{{sfn|Kulchytskyi|2020}}
[[File:Black Sea with the Crimea highlighted.svg|thumb|left|Location of [[Crimea]] within the [[Black Sea]]]]
Meanwhile, a crisis was brewing over the future of Crimea. Crimea's ethnically-Russian population now sought to break away from Ukraine and unify with Russia. On 5 May 1992, tensions came to a head as the local government of Crimea voted to [[Republic of Crimea (1992–1995)|declare its independence from Ukraine]]. The flag of Ukraine was replaced with the flag of Russia, and a wave of repressions against the indigenous Crimean Tatar population began.{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2018|p=50}} Chornovil, who had maintained an interest in Crimean Tatars since his imprisonment,{{sfn|Finnin|2022|pp=147–148}} called for the [[Verkhovna Rada]] (Ukraine's newly-independent parliament, replacing the Supreme Soviet) to cancel Crimea's declaration of independence and demand new elections to the [[Verkhovna Rada of Crimea]]. Privately, Chornovil expressed a desire to deploy the Ukrainian military to Crimea, but he did not publicly state this as he felt that such a demand would go unfulfilled by Kravchuk or the rest of the government.{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2018|p=50}}

As the crisis in Crimea continued, the Ukrainian economy collapsed, a result of the government's failure to adapt to changing economic realities within the former Soviet Union and its economy dominated by imports. Hyperinflation began and productivity rose. At one point, the Ukrainian government considered selling [[Ukraine and weapons of mass destruction|its nuclear arsenal]] in order to alleviate economic pressures. These political and economic crises led to fears among many deputies that Ukraine would soon lose its independence;{{sfn|Schmemann|1992|p=10}} Chornovil, on the contrary, believed that by securing Ukraine's sovereignty, it would lead to an improvement in political and economic conditions, and he continued to oppose Kravchuk, with whom he continued to maintain an acrimonious rivalry.{{sfn|Schmemann|1992|p=19}}

Independent trade unions, incensed by the refusal of Kravchuk's government to guarantee workers' benefits and compensation, launched wide-reaching strikes on 2 September 1992. Like the strikes of 1989–1991 the strikers were largely coal miners, but in contrast to the previous strikes they failed to gain wide-reaching support, a fact that [[Lafayette College]] professor Stephen Crowley attributes to it having been called by a nation-wide union instead of by local, Donbas-based strike committees. The coal miners were joined by Kyiv's public transportation workers in February 1993, a measure that made the strike deeply unpopular among the public. Rather than endorsing the strikes, as they previously had, ''Rukh'' condemned them (as did almost all other parties) and called upon the government to "punish the real organisers of the strike". Chornovil in particular argued for the curtailing of political activity, especially strikes, in order to ensure stability.{{sfn|Crowley|1995|pp=54–55}}

Russia waded into the Crimean crisis later in 1993. {{ill|Valentin Agafonov|ru|Агафонов, Валентин Алексеевич}}, deputy chairman of the [[Supreme Soviet of Russia]], pledged to recognise Crimea if their independence was confirmed by referendum. In June, the city of [[Sevastopol]] additionally applied to join the [[Russian Federation]]. Pro-Russian activist [[Yuriy Meshkov]] became the impromptu leader of the movement for Crimea's annexation into Russia, forming an army comprising soldiers of the Soviet [[Black Sea Fleet]] and seizing control of police and media buildings with supporters.{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2018|p=51}} The increasing perceived threat from Moscow over Crimea led the Ukrainian population to favour maintaining the nuclear weapons that had come under its control following the Soviet Union's dissolution. Chornovil was among the politicians who supported an independent nuclear arsenal, or alternatively membership in the [[NATO]] military alliance, which he felt was the only possible deterrent to Russian expansionism in the case that they were required to relenquish their weapons.{{sfn|Blank|1994|pp=10, 15}} Despite this, Chornovil insisted that war would not occur over Crimea in the immediate term; he believed that within half a year to a year Crimean separatism would lose popularity and that Russian actions would be limited to financing Crimean separatists and an [[information warfare]] campaign against Ukraine. Both of these predictions would eventually prove accurate.{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2018|p=51}}

Kravchuk's government dissolved the Verkhovna Rada and called snap [[1994 Ukrainian parliamentary election|parliamentary]] and [[1994 Ukrainian presidential election|presidential]] elections on 17 June 1993 in a bid to stem the miners' anger.{{sfn|Zolotariova 2021b}}{{sfn|Stoliarova|Chernova|2021}} Chornovil initially chose to contest a Kyiv seat in the parliamentary election, as he felt this would establish him as a national figure and give him the opportunity to tour all of Ukraine to spread his ideological vision. His close ally and friend {{ill|Mykhailo Boichyshyn|uk|Бойчишин Михайло Іллярович}} was nominated by ''Rukh'' as the candidate for Lviv's Shevchenkivskyi District. At the time Boichyshyn was Chairman of the Secretariat of ''Rukh''.{{sfn|Zdorovylo|2025}}

On 14 January 1994 Boichyshyn was abducted by armed individuals shortly after leaving ''Rukh'''s campaign headquarters in Kyiv.{{sfn|Zdorovylo|2025}} He has not been seen since, and he is believed to be dead. Boichyshyn's [[enforced disappearance]] was a watershed moment in Ukraine, being the first in a series of mysterious deaths of anti-communist politicians and journalists in Ukraine.{{sfn|Lytvyn|2009}} At the time of Boichyshyn's abduction, Chornovil was campaigning in the southern [[Mykolaiv Oblast]], and the two had spoken by phone shortly before Boichyshyn was "disappeared". Boichyshyn's disappearance had a significant effect on Chornovil. He later chose to instead contest the 357th electoral district (located in Ternopil Oblast) rather than a seat in Kyiv, and he was successfully elected{{sfn|2nd Verkhovna Rada}} with 62.5% of the vote against 14 opponents.{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}}

The results of the parliamentary election boded poorly for Kravchuk's chances in the presidential election: 75% of the population turned out to vote, far exceeding expectations of low turnout and apathy. A split developed between eastern Ukraine, which elected candidates of the newly-reestablished [[Communist Party of Ukraine]], and central and western Ukraine, where ''Rukh'' performed particularly well. ''[[The New York Times]]'' noted after the election that Chornovil was regarded as an expected competitor to Kravchuk, alongside former Prime Minister [[Leonid Kuchma]] and Ivan Plyushch, who both won by significant margins after being established as potential opponents of Kravchuk. In the aftermath of the election, Kravchuk argued in a 25 March 1994 address that the presidential election, scheduled for June 1994, would need to be cancelled and petitioned the Verkhovna Rada to grant him emergency powers to undertake economic reforms and fight organised crime.{{sfn|Erlanger|1994}}

120 deputies, largely belonging to the national-democratic opposition, lent their support to Kravchuk in his efforts to cancel the elections and obtain greater powers. ''Rukh'' gave a reluctant endorsement of Kravchuk's call to postpone the elections under the justification that not doing so without reform of electoral laws would lead to a political crisis, though Chornovil refused to back an expansion of his powers and argued that he would use it to empower former communist officials and agree to hand over both nuclear weapons and the Black Sea Fleet (the ownership of which was disputed) to Russia. Chornovil argued that to expand presidential powers would lead to the emergence of "a quiet dictatorship of the oligarchy". Ultimately, neither proposal was passed as communists took control of the Verkhovna Rada's leadership following the election and blocked any efforts to postpone or cancel the election.{{sfn|Kuzio|1996|pp=120–121}}

In spite of his electoral success in the parliamentary election, Chornovil decided not to run in the 1994 presidential election and instead endorsed economist [[Volodymyr Lanovyi]],{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}} who had been removed from the government by Kravchuk after proposing reforms to end the economic crisis.{{sfn|Erlanger|1994}} Journalist Taras Zdorovylo has claimed that it is possible this decision was taken out of fear for his life and the future of ''Rukh''; according to Zdorovylo, Chornovil used his connections from his time in prison to secretly meet with leading [[Ukrainian mafia]] figures, who denied responsibility and claimed that the government had ordered Boichyshyn's abduction. Zdorovylo also notes that Kravchuk's government launched a politically-motivated investigation into the finances of ''Rukh'' during the election and placed both Chornovil and high-ranking party member [[Oleksandr Lavrynovych]] under a security escort, which monitored their conversations.{{sfn|Zdorovylo|2025}}

[[File:Zernovol 2.jpg|thumb|300px|Chornovil and his wife Atena Pashko during a visit to the Kyiv House of Cinema, October 1995]]
Kuchma defeated Kravchuk in the election, becoming the second President of Ukraine. Kuchma's subsequent crackdown on independent media caused Chornovil to become one of the foremost critics of his government.{{sfn|Marusenko|1999}} Though power transitioned from one individual to another as a result of Kuchma's victory, the political situation did not significantly change; the country remained controlled by the post-communist ''[[nomenklatura]]'', which Chornovil would refer to as a "[[party of power]]" in 1996, and an emerging class of [[Ukrainian oligarchs|industrial oligarchs]] associated with them.{{sfn|Derevinskyi|2021|pp=20–21}}

The process of drafting and ratifying a [[Constitution of Ukraine|constitution]] for independent Ukraine began in 1995. Chornovil, like much of the rest of Ukraine's right-wing and centrist politicians, found himself aligned with Kuchma as the parliamentary left pushed for constitutional articles forbidding the sale and purchase of land and the preservation of Soviet-era local government bodies. Chornovil indicated on 25 March 1995 that he backed Kuchma's proposed constitution, though he expressed that ''Rukh'' had "eleven serious objections" to its adoption.{{sfn|Lukanov|2023}}

Kuchma's proposed constitution was characterised by [[Oleksandr Moroz]] (leader of the [[Socialist Party of Ukraine|Socialist Party]] and then-[[Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada]]) as creating an overly-centralised state with strong powers for the executive and lacking an independent judiciary. He rejected Kuchma's constitution, and in June of that year created a second constitutional draft along with Kuchma and 38 other individuals as part of a "Constitutional Commission". This draft was in turn rejected by the right and centre as placing too much power in the president's hands and giving insufficient authority to the judiciary. Chornovil wrote in his ''{{ill|Chas-Time|uk|Час-Time (газета)}}'' newspaper on 24 November that the draft was "anti-parliamentary" and accusing the drafters of seeking to obstruct the Verkhovna Rada.{{sfn|Lukanov|2023}} A constitution was eventually adopted on 28 June 1996, though several provisions supported by ''Rukh'', such as private property rights, the affirmation of Ukraine as a unitary state and the right of the Ukrainian people to self-determination, were not adopted.{{sfn|Lukanov|2023}}

Aside from the constitution, Chornovil began working as president of the Vasyl Symonenko International Human Rights Foundation in 1994 and became chief editor of ''Chas-Time'' in January 1995. He was also appointed as among the first Ukrainian delegates to the [[Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe]] the same year,{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2019|p=138}} and along with the [[Ukrainian Red Cross Society]] organised the donation of 50 tonnes of humanitarian aid to Chechen civilians during the [[First Chechen War]].{{sfn|Pustovhar|2024}} Newspaper ''[[Gazeta.ua]]'' wrote in 2017 that Chornovil was one of the supporters of the [[Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate]] during the [[death and funeral of Patriarch Volodymyr of Kyiv|funeral of Patriarch Volodymyr]], who he had been imprisoned alongside, as protesters attempted to bury him in [[Saint Sophia Cathedral, Kyiv|Saint Sophia Cathedral]],{{sfn|Gazeta.ua 2017b}} though online news portal ''galinfo'' indicates that he instead sought to prevent violence and continue the burial.{{sfn|galinfo 2020}} Chornovil praised Kuchma on a number of occasions during the early years of his presidency for his appointment of National-Democrats to governmental positions.{{sfn|Bondarenko|2002}} Chornovil also paid a visit to [[Odesa]] from 14–16 September 1994, where he hosted a conference at the [[Odesa National Polytechnic University]] on the future of ''Rukh''. Chornovil's speech at the Odesa Polytechnic advocated for the strengthening of democratic norms and the creation of a middle class via economic reforms. At the same time, he continued his critique of the emerging oligarchy.{{sfn|Honcharuk|2018|p=45}}

In 1997, Chornovil escalated his feud with Moroz, condemning his speeches as "primitive populism" and blaming him for the escalation of political polarisation in Ukraine.{{sfn|Suspilne 1997}} Chornovil also increasingly advocated for Ukrainian integration with other Central and Eastern European states, calling for the establishment of a "Baltic-Black Sea Union", or {{translit|uk|Mizhmoria}} ({{langx|uk|Міжмор'я|lit=[[Intermarium (region)|Intermarium]]|link=no}}), the demilitarisation of the Black Sea (thus leading to the abolition of the Black Sea Fleet, which had by 1997 been transferred to Russia) and Ukrainian membership in NATO. Along with Belarusian dissident [[Zianon Pazniak]] Chornovil actively promoted the idea of the Baltic-Black Sea Union until his death. Western partners such as U.S. Secretary of State [[Madeleine Albright]], former British Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]] and Czech President [[Václav Havel]] met with Chornovil on multiple occasions, and he increasingly was regarded by Western leaders as a more trustworthy interlocutor than the largely ex-communist leadership of Ukraine.{{sfn|Bila|2021}}

Along with a handful of other politicians, Chornovil attended the inauguration of [[Aslan Maskhadov]] as President of the [[Chechen Republic of Ichkeria]] in 1997.{{sfn|Ukraina Moloda 2011}} ''Rukh'' formally declared itself to be in opposition to Kuchma's rule in October of the same year.{{sfn|Gawdiak|2003|p=7}}

==== 1998 election ====
[[File:Вибори до ВР України 1998.svg|thumb|left|Map of the results of [[1998 Ukrainian parliamentary election]] (proportional representation votes); ''Rukh'' (shown in teal) dominated the vote in western Ukraine]]
Chornovil again led ''Rukh'' in the [[1998 Ukrainian parliamentary election]], this time running as the first candidate on the party's [[party-list proportional representation|proportional representation list]].{{sfn|3rd Verkhovna Rada}} During the election, ''Rukh'' reversed course on federalism, with Chornovil arguing that calls for Ukraine to become a federal republic were "clan federalism".{{sfn|Semkiv|2014}} Chornovil was joined by [[Volodymyr Cherniak]], Foreign Minister [[Hennadiy Udovenko]], Drach and Environment Minister [[Yuriy Kostenko]] as the leading party-list candidates, along with Crimean Tatar activist [[Mustafa Dzhemilev]]. ''Rukh'' did not form a coalition with any other parties to contest the election, though its candidates included members of non-governmental organisations such as [[Prosvita]] and the [[Ukrainian Women's Union]]. The party generally campaigned against the left.{{sfn|Gawdiak|2003|p=7}} Chornovil called on all National-Democratic parties to form a coalition against the left and the right-wing [[Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists]], additionally arguing for a [[grand coalition]] with the pro-Kuchma [[People's Democratic Party (Ukraine)|People's Democratic Party]] and the [[Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united)]].{{sfn|Ukraina Moloda 2011}} No party agreed to Chornovil's requests for a coalition.{{sfn|Smiian|2017}}

Though they were the second-largest party in the Verkhovna Rada, the result was positive for ''Rukh'', which doubled its seats compared to 1994.{{sfn|Bilyk|2018|p=39}} For the right in general, however, the election was a disappointment, as only ''Rukh'' passed the 4% threshold for party-list representation and the right in general underperformed its traditional result of 20–25% of seats.{{sfn|Birch|Wilson|1999|p=280}} ''Rukh'' announced its intention to challenge the election results as illegitimate following the election. The Communist Party of Ukraine again became the largest party in the Verkhovna Rada, with left-wing parties forming a majority. Though he noted that the results were not as bad for the right as the prior election,{{sfn|Gawdiak|2003|p=5}} Chornovil was left exhausted by the campaign and obtained a public image as being constantly fatigued.{{sfn|Smiian|2017}} At the time, he was sleeping no more than five hours per day due to his balancing of commitments between ''Chas-Time'' and politics In Lviv Oblast, his traditional support base and a holdout against the privatisation that had occurred throughout Ukraine, ''Rukh'''s government was replaced by that of the [[Agrarian Party of Ukraine|Agrarian Party]], under which political scandals involving kickbacks, money laundering and violence resulting from business feuds became frequent.{{sfn|Kushnir|2011}}

==== Ninth congress, 1999 presidential election, split in ''Rukh'' ====
At ''Rukh'''s {{ill|Ninth Congress of the People's Movement of Ukraine|lt=ninth congress|uk|IX З'їзд Народного Руху України}}, held from 12–13 December 1998, Chornovil announced the party's strategy for the [[1999 Ukrainian presidential election|1999 presidential election]]. Titled "Forwards, to the east", it called for greater focus on the populations of [[eastern Ukraine|eastern]] and [[southern Ukraine|southern]] Ukraine while maintaining its opposition to the establishment of Russian as a co-official language with Ukrainian.{{sfn|Adamovych|2018|p=24}}

At the same congress, Chornovil announced his intention to contest the presidency for a second time in the 1999 election.{{efn|The ''[[Encyclopedia of Modern Ukraine]]'' has claimed that Chornovil refused to participate in the election, but this is rejected by Hai-Nyzhnyk{{sfn|Hai-Nyzhnyk|2012}} and Chornovil's son [[Taras Chornovil|Taras]].{{sfn|Khalupa|2004}}}} Chornovil and Udovenko were the two primary candidates from ''Rukh'' to be nominated for the presidency; the final decision was intended to be made at a later date.{{sfn|Hai-Nyzhnyk|2012}} According to [[Viktor Pynzenyk]], leader of the centre-right [[Reforms and Order Party]], he and Chornovil also attempted to persuade [[Viktor Yushchenko]], Governor of the [[National Bank of Ukraine]], to run for the presidency in 1999.{{sfn|Espreso TV 2018}}

By this time, a split between members of ''Rukh'' who regarded Chornovil as an outdated figure and those who supported him was becoming increasingly apparent. Opponents of Chornovil within the party regarded him as overly-authoritarian, disrespectful of party rules{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999a|p=1}} and too close to Kuchma;{{sfn|Ovsiienko|2022|p=146}} Chornovil's supporters likewise regarded his opponents as too close to Kuchma{{sfn|Ovsiienko|2022|p=146}} and supported by monied interests.{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999a|p=3}} Ukrainian historian [[Pavlo Hai-Nyzhnyk]] has said that Chornovil withdrew his name from the presidential nomination in January 1999{{sfn|Hai-Nyzhnyk|2012}} and according to the [[Jamestown Foundation]] he endorsed Udovenko,{{sfn|Jamestown Foundation 1999}} though Chornovil's son [[Taras Chornovil|Taras]] has disputed this, saying he was still campaigning for the presidency until his death.{{sfn|Khalupa|2004}}{{efn|English-language Ukrainian diaspora newspaper ''[[The Ukrainian Weekly]]'' wrote in their April 1999 memorial issue for Chornovil that he had been supporting and campaigning for Udovenko at the time of his death.{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999b|p=1}} The [[National Democratic Institute]] also wrote in October 1999 that Chornovil had lent his support to Udovenko, leading to the split in ''Rukh''.{{sfn|National Democratic Institute 1999}} The [[Ukrainian Independent Information Agency]] described Chornovil as Kuchma's "main rival" ({{langx|uk|головний конкурент|translit=holovnyi konkurent|link=no}}) in the 1999 election in a 2021 article,{{sfn|Yasynskyi|2021}} while academic Stanislav Ovsiienko called Chornovil a "competing candidate" to Kuchma in a 2022 journal article.{{sfn|Ovsiienko|2022|p=145}}}}

The split came to a head in February 1999. Kostenko led a contingent of ''Rukh'' in declaring Chornovil to be removed as leader in a 17{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999a|p=1}} or 19 February{{sfn|Koshiw|1999}} parliamentary meeting, and declared himself leader of the party in a 27 February meeting of his supporters.{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999a|p=1}} Chornovil responded at a 22 February press conference where he compared them to the [[State Committee on the State of Emergency]] that led the [[1991 Soviet coup attempt]] and accused them of taking $40,000 per month from the Ukrainian government, of taking 4,000 hryvnias from a ''Rukh'' office, and of taking a million-dollar bribe from ''Rukh'' People's Deputy [[Oleh Ishchenko]]. ''[[Kyiv Post]]'' deputy editor Jaroslaw Koshiw wrote in a 25 February opinion article that only 17 deputies remained loyal to Chornovil following Kostenko's defection.{{sfn|Koshiw|1999}}

The multitude of newspapers belonging to ''Rukh'' were split by the feud; 11 supported Chornovil, while five backed Kostenko. ''[[Dzerkalo Tyzhnia]]'' took an independent stance, but generally blamed Chornovil for the split, along with Kuchma and presidential candidate [[Yevhen Marchuk]].{{sfn|Ovsiienko|2022|p=145}} Chornovil and his followers were scornful towards Kostenko's faction following the split; [[Les Tanyuk]] said that "These are people more concerned right now with getting their Mercedes and building their dachas", while Chornovil referred to Kostenko's attempted takeover as a "privatisation of the party" and blamed Kuchma and the government for orchestrating the split.{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999a|p=3}}

In a 2012 court proceeding relating to Chornovil's death, Udovenko testified that in February 1999 he was contacted by Viacheslav Babenko, a Ukrainian citizen employed by the Russian [[Federal Security Service]] (FSB). According to Udovenko, Babenko warned him that there would be an attempt on Chornovil's life involving Russian intelligence agencies. Chornovil dismissed Babenko's warning as an attempt at intimidation. Mykola Stepanenko, a [[Ministry of Internal Affairs (Ukraine)|Ministry of Internal Affairs]] employee tasked with investigating Chornovil's death, noted Babenko as an individual who had substantial knowledge of Chornovil's daily routine and travel plans.{{sfn|Ukrainska Pravda 2012}}

Chornovil renamed ''Rukh'''s parliamentary faction to "People's Movement of Ukraine – 1" on 24 February. On 28 February, Kostenko's supporters organised what they referred to as the tenth congress of ''Rukh'', during which they declared that Chornovil had been officially removed as leader and that the party's period of opposition would be replaced by one of "equal partnership". A congress of Chornovil's followers, referred to as the "second stage" of the Ninth Congress by Chornovil, was held on 7 March and attended by 520 delegates of the ''Rukh'' assembly, more than the two-thirds requirement under the party's statutes.{{sfn|Ovsiienko|2022|pp=147–148}}

== Death and funeral ==
On 24 March 1999, Chornovil was at a campaign event in the city of Kirovohrad (now [[Kropyvnytskyi]]), either for himself or Udovenko.{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999b|p=1}}{{efn|According to Adrian Karatnycky, a human rights activist and personal friend of Chornovil, he had declared his candidacy that day,{{sfn|Karatnycky|2024|p=45}} while the ''[[Encyclopedia of Ukraine]]'' says that he declared his candidacy four days prior;{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}} see previous note for further information on the dispute as to whether or not he was running for the presidency.}} While in Kirovohrad, he gave an interview where he expressed the belief that Ukraine's financial and organised crime clans{{efn|The [[Dnipropetrovsk Mafia]], the [[Kyiv Seven]] and the [[Donetsk Clan]].}} were targeting ''Rukh'' in an attempt to destroy it and secure the further accumulation of financial capital. He further claimed that Kuchma could only win by assassinating his opponents or turning them against one another. Details of his last phone calls are disputed; his sister {{ill|Valentyna Chornovil|lt=Valentyna|uk|Чорновіл Валентина Максимівна}} has said that he wished her a happy birthday and described ''Rukh'''s split as being "all behind us",{{sfn|Fedunyshyn|2019|pp=138–139}} while Kostenko alleged that he indicated that he had changed his mind and wished to support him, rather than Udovenko, for the presidency.{{sfn|Perevozna|2007}}

Shortly before midnight on 25 March 1999,{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}} Chornovil was returning to Kyiv from Kirovohrad with aide Yevhen Pavlov and ''Rukh'' press secretary Dmytro Ponomarchuk.{{efn|Sometimes incorrectly written as "Dmytro Palamarchuk".}} Five kilometres from [[Boryspil]], while travelling at a speed of {{convert|140|km/h|mph}},{{sfn|Yasynskyi|2021}} Chornovil's [[Toyota Corolla]] collided with a [[Kamaz]] lorry carrying grain that was stalling at a bend on the highway. Chornovil and Pavlov were both killed instantly, while Ponomarchuk was hospitalised with serious injuries.{{sfn|Karatnycky|2024|p=45}}
[[File:Будинок учителя, Київ.jpg|thumb|The [[Kyiv City Teacher's House]], former seat of the [[Central Rada]], where Chornovil's funeral took place]]
Chornovil's funeral was held at Kyiv's [[Kyiv City Teacher's House|City Teacher's House]] (where the [[Ukrainian People's Republic]] had been proclaimed in 1917) on 29 March,{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999b|p=1}} with a procession travelling to [[St Volodymyr's Cathedral]]{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}} before his burial at [[Baikove Cemetery]].{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999b|p=4}} ''[[The Guardian]]'' reported that "tens of thousands of Ukrainians" were present;{{sfn|Marusenko|1999}} the [[Militsiya (Ukraine)|Militsiya]] claimed a figure of 10,000; while ''The Ukrainian Weekly'' wrote that nearly 50,000 attended "what many consider the largest funeral this city [Kyiv] has ever seen". He was granted a state honour guard, as well as a military orchestra. Most of Ukraine's political elite was present at the funeral, including Kravchuk (who cried at Chornovil's funeral despite their long-running rivalry), Kuchma, Prime Minister [[Valeriy Pustovoitenko]], and Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada [[Oleksandr Tkachenko (politician)|Oleksandr Tkachenko]], as well as several former dissidents and the leaders of almost all political parties, with the notable exceptions of the Communist Party (led by [[Petro Symonenko]]) and the [[Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine]] (led by [[Nataliya Vitrenko]]).{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999b|p=1, 4}}

=== Conspiracy theories and investigations ===
Suspicions of Ukrainian government involvement in Chornovil's death emerged almost immediately,{{sfn|archives.gov.ua}} inflamed by Chornovil's controversial nature and the impending presidential election. Minister of Internal Affairs [[Yuriy Kravchenko]] said in a televised speech on the evening of Chornovil's death that an assassination would not be considered in investigating Chornovil's death. Prior to his burial, Tanyuk and Christian Democratic Party deputy [[Vitaliy Zhuravskyi]] both alleged that Chornovil had been murdered, while journalist [[Serhii Naboka]] noted that the circumstances of his death were similar to other suspicious deaths of Soviet leaders' political opponents.{{sfn|Woronowycz 1999c|p=5}} The lorry driver was initially charged with recklessness,{{sfn|Karatnycky|2024|p=45}} but amnestied within a month,{{sfn|archives.gov.ua}} and one passenger died under unclear circumstances.{{sfn|Istorychna Pravda 2017}} Karatnycky, citing an anonymous member of Kuchma's 1999 campaign, notes that Kuchma's other non-communist rivals failed to form a coalition against him, ultimately leading to his victory;{{sfn|Karatnycky|2024|pp=46–47}} Ukrainian political scientist [[Taras Kuzio]] likewise describes Kuchma and [[Yevhen Marchuk]] as the only serious non-leftist contenders for the presidency following Chornovil's death.{{sfn|Kuzio|2007|p=34}}

The first attempt to investigate Chornovil's death began with a Verkhovna Rada commission in April 1999.{{sfn|BBC News 1999}} Following the 2004–2005 [[Orange Revolution]], Kuchma's successor [[Viktor Yushchenko]] announced that the investigation into the circumstances of the death of Chornovil would be renewed at a 23 August 2006 ceremony inaugurating a statue of Chornovil.{{sfn|BBC News Ukrainian 2006}} On 6 September 2006, Minister of Internal Affairs [[Yuriy Lutsenko]] declared that Chornovil had been murdered and that evidence proving it had been handed over to the [[Prosecutor General of Ukraine]].{{sfn|Radio Ukraine 2006}} Prosecutor General [[Oleksandr Medvedko]] criticised Lutsenko's statements regarding the case as "to put it mildly, unprofessional," and alleged that the information came from an individual convicted of fraud and for whom an [[Interpol notice]] had been issued.{{sfn|Yakhno|2006}} Since then, investigations into Chornovil's death have been repeatedly closed and reopened without concluding whether Chornovil was the victim of an assassination plot or a simple car crash. The Boryspil District Court declared that an assassination plot did not exist in January 2014 and closed the case, but as of March 2015 it was again the subject of an investigation by the Prosecutor General's office.{{sfn|Harasymiw|Koshelivets|Senkus|2015}}

== Legacy ==
[[Image:Vyacheslav Chornovil money.jpg|thumb|Commemorative 2-[[Ukrainian hryvnia|hryvnia]] coin depicting Chornovil]]
[[File:Stamp 2008 Chornovil.jpg|thumb|Ukrainian stamp honoring Chornovil, 2008]]
Peter Marusenko, a journalist for ''The Guardian'', argued while reporting Chornovil's funeral that his contribution to Ukrainian history was not recognised by many Ukrainians until after his death.{{sfn|Marusenko|1999}} In his 2017 book ''The Near Abroad'', professor Zbigniew Wojnowski described Chornovil as "a more inclusive vision of Ukraine, unambiguously pro-European and united by commitment to the rule of law and parliamentary democracy," in contrast to early and mid-20th century nationalist leader [[Stepan Bandera]], and noted that a large poster of Chornovil was present during the 2013–2014 [[Euromaidan]] protests.{{sfn|Wojnowski|2017|pp=207–208}} Wojnowski defines Chornovil's ideology of "reformist patriotism", advocating for Ukraine to follow reforms of and maintain historical links with Central Europe, as spreading throughout Ukrainian society following Euromaidan and the Orange Revolution.{{sfn|Wojnowski|2017|p=212}}

More critically, Chornovil has been accused of ignoring political realities in lieu of "romanticism" and having a naïve attitude towards politics, as in a 2017 Radio Liberty article by philosopher and writer {{ill|Petro Kraliuk|uk|Кралюк Петро Михайлович}}. In particular, Kraliuk notes Chornovil's belief in federalism and refusal to work with Kravchuk following his 1991 election defeat as unconstructive.{{sfn|Kraliuk|2017}}

Chornovil was posthumously awarded the title of [[Hero of Ukraine]] in 2000, in recognition of his significance in reestablishing a Ukrainian state.{{sfn|Ukrainian Institute of National Memory 2017}} He was also awarded the [[Shevchenko National Prize]] in 1996 for his investigative journalism, particularly his samvydav (among them ''Court of Law or a Return of the Terror?'' and ''Woe from Wit'').{{sfn|Hrytsenko}} He has twice been placed among the ten most popular Ukrainians of all time. In the 2008 ''[[Velyki Ukraïntsi]]'' poll, he was placed as Ukraine's seventh most-popular figure, with 2.63% of individuals polled naming him as the greatest Ukrainian of all time.{{sfn|Inter 2008}} In the 2022 "People's Top" poll, he was the ninth most-popular Ukrainian, with previous polling indicating that his support had increased from 3.5% in 2012 to 8.7% in 2022.{{sfn|People's Top 2022}}

In 2003, the [[National Bank of Ukraine]] issued a commemorative coin with the nominal of 2 [[Ukrainian hryvnia|hryvnias]] dedicated to Chornovil.{{sfn|National Bank of Ukraine}} In 2009, a Ukrainian stamp devoted to Chornovil was issued.{{sfn|Ukrinform 2008}}

== See also ==
* [[List of unsolved deaths]]
* [[List of members of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine who died in office]]

==Notes==
{{notelist}}

== References ==
{{reflist|colwidth=20em}}

=== Bibliography ===
{{refbegin}}
* {{Cite news |date=6 November 2011 |title=Чорновіл В'ячеслав |trans-title=Chornovil, Viacheslav |url=https://file.liga.net/public/ua/persons/vyacheslav-chornovil |access-date=14 May 2024 |work=LIGA.net |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|LIGA.net 2009}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Stepaniuk |first=Mariia |date=18 August 2023 |title=Любив подорожі та тонко тролив радянську систему: яким був В'ячеслав Чорновіл |trans-title=He loved trolleys and subtly trolled the Soviet system: what was Viacheslav Chornovil like? |url=https://fakty.com.ua/ua/ukraine/20230818-lyubyv-podorozhi-ta-tonko-trolyv-radyansku-systemu-yakym-buv-vyacheslav-chornovil/ |access-date=14 May 2024 |work=Fakty.ua |language=uk |archive-date=14 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240514074424/https://fakty.com.ua/ua/ukraine/20230818-lyubyv-podorozhi-ta-tonko-trolyv-radyansku-systemu-yakym-buv-vyacheslav-chornovil/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |date=24 December 2017 |title=8 фактів про життя В'ячеслава Чорновола |trans-title=8 facts about the life of Viacheslav Chornovil |url=https://gazeta.ua/articles/history/_8-faktiv-pro-zhittya-vyacheslava-cornovola/811242 |access-date=14 May 2024 |work=[[Gazeta.ua]] |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|Gazeta.ua 2017a}} }}
* {{Cite web |last=Chornovil |first=Viacheslav |title=Вячеслав Чорновіл: Автобіографія |url=https://rukhpress.com.ua/002005/index.phtml |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120102123224/http://rukhpress.com.ua/002005/print.phtml |url-status=live |archive-date=2 January 2012 |access-date=14 May 2024 |website=Rukh Press |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|Chornovil, autobiography}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Ivanova |first=Kateryna |date=25 March 2024 |title=25 років з дня загибелі В'ячеслава Чорновола. Шлях політика та обставини загибелі |trans-title=25 years since the day of Viacheslav Chornovil's death: the politician's path and circumstances of his death |url=https://glavcom.ua/country/society/25-rokiv-z-dnja-zahibeli-vjacheslava-chornovola-shljakh-politika-ta-obstavini-zahibeli-992626.html |access-date=14 May 2024 |work=Glavcom |language=uk |archive-date=14 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240514072928/https://glavcom.ua/country/society/25-rokiv-z-dnja-zahibeli-vjacheslava-chornovola-shljakh-politika-ta-obstavini-zahibeli-992626.html |url-status=live }}
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* {{Cite web |last1=Harasymiw |first1=Bohdan |last2=Koshelivets |first2=Ivan |last3=Senkus |first3=Roman |date=2015 |title=Chornovil, Viacheslav |url=https://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/display.asp?linkpath=pages%5CC%5CH%5CChornovilViacheslav.htm |access-date=14 May 2024 |website=[[Encyclopedia of Ukraine]] |archive-date=10 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240510112338/https://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/display.asp?linkpath=pages%5CC%5CH%5CChornovilViacheslav.htm |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |date=15 May 2015 |title=Чорновил Вячеслав Максимович |trans-title=Chornovil, Viacheslav Maksymovych |url=https://lb.ua/file/person/2434_chornovil_vyacheslav_maksimovich_.html |access-date=14 May 2024 |work=LB.ua |language=ru |ref={{sfnRef|LB.ua 2015}} |archive-date=22 March 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240322033925/https://lb.ua/file/person/2434_chornovil_vyacheslav_maksimovich_.html |url-status=live }}
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* {{Cite book |last=Seko |first=Yaroslav |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VI Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=14 March 2020 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=123–136 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 6th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Шевченкіана Вячеслава Чорновола |trans-chapter=The Shevchenkiana of Viacheslav Chornovil}}
* {{Cite web |last=Shvydkyi |first=Vasyl |date=2013 |editor-last=Smolii |editor-first=V. A. |title=ЧОРНОВІЛ В'ячеслав Максимович |trans-title=CHORNOVIL, Viacheslav Maksymovych |url=http://resource.history.org.ua/cgi-bin/eiu/history.exe?&I21DBN=EIU&P21DBN=EIU&S21STN=1&S21REF=10&S21FMT=eiu_all&C21COM=S&S21CNR=20&S21P01=0&S21P02=0&S21P03=TRN=&S21COLORTERMS=0&S21STR=Chornovil_V |access-date=17 May 2024 |website=[[Encyclopedia of History of Ukraine]] |publisher=[[Institute of History of Ukraine]] |publication-place=Kyiv |archive-date=18 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240518020251/http://resource.history.org.ua/cgi-bin/eiu/history.exe?&I21DBN=EIU&P21DBN=EIU&S21STN=1&S21REF=10&S21FMT=eiu_all&C21COM=S&S21CNR=20&S21P01=0&S21P02=0&S21P03=TRN=&S21COLORTERMS=0&S21STR=Chornovil_V |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |last=Asadcheva |first=Tetiana |date=25 March 2024 |title=Чверть століття без В'ячеслава Чорновола: яким був його життєвий шлях |trans-title=A quarter-century without Viacheslav Chornovil: what was his life path like? |url=https://vechirniy.kyiv.ua/news/96506/ |access-date=17 May 2024 |work=[[Evening Kyiv]] |language=uk |archive-date=18 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240518020252/https://vechirniy.kyiv.ua/news/96506/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Ostrovskyi |first=Valerii |title=Чорновілські читання. Візія майбутнього України: Матеріали III і IV наукових конференцій, присвячених 80-й річниці з дня народження Вячеслава Чорновола |publisher=Beskydy |year=2018 |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv, Ternopil |pages=118–127 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: a Vision of Ukraine's Future: materials of the third and fourth scientific conferences celebrating the 80th birth anniversary of Viacheslav Chornovil |chapter=Трактування історії України в епістолярній спадщині Вячеслава Чорновола |trans-chapter=Interpretations of the history of Ukraine in the epistolary heritage of Vyacheslav Chornovil |ref={{sfnRef|Ostrovskyi 2018b}}}}
* {{Cite news |last=Kuzio |first=Taras |author-link=Taras Kuzio |date=12 August 2010 |title=Russophile agenda rising once again |work=[[Kyiv Post]] |url=https://archive.kyivpost.com/article/opinion/op-ed/russophile-agenda-rising-once-again-78132.html |access-date=10 July 2024 |archive-date=15 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240515032718/https://archive.kyivpost.com/article/opinion/op-ed/russophile-agenda-rising-once-again-78132.html |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Bociurkiw |first=Bohdan R. |author-link=Bohdan Bociurkiw |date=June 1970 |title=The Chornovil Papers. by Vyacheslav Chornovil and Frederick C. Barghoorn: Dear Comrade: Pavel Litvinov and the Voices of Soviet Citizens in Dissent |journal=[[Slavic Review]] |volume=29 |issue=2 |pages=343–344 |doi=10.2307/2493419 |jstor=2493419 }}
* {{Cite book |last=Matiash |first=V. I. |title="Я вірую в свій народ!": До 80-річчя від дня народження В.М. Чорновола |publisher=Oles Honchar Poltava Regional Children's Library |year=2017 |location=Poltava |pages=41 |language=uk |trans-title="I Believe in my People!": to the 80th birth anniversary of Viacheslav Chornovil}}
* {{Cite book |last=Melnykova-Kurhanova |first=Olena |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали V Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=15 March 2019 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=78–83 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 5th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Правозахисна публіцистика та діяльність Вячеслава Чорновола |trans-chapter=The human rights writing and activity of Vyacheslav Chornovil}}
* {{Cite book |last=Paska |first=Bohdan |title=Чорновілські читання. Візія майбутнього України: Матеріали III і IV наукових конференцій, присвячених 80-й річниці з дня народження Вячеслава Чорновола |publisher=Beskydy |year=2018 |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv, Ternopil |pages=132–144 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: a Vision of Ukraine's Future: materials of the third and fourth scientific conferences celebrating the 80th birth anniversary of Viacheslav Chornovil |chapter=Взаємини Вячеслава Чорноволо та Валентина Мороза: від співпраці до конфронтації |trans-chapter=Relations between Vyacheslav Chornovil and Valentin Moroz: from cooperation to confrontation}}
* {{Cite book |last=Fedunyshyn |first=Liubomyra |title=Чорновілські читання. Візія майбутнього України: Матеріали III і IV наукових конференцій, присвячених 80-й річниці з дня народження Вячеслава Чорновола |publisher=Beskydy |year=2018 |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv, Ternopil |pages=197–203 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: a Vision of Ukraine's Future: materials of the third and fourth scientific conferences celebrating the 80th birth anniversary of Viacheslav Chornovil |chapter=Правозахисна діяльність В. Чорновола у 1960–1970-х рр. |trans-chapter=Human rights activities of V. Chornovil in the 1960s and 1970s}}
* {{Cite book |last=Shanovska |first=Olena |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали V Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=15 March 2019 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=143–146 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 5th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Еволюція світоглядних позицій В. Чорновола: від комуністичної прихильності до категоричного неприйняття радянської ідеології |trans-chapter=Evolution of the position of V. Chornovil's worldview: from communist participation to categorical rejection of Soviet ideology}}
* {{Cite web |last1=Dubyk |first1=M. H. |last2=Zaitsev |first2=Yurii |date=2019 |title=УКРАЇНСЬКИЙ ВІСНИК |trans-title=The Ukrainian Herald |url=http://resource.history.org.ua/cgi-bin/eiu/history.exe?Z21ID=&I21DBN=EIU&P21DBN=EIU&S21STN=1&S21REF=10&S21FMT=eiu_all&C21COM=S&S21CNR=20&S21P01=0&S21P02=0&S21P03=TRN=&S21COLORTERMS=0&S21STR=Ukrainskyj_visnyk_1970_z |access-date=17 May 2024 |website=Encyclopedia of History of Ukraine |language=uk |archive-date=18 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240518020252/http://resource.history.org.ua/cgi-bin/eiu/history.exe?Z21ID=&I21DBN=EIU&P21DBN=EIU&S21STN=1&S21REF=10&S21FMT=eiu_all&C21COM=S&S21CNR=20&S21P01=0&S21P02=0&S21P03=TRN=&S21COLORTERMS=0&S21STR=Ukrainskyj_visnyk_1970_z |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Seko |first=Yaroslav |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VII Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=27 March 2021 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=93–103 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 7th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Драгоманівський контекст ідеї федералізму Вячеслава Чорновола |trans-chapter=The Drahomanov context of Viacheslav Chornovil's ideas of federalism}}
* {{Cite journal |last=Derevinskyi |first=Vasyl |date=2015 |title=Ukrainian Human Rights Organization (1971–1972) |url=https://oaji.net/articles/2015/739-1426694509.pdf |journal=European Journal of Social and Human Sciences |volume=5 |issue=1 |pages=19–23 |issn=1339-6773 |eissn=1339-875X}}
* {{Cite web |last=Zaitsev |first=Yu. D. |date=2006 |editor-last=Dziuba |editor-first=I. M. |editor-link=Ivan Dziuba |editor2-last=Zhukovskyi |editor2-first=A. I. |editor3-last=Zhelezniak |editor3-first=M. H. |title=Громадський комітет захисту Ніни Строкатої |url=https://esu.com.ua/article-31963 |access-date=19 May 2024 |website=[[Encyclopedia of Modern Ukraine]] |archive-date=19 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240519073728/https://esu.com.ua/article-31963 |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |last=Tereshchuk |first=Halyna |date=12 January 2022 |title=Вертеп 1972 року та операція КДБ: 50 років тому почалися масові арешти української інтелігенції |trans-title=Vertep 1972 and the KGB operation: mass arrests of Ukrainian intelligentsia began 50 years ago |url=https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/vertep-areshty-kolyada-dysydenty/31650180.html |access-date=19 May 2024 |work=[[Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty]] |language=uk |archive-date=19 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240519073729/https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/vertep-areshty-kolyada-dysydenty/31650180.html |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |last=Hrytsiv |first=Mariia |date=12 January 2017 |title=Арештована коляда, або Погром 12 січня 1972-го |trans-title=The Arrested Koliada, or the 12 January 1972 pogrom |url=https://www.istpravda.com.ua/articles/2011/01/12/13866/ |access-date=19 May 2024 |work=Istorychna Pravda |language=uk |archive-date=15 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240515085629/https://www.istpravda.com.ua/articles/2011/01/12/13866/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |last=Derevinskyi |first=Vasyl |date=5 March 2017 |title=Кримінальна справа «Українського вісника» |trans-title=The criminal case of The Ukrainian Herald |url=https://tyzhden.ua/kryminalna-sprava-ukrainskoho-visnyka/ |access-date=20 May 2024 |work=[[The Ukrainian Week]] |language=uk |archive-date=26 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240526210852/https://tyzhden.ua/kryminalna-sprava-ukrainskoho-visnyka/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Bazhan |first=Oleh |title=Чорновілські читання. Візія майбутнього України: Матеріали III і IV наукових конференцій, присвячених 80-й річниці з дня народження Вячеслава Чорновола |publisher=Beskydy |year=2018 |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv, Ternopil |pages=31–36 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: a Vision of Ukraine's Future: materials of the third and fourth scientific conferences celebrating the 80th birth anniversary of Viacheslav Chornovil |chapter=Вячеслав Чорновіл як об'єкт секретної справи КДБ «Блок» |trans-chapter=Viacheslav Chornovil as an object of the KGB's secret 'Bloc' case}}
* {{Cite web |title=Journalists and writers in prison |url=https://www.amnesty.org/fr/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/act730051977en.pdf |access-date=19 May 2024 |website=[[Amnesty International]] |ref={{sfnRef|Amnesty International 1977}} }}
* {{Cite news |date=29 March 1973 |title=12-Year Sentence Reported For Ukrainian Dissident |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1973/03/29/archives/12year-sentence-reported-for-ukrainian-dissident.html |access-date=19 May 2024 |work=[[The New York Times]] |archive-date=19 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240519073729/https://www.nytimes.com/1973/03/29/archives/12year-sentence-reported-for-ukrainian-dissident.html |url-status=live |ref={{sfnRef|The New York Times 1973}} }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Chornovil |first=Viacheslav |date=March 1976 |title=My trial |journal=[[Index on Censorship]] |volume=5 |issue=1 |pages=57–69 |doi=10.1080/03064227608532501}}
* {{Cite news |last=Kheifets |first=Mikhail |date=9 December 2018 |title=В'ячеслав Чорновіл – зеківський генерал. Фрагмент книги "Українські силуети" |trans-title=Viacheslav Chornovil – General of the Zeks: Fragments from the book 'Ukrainian Silhouettes' |url=https://www.istpravda.com.ua/articles/2018/12/9/153389/ |access-date=2 June 2024 |work=Istorychna Pravda |language=uk |archive-date=2 June 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240602050942/https://www.istpravda.com.ua/articles/2018/12/9/153389/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Fedunyshyn |first=Liubomyra |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VII Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=27 March 2021 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=117–121 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 7th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Емоційно-психологічний світ Вячеслава Чорновола |trans-chapter=Viacheslav Chornovil's emotional and psychological world}}
* {{Cite web |date=June 2019 |title=The Helsinki Process: An Overview |url=https://www.csce.gov/sites/helsinkicommission.house.gov/files/The%20Helsinki%20Process%20Four%20Decade%20Overview.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210815155808/https://www.csce.gov/sites/helsinkicommission.house.gov/files/The%20Helsinki%20Process%20Four%20Decade%20Overview.pdf |archive-date=15 August 2021 |access-date=2 June 2024 |website=[[Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe]] |ref={{sfnRef|Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 2019}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Chornovil |first=Viacheslav |date=8 November 1975 |title=V. Chornovil's letter to President Ford |url=https://www.ukrweekly.com/archive/1975/The_Ukrainian_Weekly_1975-43.pdf |access-date=2 June 2024 |work=[[The Ukrainian Weekly]] |pages=2 |archive-date=14 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240514061259/https://www.ukrweekly.com/archive/1975/The_Ukrainian_Weekly_1975-43.pdf |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Marynovych |first=Myroslav |author-link=Myroslav Marynovych |id={{Project MUSE|84843|type=book}} |title=The Universe behind Barbed Wire: Memoirs of a Ukrainian Soviet Dissident |publisher=University of Rochester Press |year=2021 |isbn=978-1-78744-832-2 |editor-last=Younger |editor-first=Katherine |location=Rochester |pages=453 |translator-last=Hayuk |translator-first=Zoya }}
* {{Cite web |last=Zakharov |first=Borys |date=20 April 2005 |title=ЧОРНОВІЛ ВЯЧЕСЛАВ МАКСИМОВИЧ |trans-title=CHORNOVIL VIACHESLAV MAKSYMOVYCH |url=https://museum.khpg.org/1114001418 |access-date=2 June 2024 |website=[[Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group]] |language=uk |archive-date=2 June 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240602050942/https://museum.khpg.org/1114001418 |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite web |last=Kryzhanovska |first=Iryna |date=January 2022 |title=Неймовірна особистість української історії – В'ячеслав Чорновіл |trans-title=An incredible person of Ukrainian history – Viacheslav Chornovil |url=https://www.libr.dp.ua/?do=ukrainica&lng=1&id=5&idg=128 |access-date=2 June 2024 |website=Dnipropetrovsk Oblast Universal Scientific Library |language=uk |archive-date=2 June 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240602092402/https://www.libr.dp.ua/?do=ukrainica&lng=1&id=5&idg=128 |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |url=https://chronicle-of-current-events.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/no-63-july-1983.pdf |title=A Chronicle of Current Events: No. 63 |publisher=Amnesty International Publications |year=1983 |isbn=0-86210-059-3 |location=London |pages=163–164 |ref={{sfnRef|A Chronicle of Current Events 1983}} }}
* {{Cite magazine |last=Blake |first=Patricia |date=1 December 1980 |title=SOVIET UNION: Killing the Spirit of Helsinki |url=https://time.com/archive/6858428/soviet-union-killing-the-spirit-of-helsinki/ |access-date=2 June 2024 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |archive-date=2 June 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240602092401/https://time.com/archive/6858428/soviet-union-killing-the-spirit-of-helsinki/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Chornovil |first=Viacheslav |title=Вячеслав Чорновіл. Твори в десяти томах. Том 5. публіцистика, документи, матеріали «Справи №196» (1970–1984) |publisher=Smoloskyp |year=2007 |isbn=978-966-7332-87-7 |editor-last=Chornovil |editor-first=Valentyna |location=Kyiv |page=911 |language=uk |trans-title=Viacheslav Chornovil: Works in Ten Books. Book 5: Publications, Documents, and Materials of "Case No. 196" (1970–1984)}}
* {{Cite journal |last=Poberezhets |first=Anna |date=2013 |title=Участь В. Чорновола та Народного Руху України в державотворчих процесах 90-х рр. XX ст. |trans-title=Participation of V. Chornovil and the People's Movement of Ukraine in state-building processes in the 1990s |url=http://dspace.tnpu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/3975 |journal=Scientific Notes of Ternopil Volodymyr Hnatiuk National Pedagogical University: History Series |language=uk |volume=1 |issue=1 |pages=114–118}}
* {{Cite news |last=Kipiani |first=Vakhtang |author-link=Vakhtang Kipiani |date=21 August 2002 |title="Український вісник" з підпілля. П'ятнадцять років тому В'ячеслав Чорновіл відкрив еру незалежного друку |trans-title=The Ukrainian Herald from the underground: Fifteen years ago, Viacheslav Chornovil opened his independent print shop |url=https://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2002/08/21/2990208/ |access-date=10 July 2024 |work=Istorychna Pravda |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |last=Kipiani |first=Vakhtang |date=8 November 2011 |title=Тарас Чорновіл: "Планка моїм батьком була поставлена настільки високо, що це зашкодило" |trans-title=Taras Chornovil: "My father set the bar so high that it hurt him" |url=https://www.istpravda.com.ua/articles/2010/11/8/2831/ |access-date=10 July 2024 |work=Istorychna Pravda |language=uk |archive-date=26 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240526100413/https://www.istpravda.com.ua/articles/2010/11/8/2831/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |last=Bila |first=Andriana |date=24 December 2020 |title=Документальне кінодослідження. Чи можна між Чорноволом і Україною поставити знак дорівнює? |trans-title=Documentary film study: Can one place an equal sign between Chornovil and Ukraine? |url=https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/chornovil-dokumentalny-film/31015837.html |access-date=10 July 2024 |work=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty |language=uk |archive-date=11 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240711023221/https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/chornovil-dokumentalny-film/31015837.html |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Danylenko |first=Viktor |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали V Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=15 March 2019 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=25–30 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 5th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Політичний нагляд за діяльністю В. Чорновола в роки «перебудови» (друга половина 1980-х рр.) |trans-chapter=Political supervision of V. Chornovil's activities in the Perestroika years (second half of the 1980s)}}
* {{Cite web |date=3 November 2006 |title=Українська ініціативна група за звільнення в'язнів сумління |trans-title=Ukrainian Initiative Group for Liberation of Prisoners of Conscience |url=https://museum.khpg.org/1162536782 |access-date=10 July 2024 |website=Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group 2006}} }}
* {{Cite book |last=Bilyk |first=Yaroslav |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали V Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=15 March 2019 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=14–18 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 5th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Мовна політика в діяльності лідерів НРУ |trans-chapter=Language politics in the activities of the leaders of the NRU}}
* {{Cite book |last=Chornovil |first=Viacheslav |title=Шлях до незалежності: суспільні настрої в Україні кін. 80-х рр. ХХ ст. Документи і матеріали. До 20-ї річниці незалежності України |publisher=[[Institute of History of Ukraine]] |year=2011 |isbn=978-966-02-5425-1 |editor-last=Smoliy |editor-first=Valeriy |editor-link=Valeriy Smoliy |location=Kyiv |pages=81–83 |language=uk |trans-title=Path to Independence: Public attitudes in late 1980s Ukraine: Documents and Materials: to the 20th anniversary of Ukrainian independence |chapter=Лист-відповідь В. Чорновола «Ось же вона, охоронна журналістика!» Любомирі Петрівні та Миколі Яковичу (авторам статті «Під маскою борців за гласність» / Вільна Україна, 20.12.1987 р.) |trans-chapter=V. Chornovil's letter response "Here it is, secure journalism!" to Lyubomira Petrivna and Mykola Yakovych (authors of the article "Under the Mask of Fighters for Glasnost" / Free Ukraine, 20.12.1987)}}
* {{Cite book |last=Krupnyk |first=Liuba |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали V Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=15 March 2019 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=43–49 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 5th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Роль Вячеслава Чорновола в ході Української національго-демократичної революції кінця 1980-х – 1991 років |trans-chapter=Viacheslav Chornovil's role during the Ukrainian National-Democratic revolution of the late 1980s–1991}}
* {{Cite book |last=Pipash |first=Volodymyr |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VI Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=14 March 2020 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=101–108 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 6th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Як зруйнувати тоталітарну імперію (із українського «досвіду») |trans-chapter=How to destroy an empire (from Ukrainian "experience")}}
* {{Cite book |last=Kobuta |first=Stepan |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VI Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=14 March 2020 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=36–40 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 6th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Майбутній державно-політичний устрій та система владних відносин в Україні у бачення В.Чорновола у 1988–1991 роках |trans-chapter=The future state-political organisation and system of governing relations in Ukraine in the vision of V. Chornovil, 1988–1991}}
* {{Cite book |last=Seko |first=Yaroslav |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали V Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=15 March 2019 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=124–131 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 5th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Концепція антикомунісичної революції Вячеслава Чорновола |trans-chapter=The Conception of Viacheslav Chornovil's Anticommunist Revolution}}
* {{Cite book |last=Adamovych |first=Serhii |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VI Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=14 March 2020 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=8–12 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 6th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Ставлення Народного Руху України до національних меншин напередодні здобуття державної незалежності |trans-chapter=Attitude of the People's Movement of Ukraine towards national minorities on the eve of the attainment of state independence}}
* {{Cite journal |last1=Lykhobova |first1=Zoia |last2=Kuzina |first2=Kseniia |date=April 2009 |title=Липневі страйки 1989 року в шахтарських містах Донбасу |trans-title=The July strikes of 1989 in the mining cities of the Donbas |url=http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/85577 |journal=Ukraine in the 20th Century: Culture, Ideology, Politics |language=uk |volume=15 |issue=1 |pages=155–170 |via=Scientific Electronic Library of Periodical Publications of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine |archive-date=30 August 2024 |access-date=30 August 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240830052846/http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/85577 |url-status=dead }}
* {{Cite news |last=Safire |first=William |author-link=William Safire |date=20 July 1989 |title=A Cake of Soap |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1989/07/20/opinion/essay-a-cake-of-soap.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171219201948/https://www.nytimes.com/1989/07/20/opinion/essay-a-cake-of-soap.html |archive-date=19 December 2017 |access-date=30 August 2024 |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]]}}
* {{Cite book |last=Marples |first=David R. |url=https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-1-349-10880-0 |title=Ukraine under Perestroika: Ecology, Economics and the Workers' Revolt |publisher=University of Alberta Press |year=1991 |isbn=9780888642295 |pages=243 |author-link=David R. Marples |doi=10.1007/978-1-349-10880-0 }}
* {{Cite web |last=Walkowitz |first=Daniel J. |orig-date=26 May 1991 |title=Interviews with the Strike Leaders |url=https://soviethistory.msu.edu/1991-2/miners-strike-of-1991/miners-strike-of-1991-texts/interviews-with-the-strike-leaders/ |access-date=30 August 2024 |website=Seventeen Moments in Soviet History |date=September 2015 |archive-date=18 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231218041607/https://soviethistory.msu.edu/1991-2/miners-strike-of-1991/miners-strike-of-1991-texts/interviews-with-the-strike-leaders/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |date=24 June 2014 |title=Із архіву Радіо Свобода (1989 рік): заява Чорновола щодо страйку шахтарів |trans-title=From the Archives of Radio Liberty (1989): Chornovil's statement on the miners' strikes |url=https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/25433641.html |access-date=30 August 2024 |work=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty |language=uk |archive-date=30 August 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240830105633/https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/25433641.html |url-status=live |ref={{sfnRef|Radio Liberty 2014}} }}
* {{Cite news |date=24 August 2021 |title="Досить годувати Москву". Історик Каретніков про те, як Донецьк зустрічав незалежність України |language=uk |trans-title="Enough to feed Moscow": Historian Karetnikov on how Donetsk greeted Ukraine's independence |work=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty |url=https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/donetsk-u-1991-nezalezhnist-karetnikov/31424711.html |access-date=30 August 2024 |archive-date=18 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231218041602/https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/donetsk-u-1991-nezalezhnist-karetnikov/31424711.html |url-status=live |ref={{sfnRef|Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty 2021}} }}
* {{Cite book |last=Chornovil |first=Viacheslav |title=Вячеслав Чорновіл. Твори в десяти томах. Том 6. Документи та матеріали (листопад 1985 – квітень 1990) |publisher=Smoloskyp |year=2009 |isbn=978-966-2164-07-7 |editor-last=Chornovil |editor-first=Valentyna |location=Kyiv |pages=1051 |language=uk |trans-title=Viacheslav Chornovil: Works in Ten Books. Book 6: Documents and Materials (November 1985–April 1990)}}
* {{Cite journal |last=Derevinskyi |first=Vasyl |title=В'ячеслав Чорновіл і питання суверенітету: від ідеї до декларації про державний суверенітет України |trans-title=Viacheslav Chornovil and the issue of sovereignty: from the idea to the declaration of state sovereignty of Ukraine |url=https://www.academia.edu/108849595 |journal=History Pages |date=2023 |language=uk |issue=56 |pages=328–340 |doi=10.20535/2307-5244.56.2023.288789 |doi-access=free }}
* {{Cite news |last=Popovych |first=Marianna |date=24 December 2023 |title="Стояв на варті українських інтересів": історик Роман Грицьків про В'ячеслава Чорновола |trans-title="He stood on guard for Ukrainian interests": historian Roman Hrytskiv on Viacheslav Chornovil |url=https://suspilne.media/lviv/644506-stoav-na-varti-ukrainskih-interesiv-istorik-roman-grickiv-pro-vaceslava-cornovola/ |access-date=30 August 2024 |work=[[Suspilne Lviv]] |language=uk |archive-date=30 August 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240830105633/https://suspilne.media/lviv/644506-stoav-na-varti-ukrainskih-interesiv-istorik-roman-grickiv-pro-vaceslava-cornovola/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |last=Kahui |first=Petro |date=8 September 2019 |title=1989 рік. Україна руйнує СРСР: Установчий з'їзд Руху у 20 фотографіях |trans-title=1989: Ukraine destroys the USSR: the founding congress of Rukh in 20 photographs |url=https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/30151996.html |access-date=30 August 2024 |work=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty |language=uk |archive-date=7 October 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201007191805/https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/30151996.html |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite web |last=Senkus |first=Roman |title=Shcherbytsky, Volodymyr |url=https://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/display.asp?linkpath=pages%5CS%5CH%5CShcherbytskyVolodymyr.htm |access-date=30 August 2024 |website=[[Encyclopedia of Ukraine]] |date=2007 |archive-date=18 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231218041602/https://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/display.asp?linkpath=pages%5CS%5CH%5CShcherbytskyVolodymyr.htm |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last1=Kozhanov |first1=Andrii |last2=Shypotilova |first2=Olena |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VII Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=27 March 2021 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=32–35 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 7th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Неформальна преса як форма діяльності українських націонал-демократичних сил на завершальному етапі «перебудови» |trans-chapter=Informal press as a form of activity of Ukrainian National-Democratic forces at the final stage of perestroika}}
* {{Cite journal |last=Poberezhets |first=Hanna |date=2011 |title=В. М. Чорновіл: життя, діяльність та творчість |trans-title=V. M. Chornovil: Life, work and art |url=https://dspace.mnau.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/15380 |journal=Scientific Journal of Mykolaiv National University |language=uk |volume=3 |issue=31 |pages=285–290 |via=Mykolaiv National Academy of Sciences }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Adamovych |first=Serhii |date=2018 |title=Вячеслав Чорновіл – інтелектуал, політик, творець новітньої Української державності |trans-title=Viacheslav Chornovil: an intellectual, a politician and the creator of modern Ukrainian statehood |url=http://lib.pnu.edu.ua:8080/handle/123456789/4255 |journal=Beskedy |language=uk |pages=5 |isbn=978-966-457-176-7 |via=Precarpathian National University Repository |archive-date=15 March 2022 |access-date=3 February 2025 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220315130315/http://lib.pnu.edu.ua:8080/handle/123456789/4255 |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Seko |first=Yaroslav |title=Чорновілські читання. Візія майбутнього України: Матеріали III і IV наукових конференцій, присвячених 80-й річниці з дня народження Вячеслава Чорновола |publisher=Beskydy |year=2018 |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv, Ternopil |pages=174–184 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: a Vision of Ukraine's Future: materials of the third and fourth scientific conferences celebrating the 80th birth anniversary of Viacheslav Chornovil |chapter=Вячеслав Чорновіл і криза дисидентства у період перебудови|trans-chapter=Viacheslav Chornovil and the crisis of dissent in the perestroika period}}
* {{Cite book |last=Kozhanov |first=Andrii |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VI Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=14 March 2020 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=41–45 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 6th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Нонконформізм і протестні настрої на Одещині (1960–1980 рр.) |trans-chapter=Non-conformism and protest moods in Odeshchyna (1960–1980)}}
* {{Cite book |last=Fedunyshyn |first=Liubomyra |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали V Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=15 March 2019 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=137–142 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 5th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Вячеслав Чорновіл і Народний Рух України |trans-chapter=Viacheslav Chornovil and the People's Movement of Ukraine}}
* {{cite web |title=Чорновіл Вячеслав Максимович |trans-title=Chornovil, Viacheslav Maksymovych |url=https://static.rada.gov.ua/zakon/new/NEWSAIT/DEPUTAT1/264.htm |website=Verkhovna Rada |access-date=27 February 2025 |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|1st Verkhovna Rada}} |archive-date=23 January 2025 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20250123191847/https://static.rada.gov.ua/zakon/new/NEWSAIT/DEPUTAT1/264.htm |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite news |date=8 December 2018 |title=Перший Ленін впав 1990 року: як скидали ідола комунізму |trans-title=The first Lenin fell in 1990: how communism's idol was toppled |url=https://gazeta.ua/articles/politics/_pershij-lenin-vpav-1990-roku-yak-skidali-idola-komunizmu/873618 |access-date=4 February 2025 |work=[[Gazeta.ua]] |language=uk |archive-date=15 April 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210415161321/https://gazeta.ua/articles/politics/_pershij-lenin-vpav-1990-roku-yak-skidali-idola-komunizmu/873618 |url-status=live |ref={{sfnRef|Gazeta.ua 2018}} }}
* {{Cite book |last=Riabinin |first=Yevhen |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VII Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=27 March 2021 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=89–92 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 7th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Ідеї В.Чорновола стосовно державно-територіального устрою України |trans-chapter=V. Chornovil's ideas regarding the state and territorial structure of Ukraine}}
* {{Cite book |last=Yurash |first=Andrii |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VII Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=27 March 2021 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=134–140 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 7th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Релігійні та етнонаціональні політики в сучасній Україні: плюралізм чи хаос? |trans-chapter=Religious and ethno-national politics in modern Ukraine: pluralism or chaos?}}
* {{Cite book |last=Pipash |first=Volodymyr |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VII Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=27 March 2021 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=79–140 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 7th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Націонал-комунізм та національно орієнтовані комуністи в Україні (60-ті – 80-ті рр. ХХ ст.) |trans-chapter=National communism and the national orientation of communists in Ukraine (1960s–1980s)}}
* {{Cite book |last=Lazorkin |first=Vitalii |author-link=Vitalii Lazorkin |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VI Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=14 March 2020 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=63–76 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 6th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Вячеслав Чорновіл. Деякі сторінки з історії творення збройних сил України |trans-chapter=Viacheslav Chornovil: Some pages on the history of the Armed Forces of Ukraine's establishment}}
* {{Cite book |last=Fedyk |first=Lidiia |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали V Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=15 March 2019 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=132–136 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 5th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Особливості «вирішення національного питання» в УРСР крізь призму поглядів В. Чорновола |trans-chapter=Idiosyncracies of the "solution to the national question" in the Ukrainian SSR through the prism of V. Chornovil's views}}
* {{Cite web |date=5 July 1991 |title=Закон Української Радянської Соціалістичної Республіки про вибори Президента Української РСР |trans-title=Law of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic on Ukrainian SSR presidential elections |url=https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/1297-12/ed19910705 |access-date=8 February 2025 |website=Verkhovna Rada |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|Law on Ukrainian SSR presidential elections 1991}} }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Bohatchuk |first=S. S. |date=April 2020 |title=В. Чорновіл. "Великий лідер великої нації" |trans-title=V. Chornovil: "The great leader of a great nation" |journal=Scientific Journal Virtus |language=uk |volume=43 |pages=223–226}}
* {{Cite web |last=Zolotariova |first=Yana |date=30 March 2021 |title=Історія виборів: перші вибори Президента України |trans-title=History of elections: Ukraine's first presidential elections |url=https://www.oporaua.org/vybory/istoriia-viboriv-pershi-vibori-prezidenta-ukrayini-22947 |access-date=10 February 2025 |website={{ill|Opora (organization)|lt=OPORA|uk|ОПОРА (громадська організація)}} |language=uk |archive-date=5 October 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20241005212551/https://oporaua.org/vybory/istoriia-viboriv-pershi-vibori-prezidenta-ukrayini-22947 |url-status=live |ref={{sfnRef|Zolotariova 2021a}} }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Potichnyj |first=Peter J. |author-link=Peter Potichnyj |date=June 1991 |title=The Referendum and Presidential Elections in Ukraine |journal=[[Canadian Slavonic Papers]] |publisher=[[Taylor & Francis]] |volume=33 |issue=2 |pages=123–138 |doi=10.1080/00085006.1991.11091956 |jstor=40869291 }}
* {{Cite news |last=Dahlburg |first=John-Thor |date=21 November 1991 |title=After Life as Dissident, Running for President of Ukraine Is Easy |url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-11-21-mn-397-story.html |access-date=10 February 2025 |work=[[The Los Angeles Times]] |archive-date=14 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240514061259/https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-11-21-mn-397-story.html |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Derevinskyi |first=Vasyl |date=2016 |title=Зовнішньополітичні пріоритети В. Чорновола |trans-title=Foreign policy priorities of V. Chornovil |url=https://www.academia.edu/Зовнішньополітичні_пріоритети_В_Чорновола_Foreign_policy_priorities_of_V_Chornovil |journal=Historical and Political Studies |volume=1 |issue=5 |pages=32–37 |via=Academia.edu }}
* {{Cite news |last=Kulchynskyi |first=Mykola |date=25 August 2023 |title=Агітаційна кампанія В'ячеслава Чорновола на Полтавщині 1991 року |trans-title=Viacheslav Chornovil's agitation campaign in Poltavshchyna, 1991 |url=https://www.istpravda.com.ua/articles/2023/08/25/163059/ |access-date=10 February 2025 |work=Istorychna Pravda |language=uk |archive-date=13 January 2025 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20250113060829/https://www.istpravda.com.ua/articles/2023/08/25/163059/ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Urban |first=George |date=Spring 1992 |title=The Awakening |journal=[[The National Interest]] |issue=27 |pages=39–47 |jstor=42896806 }}
* {{Cite book |last=Malynovskyi |first=Valentyn |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали V Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=15 March 2019 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=71–77 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 5th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Вплив ІІІ Всеукраїнських Зборів НРУ на подальший розвиток організації |trans-chapter=Influence of the Third All-Ukrainian Assembly of the NRU on further development of the organisation}}
* {{Cite web |last=Kulchytskyi |first=S. V. |date=2020 |editor-last=Dziuba |editor-first=I. M. |editor-link=Ivan Dziuba |editor2-last=Zhukovskyi |editor2-first=A. I. |editor3-last=Zhelezniak |editor3-first=M. H. |title=Народний рух України |trans-title=People's Movement of Ukraine |url=https://esu.com.ua/article-71180 |access-date=16 February 2025 |website=[[Encyclopedia of Modern Ukraine]] |publisher=[[National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine]], [[Shevchenko Scientific Society]] |language=uk |publication-place=Kyiv |archive-date=29 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240529152039/https://esu.com.ua/article-71180 |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite web |last1=Haran |first1=Oleksii |last2=Sydorchuk |first2=Oleksii |date=2010 |title=Народний рух України |trans-title=People's Movement of Ukraine |url=http://resource.history.org.ua/cgi-bin/eiu/history.exe?Z21ID=&I21DBN=DOP&P21DBN=EIU&S21STN=1&S21REF=10&S21FMT=eiu_all&C21COM=S&S21CNR=20&S21P01=0&S21P02=0&S21P03=TRN=&S21COLORTERMS=0&S21STR=Narodnyj_rukh |access-date=16 February 2025 |website=[[Encyclopedia of History of Ukraine]] |publisher=Institute of History of Ukraine |publication-place=Kyiv |archive-date=14 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240514061321/http://resource.history.org.ua/cgi-bin/eiu/history.exe?Z21ID=&I21DBN=DOP&P21DBN=EIU&S21STN=1&S21REF=10&S21FMT=eiu_all&C21COM=S&S21CNR=20&S21P01=0&S21P02=0&S21P03=TRN=&S21COLORTERMS=0&S21STR=Narodnyj_rukh |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Finnin |first=Rory |title=Blood of Others: Stalin's Crimean atrocity and the poetics of solidarity |publisher=[[University of Toronto Press]] |year=2022 |isbn=978-1-4875-3700-5 |location=Toronto |pages=334 |jstor=10.3138/j.ctv2p7j53j |lccn=2024391355}}
* {{Cite book |last=Derevinskyi |first=Vasyl |title=Чорновілські читання. Візія майбутнього України: Матеріали III і IV наукових конференцій, присвячених 80-й річниці з дня народження Вячеслава Чорновола |publisher=Beskydy |year=2018 |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv, Ternopil |pages=47–55 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: a Vision of Ukraine's Future: materials of the third and fourth scientific conferences celebrating the 80th birth anniversary of Viacheslav Chornovil |chapter=Вячеслав Чорновіл та кримське питання |trans-chapter=Viacheslav Chornovil and the Crimean question}}
* {{Cite news |last=Schmemann |first=Serge |author-link=Serge Schmemann |date=6 November 1992 |title=Ukraine faces tough economic realities |url=https://dukelibraries.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p15957coll13/id/90144 |volume=88 |issue=49 |access-date=21 February 2025 |work=[[Duke Chronicle]] |pages=10, 19 |agency=The New York Times, Associated Press }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Crowley |first=Stephen |date=March 1995 |title=Between Class and Nation: Worker Politics in the New Ukraine |journal=Communist and Post-Communist Studies |publisher=[[University of California Press]] |volume=28 |issue=1 |pages=43–69 |doi=10.1016/0967-067x(95)00005-f |jstor=45301918 }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Blank |first=Stephen J. |date=1 July 1994 |title=Proliferation and Nonproliferation in Ukraine: Implications for European and U.S. Security |journal=[[Strategic Studies Institute]] |publisher=[[United States Army War College]] |pages=36 |jstor=resrep11595 }}
* {{Cite web |last=Zolotariova |first=Yana |date=9 April 2021 |title=Історія виборів: перші вибори Президента України |trans-title=History of elections: Ukraine's first presidential elections |url=https://www.oporaua.org/vybory/istoriia-viboriv-dostrokovi-vibori-prezidenta-ukrayini-u-1994-rotsi-22993 |access-date=27 February 2025 |website=Opora |language=uk |archive-date=15 February 2025 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20250215084217/https://www.oporaua.org/vybory/istoriia-viboriv-dostrokovi-vibori-prezidenta-ukrayini-u-1994-rotsi-22993 |url-status=live |ref={{sfnRef|Zolotariova 2021b}} }}
* {{Cite web |last=Stoliarova |first=Tetiana |last2=Chernova |first2=Oleksandra |date=2021 |title=«Чуєш гуркіт касок?». Шахтарські протести |trans-title="Do you hear the helmets clatter?": The miners' strikes |url=https://90.in.ua/miners-protests |access-date=27 February 2025 |website=90.in.ua |publisher=Ukrainska Pravda |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |last=Zdorovylo |first=Taras |date=16 January 2025 |title=Безслідно зник: 31 рік тому в Києві викрали голову секретаріату НРУ Михайла Бойчишина |trans-title=Disappearance without a trace: 31 years ago, chair of the NRU secretariat Mykhailo Boichyshyn was kidnapped in Kyiv |url=https://umoloda.kyiv.ua/number/0/196/187528 |access-date=27 February 2025 |work=[[Ukraina Moloda]] |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |last=Lytvyn |first=Yulia |date=8 September 2009 |title=Driven by the will to live |url=https://old.day.kyiv.ua/en/article/society/driven-will-live |access-date=27 February 2025 |work=[[The Day (Kyiv)|The Day]] |archive-date=27 February 2025 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20250227011257/https://old.day.kyiv.ua/en/article/society/driven-will-live}}
* {{cite web |title=Чорновіл Вячеслав Максимович |trans-title=Chornovil, Viacheslav Maksymovych |url=http://w1.c1.rada.gov.ua/pls/radan_gs09/d_ank_arh?kod=35102 |website=Verkhovna Rada |access-date=22 December 2014 |language=uk |archive-date=21 August 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130821122337/http://w1.c1.rada.gov.ua/pls/radan_gs09/d_ank_arh?kod=35102 |url-status=live |ref={{sfnRef|2nd Verkhovna Rada}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Erlanger |first=Steven |author-link=Steven Erlanger |date=29 March 1994 |title=Economic Protest Seen in Ukrainian Election |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1994/03/29/world/economic-protest-seen-in-ukrainian-election.html |url-access=registration |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240710123220/https://www.nytimes.com/1994/03/29/world/economic-protest-seen-in-ukrainian-election.html |archive-date=10 July 2024 |access-date=27 February 2025 |work=The New York Times }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Kuzio |first=Taras |date=June 1996 |title=Kravchuk to Kuchma: The Ukrainian presidential elections of 1994 |journal=The Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics |volume=12 |issue=2 |pages=117–144 |doi=10.1080/13523279608415306 |doi-access=free }}
* {{Cite book |last=Derevinskyi |first=Vasyl |title=Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VII Всеукраїнської наукової конференції |date=27 March 2021 |publisher=Beskydy |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv |pages=17–23 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: materials of the 7th all-Ukrainian scientific conference |chapter=Вячеслав Чорновіл: П'ятиріччя незалежності та неукраїнська Україна |trans-chapter=Viacheslav Chornovil: Five Years of Independence and a Non-Ukrainian Ukraine}}
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* {{Cite news |last=Pustovhar |first=Oleh |date=3 March 2024 |title=Патрони вулиць Полтавської громади: Джохар Дудаєв |trans-title=The patrons of Poltava hromada's streets: Dzhokhar Dudayev |url=https://poltava.to/project/8307/ |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Poltavshchyna |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |date=24 December 2017 |title=Люди захищали В'ячеслава Чорновола від міліції після мітингів |trans-title=People defended Viacheslav Chornovil from police after rallies |url=https://gazeta.ua/articles/history/_lyudi-zahischali-vyacheslava-cornovola-vid-miliciyi-pislya-mitingiv/811237 |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Gazeta.ua |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|Gazeta.ua 2017b}} }}
* {{Cite news |date=18 July 2020 |title="Чорний вівторок": поховання Патріарха УПЦ КП Володимира закінчилося кривавим побиттям людей |trans-title=Black Tuesday: Funeral of UOC–KP Patriarch Volodymyr ends in violent beating of people |url=https://galinfo.com.ua/news/chornyy_vivtorok_pohovannya_patriarha_upts_kp_volodymyra_zakinchylosya_kryvavym_pobyttyam_tysyach_lyudey_347333.html |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=galinfo |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|galinfo 2020}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Bondarenko |first=Kost |date=14 October 2002 |title=Десятиліття під знаком Кучми |trans-title=A decade under Kuchma |url=https://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2002/10/14/2991073/ |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Ukrainska Pravda |language=uk}}
* {{Cite book |last=Honcharuk |first=Hryhorii |title=Чорновілські читання. Візія майбутнього України: Матеріали III і IV наукових конференцій, присвячених 80-й річниці з дня народження Вячеслава Чорновола |publisher=Beskydy |year=2018 |editor-last=Derevinskyi |editor-first=Vasyl |location=Kyiv, Ternopil |pages=45–46 |language=uk |trans-title=Chornovil Readings: a Vision of Ukraine's Future: materials of the third and fourth scientific conferences celebrating the 80th birth anniversary of Viacheslav Chornovil |chapter=Вячеслав Чорновіл в Одесі |trans-chapter=Viacheslav Chornovil in Odesa}}
* {{Cite web |date=1997 |title=В'ячеслав Чорновіл критикує Олександра Мороза |trans-title=Viacheslav Chornovil criticises Oleksandr Moroz |url=https://mediateka.suspilne.media/media/210 |access-date=23 April 2025 |website=[[Suspilne]] |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|Suspilne 1997}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Bila |first=Andriana |date=22 August 2021 |title=30 років Незалежності України: від відновлення державності до втілення ідей Чорновола |trans-title=30 years of Ukraine's Independence: from the restoration of statehood to the implementation of Chornovil's ideas |url=https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/vyacheslav-chornovil-film/31420418.html |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |date=26 July 2011 |title=1997. Політ Каденюка і «проліт» Лазаренка |trans-title=1997: Polit-Kadeniuk and Lazarenko's flight |url=https://umoloda.kyiv.ua/number/1917/369/68192/ |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Ukraina Moloda |language=uk}}
* {{Cite journal |last=Gawdiak |first=Natalie |date=April 2003 |title=The 1998 Ukrainian Parliamentary Election |url=https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/llglrd/2019669442/2019669442.pdf |journal=The Law Library of Congress |publisher=[[Library of Congress]] |pages=10}}
* {{cite web |title=People's Deputy of Ukraine of the III convocation |url=http://w1.c1.rada.gov.ua/pls/radan_gs09/d_ank_arh?kod=52703 |website=Verkhovna Rada |access-date=22 December 2014 |language=uk |archive-date=4 March 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304070740/http://w1.c1.rada.gov.ua/pls/radan_gs09/d_ank_arh?kod=52703 |url-status=live |ref={{sfnRef|3rd Verkhovna Rada}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Semkiv |first=Volodymyr |date=24 December 2014 |title=Чорновіл. Ідея федералізму та її трансформації |trans-title=Chornovil: the idea of federalism and its transformation |url=https://zbruc.eu/node/30884 |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Zbruč |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |last=Smiian |first=Nadiia |date=23 December 2017 |title=Він відіграв доленосну роль у нашій історії |trans-title=He played a fateful role in our history |url=https://www.golos.com.ua/article/297694 |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=[[Holos Ukrayiny]] |language=uk}}
* {{Cite journal |last=Birch |first=Sarah |author-link=Sarah Birch |last2=Wilson |first2=Andrew |author-link2=Andrew Wilson (historian) |date=1999 |title=The Ukrainian parliamentary elections of 1998 |url=https://www.academia.edu/8365169/The_Ukrainian_parliamentary_elections_of_1998 |journal=Electoral Studies |volume=18 |pages=276–282 |via=Academia.edu}}
* {{Cite news |last=Kushnir |first=Bohdan |date=5 July 2011 |title=Ми сильні тому, що маємо Схід і Захід |trans-title=We are strong because we have East and West |url=https://www.golos.com.ua/article/106815 |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Holos Ukrayiny |language=uk}}
* {{Cite book |last=Hai-Nyzhnyk |first=Pavlo |author-link=Pavlo Hai-Nyzhnyk |title=Українська багатопартійність: політичні партії, виборчі блоки, лідери (кінець 1980-х – початок 2012 рр.). Енциклопедичний довідник |publisher=I. F. Kuras Institute of Political and Ethnonational Studies, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine |year=2012 |location=Kyiv |pages=274–280 |language=uk |trans-title=Ukrainian Multi-Partisanship: Political Parties, Electoral Blocs, Leaders (Late 1980s–Early 2012): an Encyclopedic Overview |chapter=Народний Рух України |trans-chapter=People's Movement of Ukraine |chapter-url=https://hai-nyzhnyk.in.ua/doc/2012doc..n2.php}}
* {{Cite news |last=Khalupa |first=Iryna |date=24 March 2004 |title=В’ячеслав Чорновіл як символ політичного лідера: до п’ятої річниці загибелі |trans-title=Viacheslav Chornovil as the symbol of a political leader: the fifth anniversary of his death |url=https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/914027.html |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |date=31 March 2018 |title=Чорновіл просив Ющенка піти в президенти ще в 1999 році, - Пинзеник |trans-title="Chornovil asked Yushchenko to run for president in 1999" - Pynzenyk |url=https://espreso.tv/news/2018/03/31/chornovil_prosyv_yuschenka_pity_v_prezydenty_sche_1999_roku_pynzenyk |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=[[Espreso TV]] |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|Espreso TV 2018}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Woronowycz |first=Roman |date=14 March 1999 |title=Chornovil reaffirmed as leader at special Rukh congress |work=[[The Ukrainian Weekly]] |pages=1, 3 |volume=LXVII |issue=11 |ref={{sfnRef|Woronowycz 1999a}} }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Ovsiienko |first=Stanislav |date=2022 |title=«Розкол» Народного Руху України в 1999 році: ретроспективний аналіз |trans-title=The "split" of the People's Movement of Ukraine in 1999: a retrospective analysis |url=https://dspace.onu.edu.ua/server/api/core/bitstreams/69428480-e899-46ba-a907-f0b1207499d3/content |journal=Dialog: Mediastudios |language=uk |issue=28 |pages=143–159 |doi=10.18524/2308-3255.2022.28.268495 |via=Odesa University Electronic Archive Repository|doi-access=free }}
* {{Cite web |date=17 September 1999 |title=Udovenko and Kostenko: Rukh contenders |url=https://jamestown.org/program/udovenko-and-kostenko-rukh-contenders/ |access-date=23 April 2025 |website=[[Jamestown Foundation]] |ref={{sfnRef|Jamestown Foundation 1999}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Woronowycz |first=Roman |date=4 April 1999 |title=Ukraine mourns Chornovil |work=The Ukrainian Weekly |url=https://archive.ukrweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/The_Ukrainian_Weekly_1999-14.pdf |pages=1, 4 |volume=LXVII |issue=14 |ref={{sfnRef|Woronowycz 1999b}} }}
* {{Cite web |date=29 October 1999 |title=The October 31, 1999 presidential election in Ukraine |url=https://www.ndi.org/sites/default/files/360_uk_preelect1099.html |access-date=23 April 2025 |website=[[National Democratic Institute]] |ref={{sfnRef|National Democratic Institute 1999}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Yasynskyi |first=Stanislav |date=28 March 2021 |title="30 кроків" Незалежності. 1999-й – бензинова криза, смерть Чорновола, друге президентство Кучми та друга чеченська війна |trans-title="30 steps" of independence: 1999 – gas crisis, the death of Chornovil, Kuchma's second presidency and the Second Chechen War |url=https://www.unian.ua/politics/den-nezalezhnosti-1999-y-benzinova-kriza-smert-chornovola-druge-prezidentstvo-kuchmi-ta-druga-chechenska-viyna-novini-ukrajina-11368747.html |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=[[Ukrainian Independent Information Agency]] |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |last=Koshiw |first=Jaroslaw |date=25 February 1999 |title=Chornovil is the cause of Rukh's split |url=https://archive.kyivpost.com/article/content/ukraine-politics/chornovil-is-the-cause-of-rukh39s-split-1235.html |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=[[Kyiv Post]]}}
* {{Cite news |date=3 May 2012 |title=Удовенко: Чорновіл за місяць до смерті знав про підготовку замаху |trans-title=Udovenko: Chornovil was informed of assassination attempt a month before death |url=https://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2012/05/3/6963864/ |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Ukrainska Pravda |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|Ukrainska Pravda 2012}} }}
* {{Cite book |last=Karatnycky |first=Adrian |title=Battleground Ukraine: From Independence to the War with Russia |publisher=[[Yale University Press]] |year=2024 |isbn=978-0-300-26946-8 |location=New Haven and London |pages=346 |lccn=2023949848}}
* {{Cite news |last=Perevozna |first=Oksana |date=24 December 2007 |title=Перед смертю у В"ячеслава Чорновола був гарний настрій |trans-title=Before death, Viacheslav Chornovil was in a good mood |url=https://gazeta.ua/articles/politics-newspaper/_pered-smertyu-u-vyacheslava-cornovola-buv-garnij-nastrij/199264 |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=Gazeta.ua |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |last=Marusenko |first=Peter |date=15 April 1999 |title=Vyacheslav Chornovil obituary |work=[[The Guardian]] |url=https://www.theguardian.com/news/1999/apr/16/guardianobituaries |access-date=10 November 2019 }}
* {{Cite web |title=V. Chornovil: Fatal Car Accident, Ugly Story |url=http://www.archives.gov.ua/Sections/Ukraineomni/prechornovil.htm |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303233412/http://www.archives.gov.ua/Sections/Ukraineomni/prechornovil.htm |archive-date=3 March 2016 |website=Orange Revolution: Democracy Emerging in Ukraine |ref={{sfnRef|archives.gov.ua}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Woronowycz |first=Roman |date=4 April 1999 |title=Rumors of conspiracy inflamed by lack of criminal investigation into fatal collision |work=The Ukrainian Weekly |url=https://archive.ukrweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/The_Ukrainian_Weekly_1999-14.pdf |page=5 |volume=LXVII |issue=14 |ref={{sfnRef|Woronowycz 1999c}} }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Kuzio |first=Taras |author-link=Taras Kuzio |date=2007 |title=Oligarchs, Tapes and Oranges: 'Kuchmagate' to the Orange Revolution |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13523270701194839 |journal=Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics |volume=23 |issue=1 |pages=30–56 |doi=10.1080/13523270701194839 |issn=1352-3279 |eissn=1743-9116 |via=Taylor & Francis Online|doi-access=free }}
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* {{Cite news |date=23 August 2006 |title=Ющенко відкрив пам'ятник Чорноволу і відновив слідство |trans-title=Yushchenko opens monument to Chornovil and resumes investigation |url=https://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/domestic/story/2006/08/060823_chornovil_flag_oh |access-date=27 April 2025 |work=[[BBC News Ukrainian]] |language=uk}}
* {{Cite news |date=7 September 2006 |title=Vyacheslav Chornovil was murdered, rather than killed in road accident |url=http://www.nrcu.gov.ua/index.php?id=148&listid=33534 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070928014426/http://www.nrcu.gov.ua/index.php?id=148&listid=33534 |archive-date=28 September 2007 |work=[[Radio Ukraine]] |ref={{sfnRef|Radio Ukraine 2006}} }}
* {{Cite news |last=Yakhno |first=Alena |date=9 September 2006 |title=Медведько ответил Луценко и Гриценко |trans-title=Medvedko responds to Lutsenko and Hrystenko |url=http://www.day.kiev.ua/168423 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110522143434/http://www.day.kiev.ua/168423 |archive-date=22 May 2011 |work=[[The Day (Kyiv)|The Day]] |language=ru}}
* {{Cite book |last=Wojnowski |first=Zbigniew |title=The Near Abroad: Socialist Eastern Europe and Soviet Patriotism in Ukraine, 1956–1985 |publisher=[[University of Toronto Press]] |year=2017 |isbn=9781442631069 |location=Toronto, Buffalo, London |pages=317 |doi=10.3138/9781442631069}}
* {{Cite news |last=Kraliuk |first=Petro |date=23 December 2017 |title=В'ячеслав Чорновіл: без апологетики |trans-title=Viacheslav Chornovil: without apologetics |url=https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/28934832.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20250504122721/https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/28934832.html |archive-date=4 May 2025 |access-date=5 June 2025 |work=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty |language=uk}}
* {{Cite web |date=21 December 2017 |title=До 80-річчя від дня народження В’ячеслава Чорновола |trans-title=To the 80th birthday of Viacheslav Chornovil |url=https://uinp.gov.ua/informaciyni-materialy/zhurnalistam/do-80-richchya-vid-dnya-narodzhennya-vyacheslava-chornovola |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20250502104559/https://uinp.gov.ua/informaciyni-materialy/zhurnalistam/do-80-richchya-vid-dnya-narodzhennya-vyacheslava-chornovola |archive-date=2 May 2025 |access-date=6 June 2025 |website=[[Ukrainian Institute of National Memory]] |language=uk}}
* {{Cite web |last=Hrytsenko |first=Yu. A. |title=До 85-річчя від дня народження В. М. Чорновола (1937–1999), українського політичного та державного діяча, журналіста, публіциста, літературного критика |trans-title=To the 85th birthday of V. M. Chornovil (1937–1999), Ukrainian political and state figure, journalist, publicist and literary critic |url=https://nlu.org.ua/vustavki.php?id=1167 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231028000120/https://nlu.org.ua/vustavki.php?id=1167 |archive-date=28 October 2023 |access-date=6 June 2025 |website=[[Yaroslav Mudryi National Library of Ukraine]] |language=uk |ref={{sfnRef|Hrytsenko}} }}
* {{Cite news |date=19 May 2008 |title=Yaroslav the Wise - the Greatest Ukrainian of all times |url=https://inter.ua/en/news/yaroslav-the-wise-the-greatest-ukrainian-of-all-times |access-date=23 April 2025 |work=[[Inter (TV channel)|Inter]] |ref={{sfnRef|Inter 2008}} }}
* {{Cite web |date=14 October 2022 |title=People's TOP: the most outstanding Ukrainians of all times (October 8–9, 2022) |url=https://ratinggroup.ua/en/research/ukraine/narodnyy_top_vydayuschiesya_ukraincy_vseh_vremen_8-9_oktyabrya_2022.html |access-date=23 April 2025 |website=Rating Sociological Group |ref={{sfnRef|People's Top 2022}} }}
* {{Cite web |title=Viacheslav Chornovil |url=https://bank.gov.ua/en/uah/numismatic-products/souvenier-coins?page=1&perPage=5&search=%D0%92%60%D1%8F%D1%87%D0%B5%D1%81%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%B2%20%D0%A7%D0%BE%D1%80%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%B2%D1%96%D0%BB&nominal%5B%5D=2&from=&to=31.12.2003&code= |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20250602224053/https://bank.gov.ua/en/uah/numismatic-products/souvenier-coins?page=1&perPage=5&search=%D0%92%60%D1%8F%D1%87%D0%B5%D1%81%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%B2%20%D0%A7%D0%BE%D1%80%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%B2%D1%96%D0%BB&nominal%5B%5D=2&from=&to=31.12.2003&code= |archive-date=2 June 2025 |access-date=2 June 2025 |website=[[National Bank of Ukraine]] |ref={{sfnRef|National Bank of Ukraine}} }}
* {{Cite news |date=27 December 2008 |title=Ukraine issues stamp devoted to politician, rights advocate Vyacheslav Chornovil |url=http://www.ukrinform.ua/eng/order/?id=149894 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110524123228/http://www.ukrinform.ua/eng/order/?id=149894 |archive-date=24 May 2011 |work=Ukrinform |ref={{sfnRef|Ukrinform 2008}} }}
{{refend}}

== External links ==
* {{cite web|url=http://www.nru.org.ua/about/chornovil/|title=Vyacheslav Chornovil biography|work=People's Movement of Ukraine (Rukh) website|language=uk|url-status=usurped|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060907045238/http://nru.org.ua/about/chornovil/|archive-date=2006-09-07}}
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20061219043401/http://www.ukrweekly.com/Archive/1999/149905.shtml Ukrainian Weekly newspaper biography]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20110522141817/http://mignews.com.ua/en/articles/221370.html Vyacheslav Chornovil's Death]
* [https://archive.today/20070423040331/http://www.president.gov.ua/en/gallery/album/?paid=525 Pictures of the Monument]
* [http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qn4158/is_19990331/ai_n14217245 Obituary], The Times
* [http://www.library.ukma.kiev.ua/index.php?id=349 "He who awake the Stone state" (DVD) in the library of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120301024141/http://www.library.ukma.kiev.ua/index.php?id=349 |date=1 March 2012 }}
{{Commons category|Viacheslav Chornovil}}

{{1991 presidential election candidates, Ukraine}}
{{1991 Independence of Ukraine}}
{{1996 Shevchenko National Prize}}
{{Soviet dissidents}}
{{Ukrainian Helsinki Group}}
{{Fall of Communism}}

{{Authority control}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Chornovil, Viacheslav}}
[[Category:1937 births]]
[[Category:1999 deaths]]
[[Category:First convocation members of the Verkhovna Rada]]
[[Category:Second convocation members of the Verkhovna Rada]]
[[Category:Third convocation members of the Verkhovna Rada]]
[[Category:20th-century Ukrainian journalists]]
[[Category:Amnesty International prisoners of conscience held by the Soviet Union]]
[[Category:Burials at Baikove Cemetery]]
[[Category:Candidates in the 1991 Ukrainian presidential election]]
[[Category:Death conspiracy theories]]
[[Category:Dubravlag detainees]]
[[Category:Komsomol of Ukraine members]]
[[Category:Libertarian socialists]]
[[Category:Members of the Lviv Oblast Council]]
[[Category:People from Cherkasy Oblast]]
[[Category:People of the Revolution on Granite]]
[[Category:People's Movement of Ukraine politicians]]
[[Category:Recipients of the Order of State]]
[[Category:Recipients of the Shevchenko National Prize]]
[[Category:Road incident deaths in Ukraine]]
[[Category:Soviet dissidents]]
[[Category:Soviet human rights activists]]
[[Category:Soviet internal exiles]]
[[Category:Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv alumni]]
[[Category:Ukrainian anti-Soviet resistance movement]]
[[Category:Ukrainian dissidents]]
[[Category:Ukrainian Helsinki Group]]
[[Category:Ukrainian human rights activists]]
[[Category:Ukrainian nationalists]]
[[Category:Ukrainian anti-communists]]