View source for Totonacan languages

{{short description|Language family of eastern Mexico}}
{{Infobox language family
|name        = Totonacan
|altname     = Totonac–Tepehua
|map         =  
|region      = [[Mexico]]
|familycolor = American
|fam1        = [[Totozoquean languages|Totozoquean]] ?
|protoname = [[Proto-Totonacan]]
|glotto      = toto1251
|glottorefname= Totonacan
|child1      = [[Tepehua languages|Tepehua]]
|child2      = [[Totonac languages|Totonac]]
}}

The '''Totonacan languages''' (also known as '''Totonac–Tepehua languages''') are a [[Language families|family]] of closely related languages spoken by approximately 290,000 [[Totonac]] (approx. 280,000) and [[Tepehua people|Tepehua]] (approx. 10,000) people in the states of [[Veracruz]], [[Puebla]], and [[Hidalgo (Mexico)|Hidalgo]] in [[Mexico]]. At the time of the [[Spanish conquest of Mexico|Spanish conquest]] Totonacan languages were spoken all along the gulf coast of Mexico.{{sfn|Reid|Bishop|1974}}
During the colonial period, Totonacan languages were occasionally written and at least one grammar was produced.{{sfn|Anonymous|1990}} In the 20th century the number of speakers of most varieties have dwindled as indigenous identity increasingly became stigmatized encouraging speakers to adopt Spanish as their main language.{{sfn|Lam|2009}}

The Totonacan languages have only recently been compared to other families on the basis of historical-comparative linguistics, though they share numerous [[areal feature]]s with other languages of the [[Mesoamerican Linguistic Area]], such as the [[Mayan languages]] and [[Nahuatl]]. Recent work suggests a possible genetic link to the [[Mixe–Zoque]] language family,{{sfn|Brown|Beck|Kondrak|Watters|2011}} although this has yet to be firmly established.

==Internal classification==
The family is divided into two branches, [[Totonac languages|Totonac]] and [[Tepehua language|Tepehua]]. Of the two, [[Tepehua language|Tepehua]] is generally considered to consist of three languages—Pisaflores, Huehuetla, and Tlachichilco—while the Totonac branch is considerably more diverse. MacKay (1999) divides Totonac into four divisions, based on García Rojas (1978):{{sfn|MacKay|1999}}{{sfn|García Rojas|1978}}
*'''Papantla Totonac''': spoken in El Escolín, [[Papantla]], [[Cazones]], Tajín, [[Espinal, Veracruz|Espinal]], and other towns along the Gulf Coast of Veracruz.
*'''North-Central Totonac''': spoken roughly between [[Poza Rica]] in Veracruz and Mecapalapa, [[Pantepec, Puebla|Pantepec]], and [[Xicotepec (municipality)|Xicotepec de Juárez]] in Puebla.
*'''South-Central Totonac''': spoken mostly in the [[Sierra Norte de Puebla]], including the towns of [[Zapotitlán de Méndez]], [[Coatepec, Puebla|Coatepec]], and [[Huehuetla, Puebla|Huehuetla]] in Puebla.
*'''Misantla Totonac''': spoken in [[Yecuatla]] and other communities outside the city of [[Misantla]].

{{as of |2023}}, [[Ethnologue]] recognizes 12 languages in the Totonacan family, three Tepehua languages and nine Totonac.<ref>{{Ethnologue26}}</ref> This classification is the basis of the latest version of the ISO language codes for Totonacan, although some of these classifications are disputed.
{| class="wikitable"
|- 
! Language
! ISO code
! Locations
! Number of speakers
|-
|[[Huehuetla Tepehua]]
|{{ethnolink|tee}}
|[[Huehuetla, Hidalgo|Huehuetla]], northeast Hidalgo; Mecapalapa, Puebla
|3,000 (1982 SIL)
|-
|[[Pisaflores Tepehua]]
|{{ethnolink|tpp}}
|[[Pisaflores]], Hidalgo; [[Ixhuatlán de Madero]], Veracruz
|4,000 (1990 census)
|-
|[[Tlachichilco Tepehua]]
|{{ethnolink|tpt}}
|[[Tlachichilco]], Veracruz
|3,000 (1990 SIL)
|-
|[[Papantla Totonac]]
|{{ethnolink|top}}
|Around [[Papantla]], central lowland [[Veracruz]]
|80,000 (1982 SIL)
|-
|[[Coyutla Totonac]]
|{{ethnolink|toc}}
|[[Coyutla]], Veracruz
|48,000 (2000 WCD)
|-
|[[Highland Totonac]]
|{{ethnolink|tos}}
|Around [[Zacatlán, Puebla]], and [[Veracruz]]
|120,000 (1982 SIL)
|-
|[[Filomeno Mata Totonac]]
|{{ethnolink|tlp}}
|The town of [[Filomeno Mata]], highland [[Veracruz]], adjacent to Highland Totonac 
|15,000 (2000 WCD)
|-
|[[Xicotepec Totonac]]
|{{ethnolink|too}}
|In 30 villages around [[Xicotepec|Xicotepec de Juárez]] in the [[Sierra Norte de Puebla]] and [[Veracruz]]
|3,000 (2000 SIL)
|-
|[[Ozumatlán Totonac]]
|{{ethnolink|tqt}} 
|Ozumatlán, [[Tepetzintla, Puebla|Tepetzintla]], [[Tlapehuala]] and San Agustín in northern Puebla
|1,800 (1990 census)
|-
|[[Misantla Totonac]]
|{{ethnolink|tlc}} 
|[[Yecuatla]] and [[Misantla]] in southern [[Veracruz]]
|500 (1994 SIL)
|-
|[[Upper Necaxa Totonac]]
|{{ethnolink|tku}}
|[[Patla, Puebla|Patla]], [[Chicontla]], [[Cacahuatlán]] and [[San Pedro Tlaloantongo]] in northeastern [[Puebla]]
|3,400 (2000 INEGI)
|-
|[[Tecpatlán Totonac]]
|{{ethnolink|tcw}}
| [[Tecpatlán]], northeastern [[Puebla]]
|540 (2000 INEGI)
|}

The Mexican [[Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas]] (INALI) recognizes 10 distinct languages or "linguistic variants" in the family, 3 Tepehua and 7 Totonac {{sfn|INALI|2008}}<ref>{{cite report |url=http://site.inali.gob.mx/pdf/estadistica/VARIANTE/VARIANTE_C1_sexo.pdf |trans-title=Linguistic Variants of Mexico by Gender, 2000 |title=Población de 5 años y más hablante de alguna lengua indígena y número de localidades por variante lingüística según sexo}}</ref>
{| class="wikitable"
! Language !! population (2005 census)
|-
| Western Tepehua (also known as Tlachichiloco) || 9,200
|-
| Northern Tepehua (also known as Pisaflores) || 2,800
|-
| Southern Tepehua (also known as Huehuetla) || 1,800
|-
| Southeastern Totonac (also known as Misantla) || 490
|-
| Coastal (also known as Papantla) || 58,200
|-
| North Central (also known as Xicotepec) || 15,100
|-
| South Central (also known as Highland) || 114,900
|-
| High Central (also known as Filomeno Mata) || 8,700
|-
| Cerro del Xinolatépetl (also known as Ozumatlán) || 1,000
|-
| Upper Necaxa || 3,300
|}

Coyutla Totonac is grouped with South Central Totonac by INALI while Tecpatlán Totonac is included in the North Central Totonac group. Other recent attempts at classification have suggested that some of these divisions, particularly North Central, Costal, and South Central, and are far too broad and include varieties that might also be classified as separate languages.{{sfn|Beck|2011}}{{sfn|Brown|Beck|Kondrak|Watters|2011}}{{sfn| Levy|Beck|2012}}

A further drawback of the Ethnologue and INALI classifications is the lack of lower-level subgroups beyond the two-way division into Totonac and Tepehua. In the Totonac branch of the family, [[Misantla Totonac|Misantla]] is the most distinctive, and the remaining languages form a more closely related group.{{sfn|Arana Osnaya|1953}} Divisions amongst the latter group, which might be referred to as "Central Totonac," are unclear, though most researchers agree that there is at least a three-way division between Northern, Southern/Sierra, and Lowland/Coastal varieties.{{sfn|Brown|Beck|Kondrak|Watters|2011}}{{sfn|Arana Osnaya|1953}}{{sfn|Ichon|1969}} Recent efforts at reconstruction and evidence from lexical similarity further suggest that Southern/Sierra and Lowland group together against Northern,{{sfn|Brown|Beck|Kondrak|Watters|2011}} although this is still uncertain, pending more exhaustive investigation. The most recent proposal for the family is as follows:{{sfn|Brown|Beck|Kondrak|Watters|2011}}{{sfn|Levy|Beck|2012}}
*Tepehua
**[[Pisaflores Tepehua|Pisaflores]]
**[[Huehuetla Tepehua|Huehuetla]]
**[[Tlachichilco Tepehua|Tlachichilco]]
*Totonac
**[[Misantla Totonac|Misantla]]
**Central Totonac
***Northern Totonac
****[[Upper Necaxa Totonac|Upper Necaxa]]
****[[Tecpatlán Totonac]]
****[[Zihuateutla Totonac]]
****[[Cerro Xinolatépetl Totonac]] (also known as Ozumatlán)
****[[Apapantilla Totonac]] (also known as Xicotepec)
***Lowland–Sierra
****[[Filomeno Mata Totonac|Filomeno Mata]]
****[[Lowland Totonac]] (many varieties, incl. Papantla)
****[[Sierra Totonac]] (also known as Highland Totonac)
*****Coatepec
*****[[Coyutla Totonac|Coyutla]]
*****Huehuetla Totonac
*****Ozelonacaxtla
*****Olintla
*****[[Zapotitlán de Méndez Totonac|Zapotitlán de Méndez]]

Lexical comparison also suggests that, for Tepehua, Pisaflores and Huehuetla may be more closely related to each other than either is to Tlalchichilco.{{sfn|Brown|Beck|Kondrak|Watters|2011}}

MacKay and Trechsel (2018) provide the following internal classification:<ref name="Mackay-Trechsel"/>

;Totonac-Tepehua
*'''''Totonac'''''
**'''Sierra Totonac''': [[Zapotitlán de Méndez|Zapotitlán]], [[Coatepec, Puebla|Coatepec]], [[Huehuetla, Puebla|Huehuetla]] ([[Chilocoyo del Carmen]]), [[Caxhuácan]], [[Ozelonacaxtla]]
**'''Papantla Totonac''': [[El Escolín]], [[El Tajín]], [[El Carbón]], [[Papantla]]
**'''Northern Totonac''': [[Apapantilla]], Patla, [[Chicontla]], [[Cacahuatlán]], [[Filomeno Mata]], [[San Pedro Tlaolantongo]]
**'''Misantla Totonac''': [[Yecuatla]], [[San Marcos Atexquilapan]], [[Jilotepec, Veracruz|Jilotepec]]
*'''''Tepehua'''''
**'''Tlachichileo Tepehua''': [[Tlachichileo]], [[Tierra Colorada]], [[Chintipán]], [[Tecomajapa]]
**'''Pisaflores Tepehua''': [[Pisaflores]], [[El Tepetate]], [[San Pedro Tziltzacuapan]], [[San José el Salto]]
**'''Huehuetla Tepehua''': [[Huehuetla, Hidalgo|Huehuetla]] (Hidalgo), [[Barrio Atzlán]], Linda Vista (Mirasol), [[Mecapalapa]] (Puebla)

==Phonology==
There is some variation in the sound systems of the different varieties of Totonac and Tepehua, but the following phoneme inventory can be considered a typical Totonacan inventory.{{sfn|Aschman|1946}}

===Consonants===
{| class="wikitable" style=text-align:center
! rowspan=2 | 
! rowspan=2 | [[Labial consonant|Labial]]
! colspan=2 | [[Alveolar consonant|Alveolar]]
! rowspan=2 | [[Palatal consonant|Palatal]]
! rowspan=2 | [[Velar consonant|Velar]]
! rowspan=2 | [[Uvular consonant|Uvular]]
! rowspan=2 | [[Glottal consonant|Glottal]]
|-class=small
! [[central consonant|central]]
! [[lateral consonant|lateral]]
|- 
! [[Nasal consonant|Nasal]]
| {{IPA link|m}}
| {{IPA link|n}}
| 
| 
| 
| 
| 
|-
! [[Plosive consonant|Plosive]]
| {{IPA link|p}}
| {{IPA link|t}}
| 
| 
| {{IPA link|k}}
| {{IPA link|q}}
| ({{IPA link|ʔ}})
|- 
! [[Affricate consonant|Affricate]] 
| 
| {{IPA link|ts}}
| {{IPA link|tɬ}}
| {{IPA link|tʃ}}
| 
| 
| 
|-
! [[Fricative consonant|Fricative]] 
| 
| {{IPA link|s}}
| {{IPA link|ɬ}}
| {{IPA link|ʃ}}
| {{IPA link|x}}
| 
| {{IPA link|h}}
|- 
! [[Approximant consonant|Approximant]] 
| 
| 
| {{IPA link|l}}
| {{IPA link|j}}
| {{IPA link|w}}
| 
| 
|}
This consonant inventory is essentially equivalent to that reconstructed for proto-Totonacan by Arana Osnaya (1953,{{sfn|Arana Osnaya|1953}} with the exception of the two back fricatives, {{IPA|/x/}} and {{IPA|/h/}}. Most modern languages phonemically have only one of these, but show some allomorphic variation between the two, with one or the other being considered basic. However, Coatepec Totonac is reported to have both phonemes,{{sfn|McQuown|1990}} and more recent reconstructions of the proto-Totonacan consonant inventory have proposed that both were present in that language.{{sfn|Davletshin|2008}}{{sfn|Brown|Beck|Kondrak|Watters|2011}} The glottal stop is a marginal phoneme in most of the languages and is posited primarily for morphological reasons. The phonological system is fairly typical of Mesoamerica.

===Vowels===

Most Totonacan languages have a three-vowel system with each quality making distinctions of length and [[laryngealization]]. The following is the "typical" Totonacan vocalic inventory.
{| class="wikitable"
|+ Totonacan vowels
! &nbsp; 
! colspan="2" | [[Front vowel|Front]]
! colspan="2" | [[Central vowel|Central]]
! colspan="2" | [[Back vowel|Back]]
|-align=center class=small
! &nbsp; || creaky || plain|| creaky || plain|| creaky || plain
|-align=center
! [[Close vowel|Close]]
| {{IPA link|ḭ}} {{IPA link|ḭː}}||{{IPA link|i}} {{IPA link|iː}}||  ||  ||{{IPA link|ṵ}} {{IPA link|ṵː}}  || {{IPA link|u}} {{IPA link|uː}}
|-align=center
!  [[Open vowel|Open]]
|  || ||{{IPA link|a̰}} {{IPA link|a̰ː}} ||{{IPA link|a}} {{IPA link|aː}} ||    ||
|}

Tepehua has lost the phonemic laryngealization of vowels and has ejective stops where Totonac has creaky vowels preceded by stops.{{sfn|Arana Osnaya|1953}} Some Totonac languages have five-vowel systems, having developed {{IPA|/e/}} and {{IPA|/o/}} phonemes, whereas in others {{IPA|[e]}} and {{IPA|[o]}} are clearly allomorphs of {{IPA|/i/}} and {{IPA|/u/}}, respectively, conditioned by proximity to uvular stops or fricatives.

==Grammar==
From a typological perspective, the Totonac–Tepehua family presents a fairly consistent profile, and exhibits many features of the [[Mesoamerican Linguistic Area|Mesoamerican areal type]], such as a preference for verb-initial order, [[head-marking]], and extensive use of body part morphemes in metaphorical and locative constructions.{{sfn|Levy|Beck|2012}} The Totonacan languages are highly [[agglutinative]] and [[polysynthetic]] with nominative/accusative alignment and a flexible constituent order governed by information structure. Syntactic relations between the verb and its arguments are marked by agreement with the subject and one or sometimes two objects. There is no morphological case on nouns and many languages in the family lack prepositions, making use instead of a rich system of [[causative]]s, [[applicative voice|applicative]]s, and prefixes for body parts and parts of objects. [[Possession (linguistics)|Possession]] is marked on the possessed noun, the head of the NP. Otherwise, nouns are uninflected, number being an optional category and grammatical gender being absent from the languages. Numerals quantifying nouns bear [[Classifier (linguistics)|classificatory]] prefixes, something that is unusual cross-linguistically as affixal classifiers tend heavily to be suffixes.{{sfn|Aikhenvald|2003}} Totonacan languages are also known for their use of [[sound symbolism]].

===Causatives and applicatives===
Totonacan languages have a wide assortment of [[morphemes]] for increasing the [[Valency (linguistics)|valency]] of a verb.

====Causatives====
All Totonacan languages have at least one [[causative]] [[morpheme]], a prefix ''ma:-'':{{sfn|Levy|Beck|2012}}

:[[Filomeno Mata Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=tlp|indent=2
|top= tiːnoː štamaːʔaqstoqmáːna ʔaqšáːq
| tiː{{=}}nuː š-ta-maː-aq-stuq-maː-na aqšáːq 
|REL:H{{=}}ahora PAST-3PL.SUB-CAUS-head-gathered-PROG-3PL head
| ‘those who were gathering heads’ {{sfn|McFarland|2012|p=278}}
}}

:[[Pisaflores Tepehua]]
{{interlinear|lang=tpp|indent=2
|top= čáʔa̰ɬ máalákȼḭ́n líitamáaɬkúulátača
| čaʔan-ɬi maa-lakȼ’in lii-ta-maa-ɬkuula-taa(ɬ){{=}}ča 
| arrive.there-PFV EVI-see COMP-3PL.SUB-CAUS-burn-PF{{=}}CL
| ‘He got there and saw that they had made a fire.’{{sfn|MacKay|Trechsel|2012a|p=112}}
}}

In many of the languages, the causative prefix is regularly or obligatorily associated with a suffix:

:[[Upper Necaxa Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=tku|indent=2
|top= tsa̰x kmaːka̰tsiːniːyáːn mat wan
| tsa̰x ḭk-maː-ka̰tsíː-niː-yaː-n mat wan
| just 1SG.SUB-CAUS-know-CAUS-IMPF-2OBJ QTV say
| ‘ “I'm just letting you know”, he says.’{{sfn|Beck|2012|p=202}}
}}

In some languages like Upper Necaxa, the suffix is analyzed as part of the causative morpheme,{{sfn|Beck|2012}} but in others it is treated as a separate transitivizer.{{sfn|Levy|Beck|2012}}

====Dative/benefactive applicative====
One of the most frequently used valency-increasing affixes in the Totonacan languages is the [[Dative case|dative]] or [[benefactive]] suffix:{{sfn|Levy|Beck|2012}}

:[[Ozelonacaxtla Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=tos|indent=2
|top= na.lḭːn.ˈka̰ ni.tʃu ʃtʃuh
| na-lḭːn-ni-ka̰n i tʃu ʃ-tʃuh
| FUT-take-BEN-INDEF.SUB JNCT PTCL 3PO-tortilla
| ‘They will take him his food.’{{sfn|Roman Lobato|2012|p=338}}
}}

:[[Cerro Xinolatépetl Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=tqt|indent=2
|top= tɐmɑqɑ̰n ḭɬ čúčutʰ nɐkʰšušúm
| ta-maqá̰n-ni-lḭ čúčut nak{{=}}šušúm
| 3PL.SUB-throw-BEN-PFV water LOC{{=}}piedra
| ‘They threw water for her on the hot stones.’{{sfn|Andersen|2012|p=186}}
}}

====Comitative applicative====
All the languages of the family have a [[comitative]] construction in which both an actor and a co-actor of a verb are specified.{{sfn|Levy|Beck|2012}} For instance, in [[Huehuetla Tepehua]] a verb such as ''tamakahuːn'' 'stay, be in a place' is intransitive but can take a comitative prefix to form a verb ''ta̰ːtamakahuːn'' meaning 'stay with someone', someone being the co-actor:

:[[Huehuetla Tepehua]]
{{interlinear|lang=tee|indent=2
|top= haː laːy k’alakt’aːtamakahuː
| haː laː-y k-ʔa-lak-t’aː-tamakahuːn
| INT poder-IMPF 1SUB-PL-3PL.OBJ-COM-quedar:PFV
| ‘Can I stay with you guys?’{{sfn|Smythe Kung|2012|p=78}}
}}

Similarly, the [[Papantla Totonac]] verb {{lang|top|muxuː}} ‘bury something’ is [[Transitivity (grammar)|transitive]] but becomes [[ditransitive]] when it takes the comitative prefix:

:[[Papantla Totonac]]
{{interlinear|indent=2
|top= nakta̰ːmuxuːyáːn
| na-k-ta̰ː-muxuː-yaː-n
| FUT-1SUB-COM-meterlo-IMPF-2OBJ
| ‘I will bury her with you’{{sfn|Levy|2012|p=375}}
}}

====Instrumental applicative====
The third applicative prefix that is shared across the family is analyzed in most of the languages as an instrumental applicative and is used to add an object used as an instrument or a means to a clause:

:Olintla Totonac
{{interlinear|lang=tos|indent=2
|top= pues liːˈlɑqpɑqɬe ˈntʃiwiʃ] [tɘlɑqˈpitsiɬ]
| INTJ liː-láq-paqɬ-ɬi tʃíwiʃ ta-laq-pítsi-ɬi 
| INTJ INST-DST-break-PFV stone INCH-DST-split-PFV
| ‘So he broke the rock with it, it was split.’{{sfn|Tino|2012|p=297}}
}}

:[[Misantla Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=tlc|indent=2
|top= kít čáaču ʔút̰ ʔí k̰ líiteríkuɬ wí ɬ̰ kák̰ máawán
| kit čaa{{=}}ču ut ik-lii-ta-riku-la(ɬ) wḭn-ɬkak̰ maa-wan 
| I just{{=}}CL that 1SUB-INST-INCH-rich-PFV this-ash EVI-say
| ‘ “I just got rich with (i.e. selling) those ashes”, he says.’{{sfn|MacKay|Trechsel|2012b|p=135}}
}}

In some of the languages, the instrumental can also be used for the expression of motives:

: [[Upper Necaxa Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=tku|indent=2
|top= ʔeː čuːnúː paɬ tsḭ́n ʔsa̰ liːta̰sáya̰ pus
| ʔeː čuːnúː paɬ tsḭnʔs-ya̰ liː-ta̰sá-ya̰ pus 
| and so if be.hungry-IMPF:2SG.SUB INST-vocalize-IMPF:2SG.SUB INTJ
| ‘ “And if you're hungry, that's why you cry out, then.’{{sfn|Beck|2012|p=236}}
}}

: [[Tlachichilco Tepehua]]
{{interlinear|indent=2
|top= porke laqɬuw tumin ɬiːk’uč’ukaɬ
| porke laq-ɬuw tumin ɬiː-k’uč’u-kan-ɬ
| because CLF-much money DIR-cure-PASS-PFV
| ‘Because they cured him for a lot of money.’{{sfn|Watters|2012|p=56}}
}}

As seen in the last example, this prefix is ''ɬi-'' in Tepehua languages rather than ''liː-'' as it is in Totonac, and in Tlachichilco {{sfn|Watters|2012}} and Huehuetla{{sfn|Smythe Kung|2012}} it is analyzed as a directional ("DIR") rather than an instrumental. The prefix seems to be less frequent in Tepehua than in Totonac.

===Body-part prefixation===

The Totonacan languages exhibit a phenomenon similar to [[noun incorporation]] whereby special prefixing combining forms of body-parts may be added to verbs.{{sfn|Levy|1999}}{{sfn|Levy|1992}} When these prefixes are added, they generally serve to delimit the verb's locus of affect; that is, they indicate which part of the subject or object is affected by the action.

:[[Huehuetla Tepehua]]
{{interlinear|lang=tee|indent=2
|top= waː naː maː laʔapuːtanuːy šlaʔapuːtanuːti
| waː naː maː '''laʔapuː'''-tanuː-y š-laʔapuːtanuːti
| FOC ENF RPT '''face'''-put.in-IMPF 3PO-mask
| ‘He put the mask on his face.’{{sfn|Smythe Kung|2012|p=81}}
}}

The prefixes can also be used to specify the shape of an affected object:

: [[Papantla Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=top|indent=2
|top= aɬ túku wanikán čaː̰káː̰ tasun
| an-li tuku wan-ni-kan ča̰ː-ka̰ː tasun
| go-PFV what say-BEN-INDEF.SUB '''shin'''-cut birch
| ‘He went to, what do you call it?, cut a birch tree,’{{sfn|Levy|2012|p=353}}
}}

It is worthwhile to note that the prefixation does not decrease the valency of the verb, differentiating this process from true noun incorporation as the term is usually understood.{{sfn|Mithun|1984}}

Another important role that bodypart prefixes play in Totonacan languages is in the formulation of expressions of the spatial location of objects, which combine a part-prefix with one of four posture verbs (words for ’sit’, ‘stand’, ‘lie’, and ‘be high’):

:[[Upper Necaxa Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=tku|indent=2
|top= taa̰kpuːwilanáɬ čiwíš spuːníːn
| ta-a̰kpuː-wila-nan-ɬ čiwíš spuːn-niːn
| 3PL.SUB-crown-sit-PL-PFV stone bird-PL
| ‘the birds are sitting on the rock’{{sfn|Beck|2011|p=94}}
}}

These constructions alternate with expressions using the independent (full) form of the part as a preposition-like element:

:[[Upper Necaxa Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=tku|indent=2
|top= líbɾu ša̰kpúːn mesa wiːɬ
| líbɾu ḭš-a̰kpúː-n mesa wiːɬ
| book 3PO-crown-NM table sit
| ‘the book is on the table’{{sfn|Beck|2004|p=12}}
}}

In the last sentence, the independent form of {{lang|tku|a̰kpuː-}} {{gloss|crown}} is formed by combining this prefix with a base {{lang|tku|-n}} which is sometimes (as here) analyzed as a nominalizing suffix. Because words for body parts are inflected for [[Possession (linguistics)|possession]], {{lang|tku|a̰kpuːn}} {{gloss|crown}} has a third-person singular possessive prefix, linking it to {{lang|es|mesa}} {{gloss|table}}, the object on whose crown the book is located (see the section below on [[#Possessive constructions|Possessive constructions]]).

===Possessive constructions===
[[Possession (linguistics)|Possessive]] constructions in Totonacan languages are marked on the possessed noun rather than on the possessor noun:

:[[Upper Necaxa Totonac]]
{{interlinear|lang=tku|indent=2
|top= ḭškṵ́šḭ Juan
| ḭš-kṵ́šḭ Juan
| 3PO-corn Juan
| ‘Juan’s corn’{{sfn|Beck|2011|p=47}}
}}

The person of the possessor is indicated by a prefix and the number of the possessor by a suffix, as shown by the follow [[paradigm]] from Upper Necaxa:{{sfn|Beck|2011|p=47}}

{| class="wikitable"
|+ [[Upper Necaxa Totonac]]
! singular || plural
|-
| {{lang|tku|kin–kṵ́šḭ}} {{gloss|my corn}} || {{lang|tku|kin–kṵ́šḭ–ka̰n}} {{gloss|our corn}}
|-
| {{lang|tku|min–kṵ́šḭ}} {{gloss|your.{{gcl|SG}} corn}} || {{lang|tku|min–kṵ́šḭ–ka̰n}} {{gloss|your.{{gcl|PL}} corn}}
|-
| {{lang|tku|ḭš–kṵ́šḭ}} {{gloss|his/her corn}} || {{lang|tku|ḭš–kṵ́šḭ–ka̰n}} {{gloss|their corn}}
|}
In several of the languages, kinship terms and words referring to parts of the body and objects are inherently possessed—that is, they are obligatorily marked for a possessor. When an inherently possessed noun is used in a generic expression, a special indefinite possessor prefix (''ša-'' in most of the languages that have it) is used—e.g. Upper Necaxa {{lang|tku|šapúškṵ}} {{gloss|an elder brother/elders brothers in general}}.{{sfn|Beck|2004|p=19}}

===Numerals===
Numerals in Totonacan languages are bound roots that require a [[Classifier (linguistics)|classificatory]] prefix which changes based on the type, shape or measure of object being counted. This is illustrated for one of the languages [[Upper Necaxa Totonac]] in the table below:{{sfn|Beck|2011}}
{|class="wikitable"
|-
|maktin čoʍ <br>‘one tortilla’|| || pḛʔtin pa̰ʔɬma̰ <br>‘one leaf’  || || ʔentin kḭwḭ <br>‘one stick’ || || paːtin ɬa̰mam <br> ‘one pot’ || || puːlaktin sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘one banana tree’ || || mustin sḛ́ːʔna' <br>‘one full bunch of bananas’ || || kilhmaktin sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘one small bunch of bananas’ || || heːtin sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘one banana’
|-
|maktṵ́ čoʍ <br>‘two tortillas’|| || pḛʔtṵ pa̰ʔɬma̰ <br>‘two leaves’  || || ʔentṵ kḭwḭ <br>‘two sticks’ || || paːtṵ ɬa̰mam <br> ‘two pots’ || || puːlaktuː sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘two banana trees’ || || mustṵ sḛ́ːʔna' <br>‘two full bunches of bananas’ || || kilhmaktṵ sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘two small bunches of bananas’ || || heːtṵ sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘two bananas’
|-
|maktṵtun čoʍ <br>‘three tortillas’|| ||pḛʔtṵtun pa̰ʔɬma̰ <br>‘three leaves’  || || ʔentṵtun kḭwḭ <br>‘three sticks’ || || paːtṵtun ɬa̰mam <br> ‘three pots’ || || puːlaktṵtun sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘three banana trees’ || || mustṵtun sḛ́ːʔna' <br>‘three full bunches of bananas’ || || kilhmaktṵtun sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘three small bunches of bananas’ || || heːtṵtun sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘four bananas’
|-
|makta̰ːtḭ čoʍ <br>‘four tortillas’|| || pḛʔta̰ːtḭ pa̰ʔɬma̰ <br>‘four leaves’  || || ʔenta̰ːtḭ kḭwḭ <br>‘four sticks’ || ||paːta̰ːtḭ ɬa̰mam <br> ‘four pots’ || || puːtṵtun sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘four banana trees’ || || mustṵtun sḛ́ːʔna' <br>‘four full bunches of bananas’ || || kilhmaktṵtun sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘four small bunches of bananas’ || || heːtṵtun sḛ́ːʔna̰ <br> ‘four bananas’
|}

In total, Upper Necaxa has around 30 classificatory prefixes.{{sfn|Beck|2011}}

The following table compares the numeral bases of six Totonacan languages.
{|class=wikitable style=text-align:center;
|-
! rowspan=2|
! colspan=3|Tepehua{{sfn|Chan}}
! colspan=3|Totonac{{sfn|MacKay|1999}}{{sfn|Beck|2011}}{{sfn|Levy|1990}}
|-
! Huehuetla !! Pisaflores !! Tlachichilco
! Upper<br> Necaxa !! Papantla !! Misantla
|-
| 1 || -tam || -tam || -tawm
| -tin || -tum|| -tun 
|-
|2 || -t’ui || -t’ui || -t’ui
| -tṵ || -tṵy|| -tṵʔ 
|-
| 3 || -t’utu || -t’utu || -t’útu
| -tṵtún || -tṵ́:tu || -atún 
|-
| 4 || -t’at’ɪ || -t’aːt’i || -t’áːt’i
| -táːtḭ ||-táːtḭ || -ta̰ːt 
|-
| 5 || -kis  || -kiːs  || -kiːs
| -kitsís ||-kitsís || -kítsis 
|-
| 6 || -čašan || -čášan || -čášan
| -čašán || -čašán || -čaːšán 
|-
| 7 || -tuhun  || -tuhún || -tuhún
| -toxón || -tuxún || -tuhún 
|-
| 8 || -ts’ahin  || -tsahín || -tsahín
| -tsayán ||-tsayán || -tsiyán 
|-
| 9|| -nahats || -naháːtsi || -naháːtsi
| -naxáːtsa ||-naxáːtsa || -naháːtsa 
|-
| 10 || -kau || -kaw || -kaw
| -kaux || -kaw || -kaːwi 
|-
|}

===Sound symbolism===
A prominent feature of Totonacan languages is the presence of sound symbolism.<ref>(See {{harvnb|MacKay|1999}}, {{harvnb|McQuown|1990}}, {{harvnb|Levy|1987}}, {{harvnb|Bishop| 1984}}, {{harvnb|Smythe Kung|2006}}, {{harvnb|McFarland|2012}}, and {{harvnb|Beck|2008}}.</ref> The most common (but by no means only) sound-symbolic pattern in Totonacan involves fricative alterations, typically /s/ ~ /š/ ~ /ɬ/ and occasionally /ts/ ~ /č/ ~ /š/ correlated either with increasingly more energetic or forceful action or with the size of an event participant,{{sfn|Beck|2008|p=8}} as in the following examples from Upper Necaxa Totonac:{{sfn|Beck|2008}}
{|
|-
| ''laŋs'' ‘hand striking hard’<br>''laŋš'' ‘blow striking with force’<br>''laŋɬ'' ‘blow striking with great force’ ||&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; || ''spipispipi'' ‘small person or animal trembling’<br>''špipišpipi'' ‘person or animal shivering or shaking slightly’<br>''ɬpipiɬpipi'' ‘person or animal shaking or having convulsions’
|}
Comparative as well as language-internal evidence suggests that the pattern of consonantal alternations may have their origins in affixes indicating grade—''s-'' ‘diminutive‘, ''š-'' ‘medium’, ''ɬ-'' ‘augmentative’).<ref>(see {{harvnb|McQuown|1990}}, {{harvnb|Beck|2008}}, and {{harvnb | Brown | Beck | Kondrak | Watters| 2011}}).</ref> In general, the productivity of the sound-symbolic alternations is highly variable within and across languages of the family, and many languages preserve for a given stem only one of a set of two or three alternates that can be reconstructed for proto-Totonacan.{{sfn|Brown|Beck|Kondrak|Watters| 2011}}

==Totonacan vocabulary==
The following selection of [[Proto-Totonacan]] reconstructions and descendants is taken from MacKay and Trechsel (2018),<ref name="Mackay-Trechsel">{{cite journal|last1=MacKay|first1=Carolyn J.|last2=Trechsel|first2=Frank R.|title=An alternative reconstruction of Proto-Totonac-Tepehua|journal=[[International Journal of American Linguistics]]|date=January 2018|volume=84|pages=51–92|publisher=[[University of Chicago Press|The University of Chicago]]|doi=10.1086/694609|s2cid=148972240}}</ref> using data from several other studies. The reconstructions and descendants are written in [[Americanist notation]].

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
! colspan=2 |
! colspan=8 | Totonac
! colspan=3 | Tepehua
|-
! colspan=2 | Proto-Totonacan
! rowspan=2 | {{small|[[Misantla Totonac|Misantla]]}}
! rowspan=2 | {{small|[[Apapantilla Totonac|Apapantilla]]}}
! rowspan=2 | {{small|[[Upper Necaxa Totonac|Upper Necaxa]]}}
! rowspan=2 | {{small|[[Filomeno Mata Totonac|Filomeno Mata]]}}
! colspan=3 | {{small|[[Highland Totonac|Highland]]}}
! rowspan=2 | {{small|[[Papantla Totonac|Papantla]]}}
! rowspan=2 | {{small|[[Pisaflores Tepehua|Pisaflores]]}}
! rowspan=2 | {{small|[[Huehuetla Tepehua|Huehuetla]]}}
! rowspan=2 | {{small|[[Tlachichilco Tepehua|Tlachichilco]]}}
|-
! {{small|reconstruction}}
! {{small|gloss}}
! {{small|[[Zapotitlán de Méndez Totonac|Zapotitlán]]}}
! {{small|[[Coatepec Totonac|Coatepec]]}}
! {{small|[[Ozelonacaxtla Totonac|Ozelonacaxtla]]}}
|-
| *ɬk’ak’a
| 'ash(es)'
| ɬká̰k
| ɬka̰ka̰n
| ɬka̰kán
| ɬká̰ka̰
| ɬka̰ka̰
| ɬkakáʔ
| ɬká̰ka̰
| ɬká̰ka̰
| ɬk’ák’a
| ɬk’ak’a
| ɬk’ák’a
|-
| *ƛaha-ya
| 'wins; earns'
| ɬáahá
| ƛahá
| ɬaxá
| ƛahá
| ƛahay
| ƛaha-
| ƛaháy
| ƛahá
| ɬaháay
| ɬaháy
| ɬaháay
|-
| *q’aaši
| 'gourd'
| qá̰a̰š
| qa̰a̰š
| ʔa̰a̰š
| qá̰a̰ši
| qa̰a̰šḭ
| qa:šíʔ
| qá̰a̰šḭ
| qá̰a̰šḭ
| ʔá̰a̰ši
| ʔaaš
| ʔaš
|-
| *¢’uq’-ya
| 'writes'
| ¢ɔ̰́χ
| ¢o̰qa
| ¢ó̰ʔa
| ¢ɔ́qḁ
| ¢o̰qa
| ¢uqa
| ¢ɔ̰qnán
| ¢ó̰qa
| ¢’ɔ́ʔa
| ¢’oqa
| ¢’oʔa
|-
| *p’ašni
| 'pig'
| pá̰šnḭ
| pa̰šnḭ
| pá̰šnḭ
| pá̰šn̥i̥
| pa̰šnḭ
| pašniʔ
| pá̰šnḭ
| pa̰šni
| ɓá̰šn̥i̥
| p’aš
| p’ašni
|-
| *kiɬni
| 'mouth'
| kíɬnḭ
| kiɬnḭ
| kíɬnḭ
| kíɬni̥̰
| kiɬnḭ
| kiɬniʔ
| kíɬnḭ
| kiɬni
| kíɬn̥i̥
| kiɬ
| kiɬna
|-
| *čiwiš 
| 'stone'
| čɪ́wɪš
| čiwiš
| čiwíš
| číwiš
| číwiš
| čɪ́wiš
| číwiš
| číwiš
| číʔṵši̥
| čiiuš
| číyuš
|-
| *maa-ɬi
| 'is lying down'
| má̰a̰ɬ
| ma̰a̰
| maaɬ
| máa̰h
| ma̰h
| má
| máh
| má
| máaɬ
| maaɬ
| maa
|}

==Media==
Totonacan-language programming is carried by the [[National Commission for the Development of Indigenous Peoples|CDI]]'s radio station [[XECTZ-AM]], broadcasting from [[Cuetzalan, Puebla]].

[[File:Arte y vocab totonaco.pdf|thumb|Manuscript about the language dated 1891]]
{{commons category|Totonacan languages}}
{{sister project |project=wiktionary |text=[[Wiktionary]] has a list of reconstructed forms at '''''[[Wiktionary:Appendix:Proto-Totonacan reconstructions|Appendix:Proto-Totonacan reconstructions]]'''''}}

==References==
{{reflist}}

==External links==
*[http://www.arts.ualberta.ca/~totonaco/ Upper Necaxa Totonac Project]
*{{Cite web
| title = CLAS postgrad researcher Lucia Brandi in publishing first for Mexican indigenous language, Kgoyom Totonaco
| work = SOCLAS Blog
| access-date = 2012-08-07
| date = 2012-07-25
| url = http://soclas.wordpress.com/2012/07/25/clas-postgrad-researcher-lucia-brandi-in-publishing-first-for-mexican-indigenous-language/
}}

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*{{cite book |last=Smythe Kung|first=Susan| year=2006 | chapter=Simbolismo sonoro y lenguaje expresivo en el tepehua de Huehuetla [Sound symbolism and expressive language in Huehuetla Tepehua] | editor-first=María del Carmen | editor-last=Morúa | title=Memorias del VIII Encuentro Internacional de Lingüística en el Noroeste, tomo 3 | pages=331–354 | location=Hermosillo | publisher=Editorial UniSon |language=es}}
*{{cite book |last=Smythe Kung|first=Susan| year=2012 | chapter=Tepehua de Huehuetla | editor-last=Paulette Levy & David Beck | title=Las lenguas totonacas y tepehuas: Textos y otros materiales para sus estudios | pages=65–106 | location=México, D.F. | publisher=Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México |language=es}}
*{{cite book |last=Tino|first=Jorge| year=2012 | chapter=Totonaco de Olintla | editor-last=Paulette Levy & David Beck | title=Las lenguas totonacas y tepehuas: Textos y otros materiales para sus estudios | pages=293–319 | location=México, D.F. | publisher=Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México |language=es}}
*{{cite book |last=Watters|first=James K.| year=2012 | chapter=Tepehua de Tlachichilco | editor-last=Paulette Levy & David Beck | title=Las lenguas totonacas y tepehuas: Textos y otros materiales para sus estudios | pages=43–64 | location=México, D.F. | publisher=Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México |language=es}}
{{refend}}

{{Mesoamerican families}}
{{language families}}
{{Languages of Mexico}}
{{North American languages}}

[[Category:Totonacan languages| ]]
[[Category:Agglutinative languages]]
[[Category:Totonac|Languages]]
[[Category:Language families]]
[[Category:Mesoamerican languages]]