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{{short description|Polish politician (1864–1939)}}
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{{Use dmy dates|date=January 2024}}
{{Infobox officeholder
| name                = Roman Dmowski
| image               = Roman Dmowski LOC 3c35372u.jpg
| caption             = Dmowski c. 1919
| office              = [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Poland)|Minister of Foreign Affairs]]
| term_start          = 27 October 1923
| term_end            = 14 December 1923
| president           = [[Stanisław Wojciechowski]]
| primeminister       = [[Wincenty Witos]]
| predecessor         = [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Poland)|Marian Seyda]]
| successor           = [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Poland)|Karol Bertoni]] <small>(Acting)</small>
| office2             = Member of the [[State Duma of the Russian Empire]]
| term_start2         = 1907
| term_end2           = 1909
| birth_date  = {{Birth date|1864|8|9|df=y}}
| birth_place = [[Kamionek]], [[Congress Poland|Kingdom of Poland]]
| death_date  = {{death date and age|1939|1|2|1864|8|9|df=y}}
| death_place = [[Drozdowo, Podlaskie Voivodeship|Drozdowo]], [[Second Polish Republic|Poland]]
| restingplace        = [[Bródno Cemetery]], Warsaw
| nationality         = [[Poland|Polish]]
| party               = {{plainlist|
*[[National-Democratic Party (Poland)|National-Democratic Party]] (1897–1919)
*[[Popular National Union]] (1919–1928){{efn|Within the [[Camp of Great Poland]] from 1926}}
*[[National Party (Poland)|National Party]] (from 1928)}}
| alma_mater          = [[University of Warsaw]]
| signature           = Roman Dmowski signature.svg
}}
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<td style="background:{{party color|National Party (Poland)}}; vertical-align:middle; padding:6px;"><span style="font-size:0.75em;">{{color|#FFF|This article is part of a series about}}</span><br /><span class="vcard"><span class="fn"><span style="font-size:0.95em;">{{color|#FFF|Roman Dmowski}}</span></span></span></td>
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----
'''Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland'''
<small><div class="center">'''27 October 1923 – 14 December 1923'''</div></small>
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* [[History of Poland during World War I]]
* [[Polish National Committee (1917–1919)]]
* [[Blue Army (Poland)|Polish Army in France (1917-1919)]]
* [[Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920)]]
* [[Dmowski's Line]]
* [[Treaty of Versailles]]
* [[Legislative Sejm (Second Polish Republic)|Legislative Sejm]]
* [[Council of National Defense (Poland)]]
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'''Conspiratorial organizations'''
* [[Association of the Polish Youth "Zet"]]
* [[National League (Poland, 1893)|National League]]
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'''Parties'''
* [[National-Democratic Party (Poland)]]
* [[Popular National Union]]
* [[Camp of Great Poland]]
* [[National Party (Poland)]]
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'''Legacy'''
* [[Polish nationalism]]
* [[All-Polish Youth]]
* [[National Movement (Poland)|National Movement]]
* [[Roman Dmowski Monument, Warsaw|Roman Dmowski Monument]]
* [[Warszawa Wschodnia railway station|Roman Dmowski Warsaw East Railway Station]]
----
[[File:Coat_of_arms_of_Poland2_1919-1927.svg|60px]]   [[File:Stronnictwo_Narodowe_emblem.svg|30px]]
[[File:Herb_Pobog_barokowy.svg|60px]] 
[[:commons:Category:Roman Dmowski|'''Media gallery''']]}}
{{Conservatism sidebar|politicians}}
[[File:Roman Dmowski (85563282).jpg|thumb|Roman Dmowski in his youth]]
'''Roman Stanisław Dmowski''' <small>Polish:</small> {{IPAc-pl|'|r|o|m|a|n|-|s|t|a|'|ń|i|s|ł|a|f|-|'|d|m|o|f|s|k|i}} (9 August 1864 – 2 January 1939) was a [[Polish people|Polish]] [[Right-wing politics|right-wing]] politician, statesman, and co-founder and chief [[ideologue]] of the [[National Democracy (Poland)|National Democracy]] (abbreviated "ND": in Polish, "''Endecja''") [[political movement]] active during the [[interwar period]].

While he never wielded significant political power except for a brief period in 1923 as [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Poland)|Minister of Foreign Affairs]], Dmowski was one of the most influential Polish ideologues and politicians of his time. A controversial personality most of his life, Dmowski desired a homogeneous, [[Polish language|Polish-speaking]] and [[Roman Catholic]]-practicing nation. Throughout most of his life, he was the chief ideological opponent of the Polish military and political leader [[Józef Piłsudski]] and of the latter's vision of [[Prometheism]], a multi-ethnic Poland reminiscent of the [[Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth]]. 

As a result, Dmowski's nationalist rhetoric actively marginalized other ethnic groups living in Poland, particularly those in the [[Kresy]] (which included [[Jews]], [[Lithuanians]], and [[Ukrainians]]). During the [[Partitions of Poland|partitions]], Dmowski saw the [[Germanization]] of Polish territories [[German partition|controlled]] by the [[German Empire]] as the major threat to [[Polish culture]] and therefore advocated a degree of accommodation with another power that had [[partitions of Poland|partitioned Poland]], the [[Russian Empire]]. Openly [[Antisemitism|antisemitic]] throughout his career, Dmowski believed that Poland's Jews were working hand in hand with the Germans to partition Poland and supported economic boycotts and property confiscation against both ethnic groups.

He favored the [[Polish Question|re-establishment of Polish independence]] by [[nonviolence|nonviolent]] means and supported policies favorable to the Polish [[middle class]]. While in [[Paris]] during [[World War I]], he was a prominent spokesman for Polish aspirations to the [[Allies of World War I|Allies]] through his [[Polish National Committee (1917-1919)|Polish National Committee]]. He was an instrumental figure in the [[Second Polish Republic|postwar restoration of Poland's independent existence]]. Dmowski remains a highly polarizing figure. While often denounced as an antisemite, [[Xenophobia|xenophobe]], and an admirer of [[fascism]], Dmowski has been highly influential in the history of [[Polish nationalism|Polish nationalist]] movements,<ref name="Walicki46" /> and has been frequently referred to as "the father of Polish nationalism".<ref name="ÁrnasonDoyle2010" /><ref name="Crago1993" />

==Early life==
Dmowski was born on 9 August 1864 in [[Kamionek]] near Warsaw, in the [[Congress Poland|Kingdom of Poland]], which three years later became [[Russian partition|part]] of the [[Russian Empire]] (as [[Vistula Land]]).<ref name="psb213"/> His father was a road construction worker and later an entrepreneur.<ref name=psb213/> Dmowski attended schools in Warsaw, studying biology and zoology at [[Warsaw University]], from which he graduated in 1891.<ref name=psb213/><ref name="psb214"/> As a student he became active in the [[Polish Youth Association "Zet"]] (''Związek Młodzieży Polskiej "Zet"''), where he was active in opposing socialist activists.<ref name=psb214/> The Zet had links with the ''Liga Polska'' (Polish League), which Dmowski joined in 1889.<ref name="Kossert p.90">Kossert p. 90</ref> A key concept of the League was ''Polskość'' (Polishness), as opposed to ''trójlojalizm'' (triple loyalty).<ref name="Kossert p.90"/>

He also organized a student street [[demonstration (people)|demonstration]] on the 100th anniversary of the [[Constitution of 3 May 1791|Polish Constitution]] of {{awrap|3 May 1791.<ref name=psb214/>}} For this he was imprisoned by [[Russian Imperial]] authorities for five months in the [[Warsaw Citadel]].<ref name=psb214/> He was then exiled to [[Liepāja|Libau]] and [[Jelgava|Mitau]] in Kurland (Latvia).<ref name="Kossert p.90"/> After 1890 he was also developing as a writer and publicist, publishing political and literary criticism in ''[[Głos (1886–1905)|Głos]]'', where he became close friends with [[Jan Ludwik Popławski]], who would be his mentor.<ref name=psb214/><ref name="Lerski1996-115"/> After his release from exile, Dmowski became quite critical of the ''Liga Polska'', accusing it of being controlled by Free Masons and being generally incompetent.<ref name="Kossert p.90"/>

In April 1893, Dmowski co-founded the [[National League (Poland, 1893)|National League]] and became its first leader.<ref name="psb215"/> The group differed from the ''Liga Polska'' as Dmowski insisted that there could be one Polish national identity, leading him to attack regionalism as a form of split loyalty that was weakening the Polish nation.<ref name="Kossert p.90"/> The same concept also excluded minorities such as Jews from his projected Polish nation.<ref name="Kossert p.90"/> In November 1893 he was sentenced to exile from the Vistula Land.<ref name=psb215/> Dmowski went to [[Jelgava]], and soon afterward in early 1895 to [[Lemberg]], [[Austria-Hungary]] (modern [[Lviv]], [[Ukraine]], [[Lwów]] in Polish), where together with Popławski he began to publish a new magazine, ''{{ill|Przegląd Wszechpolski|pl}}'' (''All-Polish Review'').<ref name=psb215/> In 1897, he co-founded the [[National-Democratic Party (Poland)|National-Democratic Party]] (''Stronnictwo Narodowo-Demokratyczne'' or "''Endecja''").<ref name="Lerski1996-115"/> The ''Endecja'' was to serve as a political party, a lobby group and an underground organization that would unite Poles who espoused Dmowski's views into a disciplined and committed political group.<ref name="Zamoyski329"/> In 1899, Dmowski founded the Society for National Education as an ancillary group.<ref name="Zamoyski329-330"/> From 1898 to 1900, he resided in France and Britain, and travelled to [[Brazil]].<ref name=psb215/> In 1901 he took up residence in [[Kraków]], then part of the [[Austrian partition]] of Poland.<ref name=psb215/> In 1903 he published a book, ''{{ill|Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka|pl}}'' (''Thoughts of a Modern Pole''), one of the first if not the first nationalist [[manifesto]] in [[European history]].<ref name="Lerski1996-115"/><ref name="psb216"/>

In ''Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka'', Dmowski was harshly critical of the old Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth for exalting the nobility and for its tolerance for minorities, which contradicted his principle of healthy ''national egoism''.<ref name="Kossert p.91">Kossert p. 91</ref> He also rejected [[liberalism]] and [[socialism]] for putting the individual above the nation-state, which for Dmowski was the only unit that really mattered.<ref name="Kossert p.91"/> Dmowski argued that the privileged status of the aristocracy in the old Commonwealth had hindered national development, and what was needed was a strong sense of nationality that would unite the nation into one.<ref name="Kossert p.91"/> He also attacked the Romantic nationalism of the 19th century for viewing Poland as the "Christ of Nations", instead arguing for a hard-headed national egoism.<ref name="Kossert p.91"/> Dmowski opposed revolutionary means of fighting, preferring political struggle, and aimed for independence through increased autonomy.<ref name="Lerski1996-115"/> After the outbreak of the [[Russo-Japanese War]], Dmowski met with Colonel [[Akashi Motojiro]], the Japanese [[military attache]] in [[Sweden]] and spy-master for Japanese intelligence activities, in [[Kraków]] in March 1904.  Although reluctant to collaborate with the Japanese, Dmowski agreed to Akashi's proposal that Polish soldiers in the Russian Army in [[Manchuria]] might be encouraged to defect to the [[Imperial Japanese Army]].<ref name="Historical Dictionary of the Russo-Japanese War"/> He travelled to [[Tokyo]] to work out the details, and at the same time made a successful effort to prevent the Japanese from aiding a rival Polish political activist, [[Józef Piłsudski]], who wanted assistance for a planned insurrection in Poland, an aspiration which Dmowski felt would be doomed to failure.<ref name=psb216/><ref name="Zamoyski330"/><ref name="Walicki25"/>

In 1905, Dmowski moved to Warsaw, back in the [[Russian partition]] of Poland, where he continued to play a growing role in the ''Endecja'' faction.<ref name="psb217"/> During the [[Russian Revolution of 1905]], Dmowski favoured co-operation with the Imperial Russian authorities and welcomed [[Nicholas II of Russia|Nicholas II]]'s October Manifesto of 1905 as a stepping stone on the road towards renewed Polish autonomy.<ref name=Zamoyski330/> During the [[Łódź insurrection|revolt in Łódź]] in June 1905, the ''Endeks'', acting under Dmowski's orders, opposed the uprising led by Piłsudski's [[Polish Socialist Party]] (PPS).<ref name=Zamoyski330/> During the course of the [[Łódź insurrection (1905)|''June Days'']], as the Łódź uprising is known, a miniature civil war raged between ''Endecja'' and the PPS.<ref name=Zamoyski330/> As a result of the elections to the [[First Duma]] ([[legislative assembly]] in the late Russian Empire), which were boycotted by the PPS, the National Democrats won 34 of the 55 seats allotted to Poland.<ref name="Zamoyski332"/> Dmowski and the ''Endecja'' saw the Duma as a way of improving Congress Poland's position within the Russian Empire as he considered guerrilla war to be impractical.<ref name="Kossert p.95">Kossert p. 95</ref> Dmowski himself was elected a [[Chamber of Deputies|deputy]] to the [[Second Duma|Second]] and [[Third Duma]]s (beginning on 27 February 1907) and was president of the Polish caucus within it.<ref name=psb217/><ref name="Walicki26"/> He was seen as a conservative, and despite being a Polish caucus leader, he often had more influence on the Russian than the Polish deputies.<ref name="psb218"/> Between October 1905 and early 1906, over 2000 Poles were killed by Russian police or military and an additional 1000 were sentenced to death.<ref name="Kossert p.95"/> Even though Dmowski was often denounced as a sellout, he maintained that he was undertaking the only realistic course of action for Poland under the circumstances.<ref name="Kossert p.95"/>

Over time, Dmowski became more receptive to Russian overtures, particularly [[neoslavism]], warming up to the idea that Poland and Russia may have a common future, particularly due to Germany being their common enemy.<ref name=Walicki26/><ref name=psb218/> In light of what he regarded as Russian cultural inferiority, Dmowski felt that a strong Russia was more acceptable than a strong Germany. In Dmowski's view, the Russian policy of [[Russification]] would not succeed in subjugating the Poles, while the Germans would be far more successful with their [[Germanisation]] policies.<ref name="Lerski1996-115"/><ref name=Walicki26/> He explained those views in his book ''Niemcy, Rosja i kwestia Polska'' (''Germany, Russia and the Polish Cause''), published in 1908.<ref name=psb218/><ref name="Lerski1996-116"/> This was not a universally popular attitude, and in 1909 Dmowski resigned his deputy mandate to focus on an internal political struggle within ''Endecja''.<ref name=psb218/> He lost the election to the [[Fourth Duma]] in 1912 to a socialist politician, [[Eugeniusz Jagiełło]] from the [[Polish Socialist Party – Left]], who won with the support of the Jewish vote. Dmowski viewed this as a personal insult; in exchange, he organized a successful boycott of Jewish businesses throughout much of Poland.<ref name="psb219"/><ref name="Walicki28"/><ref name="Michlic2006"/>

==World War I==
In 1914, Dmowski praised the [[Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich of Russia (1856–1929)|Grand Duke Nicholas]]'s [[Manifesto to the Polish Nation]] of 14 August, which vaguely assured the Tsar's Polish subjects that there would be greater autonomy for "Congress Poland" after the war and that the Austrian provinces of East and West [[Galicia (Central Europe)|Galicia]], together with the [[Pomerania]] province of [[Prussia]], would be annexed to the Kingdom of Poland when the [[German Empire]] and [[Austria-Hungary]] were defeated.<ref name="Lerski1996-116"/><ref name="Zamoyski333"/> However, subsequent attempts on the part of Dmowski to have the Russians make firmer commitments along the lines of the Grand Duke Nicholas's manifesto were met with elusive answers.<ref name="Lerski1996-116"/><ref name=Zamoyski333/> Nonetheless, Dmowski's pro-Russian and anti-German propaganda succeeded in frustrating Piłsudski's plans of causing an anti-Russian uprising, and bolstered his position as an important Polish political figure on the international scene, especially with the [[Triple Entente]].<ref name=Walicki26/><ref name="Walicki12"/> In November he became one of the active members of the [[Polish National Committee (1914–17)|Polish National Committee]].<ref name="psb219"/>

[[File:Roman Dmowski Cambridge.jpg|thumb|Award of Honorary Doctorate to Roman Dmowski - Cambridge University - 11 August 1916]]
In 1915, Dmowski, increasingly convinced of Russia's impending defeat, decided that to support the cause of Polish independence he should go abroad to campaign on behalf of Poland in the capitals of the western [[Allies of World War I|Allies]].<ref name="psb220"/> During his lobbying efforts, his friends included such opinion makers as the British journalist [[Wickham Steed]]. In particular, Dmowski was very successful in France, where he made a very favourable impression on public opinion.<ref name="Zamoyski334"/> He gave a series of lectures at [[Cambridge University]], which impressed the local faculty enough that he was given an [[honorary doctorate]].<ref name=psb220/> In August 1917, in Paris, he created a new [[Polish National Committee (1917-1919)|Polish National Committee]] aimed at rebuilding a Polish state.<ref name="Lerski1996-116"/><ref name=psb220/> That year he also published, at his own expense, ''Problems of Central and Eastern Europe'', that he soon distributed among numerous English speaking diplomats.<ref name=Walicki12/><ref name=psb220/> He was a vocal critic of Austro-Hungary, and campaigned for the creation of a number of Slavic states (including for the Czechs, as well as non-Slavic Hungarians and Romanians) in its place.<ref name="psb221"/> Within the Polish political community, he opposed those who supported allying themselves with Germany and Austria-Hungary, including supporters of a vague German proposal for a [[Regency Kingdom of Poland]], with undefined borders, that Germany promised to create after World War I (while in secret, actually planning to strip it of up to 30,000 square kilometres for German colonization after the removal of its Polish population).<ref name=psb221/><ref name="graniczny"/><ref name="termination"/><ref name="schimitzek"/><ref name="dictatorships"/><ref name="shatterzone"/><ref name="grenzstreifen"/><ref name="destruction"/>

In 1917, Dmowski laid out a plan for the borders of a re-created Polish state; it would include [[Greater Poland]], [[Pomerania]] with [[Gdańsk]], [[Upper Silesia]], south strip of [[East Prussia]] and [[Cieszyn Silesia]].<ref name="politycznego"/> In September that year, Dmowski's National Committee was recognized by the French as the legitimate government of Poland.<ref name=Zamoyski334/> The British and the Americans were less enthusiastic about Dmowski's National Committee, but likewise recognized it as Poland's government a year later.<ref name="Macmillan209-210_212"/> However, the Americans refused to provide backing for what they regarded as Dmowski's excessive territorial claims ([[Dmowski's Line]]). The American President [[Woodrow Wilson]] reported, "I saw Mr. Dmowski and [[Ignacy Paderewski|Mr. Paderewski]] in Washington, and I asked them to define Poland for me, as they understood it, and they presented me with a map in which they claimed a large part of the earth."<ref name="Macmillan212-213"/>

In part, Wilson's objections stemmed from the dislike of Dmowski personally. One British diplomat stated, "He was a clever man, and clever men are distrusted; he was logical in his political theories and we hate logic; and he was persistent with a tenacity which was calculated to drive everybody mad."<ref name="Macmillan210"/> Another area of objection to Dmowski was with his [[antisemitic]] remarks, as in a speech he delivered at a dinner organized by the writer [[G. K. Chesterton|Gilbert Keith Chesterton]], that began with the words, "My religion came from Jesus Christ, who was murdered by the Jews."<ref name="Macmillan212"/> When British Prime Minister [[David Lloyd George]] criticized Dmowski and the committee, Dmowski saw this as a result of Lloyd George's representation of Jewish interests.<ref name=psb220/> He refused to admit a single [[Polish Jew]] to the National Committee, despite support for such a proposal from Paderewski.<ref name=psb221/> A number of American and British Jewish organizations campaigned during the war against their governments recognizing the National Committee.<ref name=Macmillan212/> Another leading critic of Dmowski was the historian Sir [[Lewis Namier]], a Jew who served as the British Foreign Office's resident expert on Poland during the war, and who claimed to be personally offended by antisemitic remarks made by Dmowski. Namier fought hard against British recognition of Dmowski and "his chauvinist gang".<ref name=Macmillan212/> In turn, Dmowski's experiences at that time convinced him of the existence of an international "Judeo-Masonic conspiracy, unfriendly towards Poland and intransigently hostile to his [''Endecja''] party".<ref name="Walicki2930"/>

==Post-World War I==
[[File:Polish territorial demands on Paris Peace Conference 1919.png|thumb|300px|Polish territorial demands at the Paris Peace Conference 1919 ([[Dmowski's Line]]) on ethnographical background and borders of [[Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth]] 1772]]

At the end of the World War, two governments claimed to be the legitimate governments of Poland: Dmowski's in Paris and Piłsudski's in Warsaw. To put an end to the rival claims of Piłsudski and Dmowski, the composer [[Ignacy Jan Paderewski]] met with both men and persuaded them to reluctantly join forces.<ref name="Macmillan213"/> Both men had something that the other needed. Piłsudski was in possession of Poland after the war, but as the Pole who had fought with the Austrians for the [[Central Powers]] against the Russians, he was distrusted by the Allies. Piłsudski's newly reborn [[Polish Army]], formed from his [[Polish Legions in World War I|Polish Legions]], needed arms from the Allies, something that Dmowski was much better suited to persuade the Allies to deliver upon.<ref name="Macmillan213-214"/> Beyond that, the French were planning to send the [[Blue Army (Poland)|Blue Army]] of General [[Józef Haller de Hallenburg|Józef Haller]] – loyal to Dmowski – back to Poland. The fear was that if Piłsudski and Dmowski did not put aside their differences, a civil war might break out between their partisans.<ref name="Macmillan214"/> Paderewski was successful in working out a compromise in which Dmowski and himself were to represent Poland at the [[Paris Peace Conference of 1919|Paris Peace Conference]] while Piłsudski was to serve as provisional president of Poland.<ref name=Macmillan213-214/> Not all of Dmowski's supporters accepted this compromise, and on 5 January 1919, Dmowski's partisans (led by [[Marian Januszajtis-Żegota]] and [[Eustachy Sapieha]]) attempted [[Polish Coup (1919)|a failed coup]] against Piłsudski.<ref name="Urb 499–501"/>

As a Polish delegate at the Paris Peace Conference and a signatory of the [[Versailles Treaty]], Dmowski exerted a substantial influence on the Treaty's favorable decisions regarding Poland.<ref name=Walicki12/> On 29 January 1919, Dmowski met with the Allies' [[Supreme War Council]] for the first time; his five-hour presentation there, delivered in English and French, was described as brilliant.<ref name="Walicki13"/> At the meeting, Dmowski stated that he had little interest in laying claim to areas of [[Ukraine]] and [[Lithuania]] that were formerly part of Poland, but no longer had a Polish majority. At the same time Dmowski strongly pressed for the return of Polish territories with Polish-speaking majorities [[Prussian Partition|taken by Prussia from Poland in the 1790s]], as well as for some territories beyond Poland's pre-1772 borders, such as southern East Prussia and Upper Silesia. Dmowski himself admitted that from a purely historical point of view, ethnic-linguistic considerations aside, the Polish claims to [[Silesia]] were not entirely strong, but he claimed it for Poland on economic grounds, especially the coal fields.<ref name=Macmillan213-214/> Moreover, Dmowski claimed that German statistics had lied about the number of [[Polish minority in Germany|ethnic Poles living in eastern Germany]] and that "these Poles were some of the most educated and highly cultured in the nation, with a strong sense of nationality and men of progressive ideas".<ref name=Macmillan213-214/> In addition, Dmowski, with the strong backing of the French, wanted to send the "Blue Army" to Poland via [[Danzig]], Germany (modern [[Gdańsk]], Poland); it was the intention of both Dmowski and the French that the Blue Army create a territorial ''fait accompli''.<ref name=psb221/><ref name=Macmillan213-214/> This proposal created much opposition from the Germans, the British and the Americans, and finally the Blue Army was sent to Poland in April 1919 via land.<ref name=Macmillan213-214/> Piłsudski was opposed to needlessly annoying the Allies, and it has been suggested that he did not care much about the Danzig issue.<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen131-134_231-233"/>

In regard to [[Lithuania]], Dmowski did not view Lithuanians as having a strong national identity, and viewed their social organization as tribal. Those areas of Lithuania that had either Polish majorities or minorities were claimed by Dmowski on the grounds of self-determination. In the areas with Polish minorities, the Poles would act as a civilizing influence; only the northern part of Lithuania, which had a solid Lithuanian majority, was Dmowski willing to concede to the Lithuanians.<ref name=Lundgreen-Nielsen131-134_231-233/> His initial plans for Lithuania involved giving it an [[autonomy]] within a Polish state.<ref name=psb220/><ref name=psb221/> This caused Dmowski to have very acrimonious disputes with the Lithuanian delegation at Paris.<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen223-224"/> With regard to the former Austrian province of East [[Galicia (Central Europe)|Galicia]], Dmowski claimed that the local Ukrainians were quite incapable of ruling themselves and also required the civilizing influence of Polish leadership.<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen225"/> In addition, Dmowski wished to acquire the [[oil fields]] of Galicia.<ref name=Lundgreen-Nielsen225/> His support for that was however more lackluster than that for other regions, and he opposed Piłsudski's proposal of an alliance or federation with Ukrainians.<ref name=psb221/> From the Allied powers only the French supported Polish claims to Galica wholeheartedly. In the end, it was [[Polish-Ukrainian War|the actual fighting on the ground in Galicia]], and not the decisions of the diplomats in Paris, that decided that the region would be part of Poland.<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen225-226"/> The French did not back Dmowski's aspirations in the [[Cieszyn Silesia]] region, and instead supported the claims of [[Czechoslovakia]].<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen238-240"/> Dmowski for a long time had praised the Czechs as model for national restoration in face of Germanization, and despite his dispute with Czech political leaders, his opinion of the Czech people as a whole remained positive.<ref name="odbudowania"/>

Forever a political opponent of Piłsudski, Dmowski favored what he called a "national state", a state in which the citizens would speak Polish and be of the [[Roman Catholic]] faith.<ref name="Biskupski2000-57"/> If Piłsudski's vision of Poland was based on the historical multiethnic state that had existed under the [[Jagiellon Poland|Jagiellonian]] dynasty, which he hoped to recreate with a [[multinational state|multinational]] federation ([[Międzymorze]] federation),<ref name="Pilsudski: A Life For Poland"/> Dmowski's vision was the earlier Polish kingdom ruled by the [[Piast Poland|Piast]] dynasty, ethnically and religiously homogeneous.<ref name="Biskupski2000-57"/> Piłsudski believed in a wide definition of Polish citizenship in which peoples of different languages, cultures and faiths were to be united by a common loyalty to the reborn Polish state.<ref name="Snyder2003-144"/><ref name="Zimmerman2004-166"/> Dmowski regarded Piłsudski's views as dangerous nonsense, and felt that the presence of large number of ethnic minorities would undermine the security of Polish state. At the [[Paris Peace Conference, 1919|Paris Peace Conference]], he argued strenuously against the [[Minority Rights Treaty]] forced on Poland by the Allies.

Dmowski himself was disappointed with the [[Treaty of Versailles]], partly because he was strongly opposed to the Minority Rights Treaty imposed on Poland and partly because he wanted the [[German-Polish border]] to be somewhat farther to the west than Versailles allowed. Both of these disappointments Dmowski blamed on what he claimed was the "international Jewish conspiracy". Throughout his life, Dmowski maintained that the British Prime Minister [[David Lloyd George]] had been bribed by a syndicate of German-Jewish financiers to give Poland what Dmowski considered to be an unfavorable frontier with Germany. His relations with Lloyd George were very poor. Dmowski found Lloyd George to be arrogant, unscrupulous and a consistent advocate of ruling against Polish claims to the West and the East.<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen217"/> Dmowski was very offended by Lloyd George's ignorance of Polish affairs and in particular was enraged by his lack of knowledge about river traffic on the [[Vistula]].<ref name=Lundgreen-Nielsen217/> Dmowski called Lloyd George "the agent of the Jews".<ref name=Lundgreen-Nielsen217/> Lloyd George in turn claimed in 1939 that "Poland had deserved its fate".<ref name="Davies"/>

==Later life==
[[File:Dmowski 1936.jpg|thumb|Dmowski, 1936]]
Dmowski was a deputy to the 1919 [[Legislative Sejm (Second Polish Republic)|Legislative Sejm]], but he attended only a single session, seeing the Sejm as too chaotic for him to exert much influence; he also spent much of that year either in Paris or recuperating from a lung infection, in [[Algeria]].<ref name="psb222"/> He reorganized ''endecja'' into a new party, [[Popular National Union]] (''Związek Ludowo-Narodowy'').<ref name="Lerski1996-116"/> During the [[Polish-Soviet War]] he was a member of the [[Council of National Defense (Poland)|Council of National Defense]] and a vocal critic of Piłsudski's policies.<ref name="Lerski1996-116"/><ref name=psb222/> In the aftermath of the war, Polish eastern borders were similar, if somewhat smaller, from what became known as [[Dmowski's Line]].<ref name=psb222/>

When the time came to write a Polish constitution in the early 1920s, the National Democrats insisted upon a weak presidency and strong legislative branch. Dmowski was convinced that Piłsudski would become president and saw a weak executive mandate as the best way of crippling his rival. The [[March Constitution of Poland|constitution of 1921]] did indeed outline a government with a weak executive branch.<ref name="Steiner2005"/> When [[Gabriel Narutowicz]], a friend of Piłsudski, was elected president by the ''Sejm'' in 1922, he was seen by many among ''endecja'' as having been elected with the support of [[Bloc of National Minorities|the parties representing the national minorities]], with the notable backing of the Polish Jewish politician [[Yitzhak Gruenbaum]].<ref name="Walicki30"/><ref name="Sokol1992"/> After Narutowicz's election, the National Democrats started a major campaign of vilification of the "Jewish president" elected by "foreigners".<ref name="Sokol1992"/> Subsequently, a fanatical nationalist, painter [[Eligiusz Niewiadomski]] assassinated Narutowicz.<ref name=Walicki30/>
[[File:Roman Dmowski 1938.png|thumb|Dmowski c. 1938. The last portrait photo.]]
He was a [[Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland|Minister of Foreign Affairs]] from October to December 1923 in the government of [[Wincenty Witos]].<ref name=psb222/> That year he received the [[Order of Polonia Restituta]] from the government of [[Władysław Sikorski]].<ref name=psb222/>
[[File:Dmowski Warszawa maj 1938 w mieszkaniu Niklewiczów na krótko przed wyjazdem do Drozdowa.jpg|thumb|May 1938, Warsaw. Dmowski in the Niklewicz family apartment shortly before leaving for Drozdowo.]]
In 1926, in the aftermath of Piłsudski's [[May Coup (Poland)|May coup d'état]], Dmowski founded the [[Camp of Great Poland]] (''Obóz Wielkiej Polski''), though he would find himself more of an ideologue than a leader, as he was displaced by new, younger politicians.<ref name="psb223" /><ref name="Walicki31" /> In 1928 he founded the [[National Party (Poland)|National Party]] (''Stronnictwo Narodowe'').<ref name="psb223" /> He kept publishing newspaper articles, brochures and books.<ref name="psb223" /> With declining health, he mostly retired from politics by 1930.<ref name="Lerski1996-116" /> In 1934, a section of the youth wing of the ''Endecja'' found Dmowski insufficiently hardline for their taste and broke away to found the more radical [[National Radical Camp (1934)|National Radical Camp]] (known by its Polish acronym as the ONR).<ref name="psb223" /> His last major campaign was a series of political attacks on the alleged "Judeo-Masonic" associates of President [[Ignacy Mościcki]].<ref name="Zamoyski347" />

His health condition was systematically deteriorating. Władysław Jabłonowski, who spent the summer of 1936 with him in Tłokinia, noted that Dmowski "was neither eager to write, which he liked to do in the countryside, nor to go for long walks, which he was a great fan of; he preferred to sit for hours in the shade of trees." In 1936 his last - not counting reprints - journalistic articles appeared in the press. Writing was already tiring him a lot. He helped a little with editing his writings - subsequent volumes were published until 1939. At the end of 1936 he attended the funeral of his brother, Wacław, who was 6 years older than him. He was the only one left from the whole family. In the spring of 1937 he suffered a mild [[stroke]] and from then on he quickly lost his strength. In October of that year he appeared for the last time at a meeting of the Main Committee of the [[National Party (Poland)|National Party]]. In March 1938, the president of the Party, Kazimierz Kowalski, obtained Dmowski's permission to organize a series of demonstrations in connection with the [[1938 Polish ultimatum to Lithuania|Lithuanian crisis.]] In mid-1938, the Niklewicz family brought him to their estate in Drodowo, where he lived for another half a year. It was only vegetation now. He had no strength to walk, he lay or sat on the terrace.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Kawalec |first=Krzysztof |url=https://www.worldcat.org/title/962929797 |title=Roman Dmowski |date=2016 |publisher=Zysk i S-ka Wydawnictwo |isbn=978-83-7785-762-5 |edition=Wydanie II uzupełnione i poszerzone |location=Poznań |pages=476–477 |oclc=962929797}}</ref>

==Death==
Right after Christmas, Dmowski suffered paralysis on the right side of his body and partial [[Speech disorder|speech impairment]]. In addition, [[pneumonia]] occurred. He died on 2 January 1939, shortly after midnight at the age of 74.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last=Kawalec |first=Krzysztof |title=Roman Dmowski |date=2016 |publisher=Zysk i S-ka Wydawnictwo |isbn=978-83-7785-762-5 |edition=Wyd. 2. uzup. i poszerz |location=Poznań |pages=478}}</ref>

The [[National Party (Poland)|National Party]] authorities wanted to embalm the body, but the Niklewicz family, clearly citing Dmowski's wishes, did not consent to it.<ref name=":0" /> Roman Dmowski was buried at the [[Bródno Cemetery]] in Warsaw in the family grave.<ref name=psb224/> His funeral was widely attended,<ref name=psb224/> with at least 100,000 attendees; the [[Józef Piłsudski|Piłsudski's]] legacy [[sanacja]] government snubbed him without any official representative attending.<ref name="Prażmowska2009">{{cite book|author=Anita Prażmowska|title=Ignacy Paderewski: Poland|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9stWAAAAYAAJ|year=2009|publisher=Haus Publishing|isbn=978-1-905791-70-5|page=138}}</ref>

==Political outlook==
{{Conservatism in Poland|Intellectuals}}

===Theorist of nationalism===
From his early student years, Dmowski was opposed to socialism and suspicious of [[federalism]]; he desired Polish independence and a strong Polish state, and saw socialism and conciliatory federalist policies as prioritizing an international idea over the national one.<ref name=psb214/><ref name="Walicki23"/> Over the years he became an influential European nationalist thinker.<ref name=Walicki13/><ref name="Walicki14"/> Dmowski had a scientist's background and thus preferred logic and reason over emotion and passion.<ref name=Macmillan209/> He once told famous pianist [[Ignacy Jan Paderewski]] that music was "mere noise".<ref name=Macmillan209/> Dmowski felt very strongly that Poles should abandon what he considered to be foolish [[romanticism in Poland|romantic nationalism]] and useless gestures of defiance and should instead work hard at becoming businessmen and scientists.<ref name=Macmillan209/><ref name=Walicki15/> Dmowski was very much influenced by [[Social Darwinism|Social Darwinist]] theories, then popular in the Western world, and saw life as a merciless struggle between "strong" nations who dominated and "weak" nations who were dominated.<ref name=Macmillan209/>

In his 1902 book ''Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka'' (''Thoughts of a Modern Pole''), Dmowski denounced all forms of Polish Romantic nationalism and traditional Polish values.<ref name=Zamoyski329/> He sharply criticized the idea of Poland as a spiritual concept and as a cultural idea.<ref name=Zamoyski329/> Instead Dmowski argued that Poland was merely a physical entity that needed to be brought into existence through pragmatic bargaining and negotiating, not via what Dmowski considered to be pointless revolts – doomed to failure before they even began – against the partitioning powers.<ref name=Zamoyski329/> For Dmowski, what the Poles needed was a "healthy national egoism" that would not be guided by what Dmowski regarded as the unrealistic political principles of Christianity.<ref name=Zamoyski329/> In the same book, Dmowski blamed the fall of the old Commonwealth on its tradition of tolerance.<ref name=Zamoyski329/> While at first critical of Christianity, Dmowski viewed some sects of Christianity as beneficial to certain nations, through not necessarily Poland. Later in 1927 he revised this earlier view and renounced his criticism of Catholicism, seeing it as an essential part of the Polish identity.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Modras |first=Ronald |page=30 |year=1994 |title=The Catholic Church and Antisemitism in Poland, 1933–1939 |location=Chur |publisher=Harwood Academic |isbn=978-3-7186-5568-7}}</ref> Dmowski saw all minorities as weakening agents within the nation that needed to be purged.<ref name=Zamoyski329/><ref name="Walicki32"/> In his 1927 book ''Kościół, Naród I Państwo'' (''Church, Nation and State''), Dmowski wrote: <blockquote>"Catholicism is not a supplement to Polishness; it is somehow rooted in its very existence and to an important extent it even forms its existence. The attempt to separate Catholicism from Polishness in Poland, cutting off the nation from religion and Church, would mean destroying the very existence of the nation. The Polish State is a Catholic State. This is not because the vast majority of its inhabitants are Catholics or because of the percentage of Catholics. From our point of view, Poland is Catholic in the full sense of the word, because we are a national state, and our people is a Catholic people".<ref>Kossert p. 97</ref></blockquote>

In the pre-war years, the history of Poland was contested terrain as different ideological forces pulled Polish nationalists in opposite directions, represented by Dmowski and Piłsudski.<ref name="dabrowski"/> Throughout his career, Dmowski deeply disliked Piłsudski and much of what he stood for.<ref name="Macmillan209"/> Dmowski came from an impoverished urban background and had little fondness for Poland's traditional elitist social structure.<ref name=Walicki14/><ref name=Macmillan209/> Instead, Dmowski favored a modernizing program and felt Poles should stop looking back nostalgically at the old [[Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth]], which Dmowski held in deep contempt and should instead embrace the "modern world".<ref name=Macmillan209/> In particular, Dmowski despised the old Commonwealth for its multi-national structure and religious tolerance.<ref name=Macmillan209/> He saw the ethnic minorities in Poland (Jews, Belarusians, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians) as a direct threat to the cultural identity, integrity and ethnic cohesion of Poland, directly in competition with the Polish [[petit bourgeoisie]] (small bourgeoisie, aka semi-autonomous peasantry) with which he identified.<ref name="Walicki15"/> Dmowski argued that good citizens should only have one allegiance to the nation, and there is no middle ground.<ref name="Walicki1920"/> In his ideal view of Poland there would be no ethnic minorities; they would either be [[polonized]] or forced to emigrate.<ref name="Modras2005"/> The success of his nationalistic ideas, also adopted and propagated by nationalists in other countries (such as Lithuania and Ukraine) contributed to the disappearance of the tolerant, multiethnic [[Polish-Lithuanian identity]].<ref name=Walicki1920/>

Dmowski admired [[Italian Fascism]]. In the summer of 1926 Dmowski wrote a series of articles admiring Mussolini and the Italian fascist model, and helped organize the [[Camp of Great Poland]] (OWP), a broad anti-Sanacja front modeled on Italian fascism that was known for its anti-Jewish rhetoric and violence.<ref name="BlamiresJackson2006"/><ref name="Kunicki2012"/> Later he nonetheless tried to ensure that OWM would not blindly imitate the Italian or German models.<ref name="Walicki31"/>

===Antisemitism ===
Dmowski often communicated his belief in an "[[international Jewish conspiracy]]" aimed against Poland.<ref name="Pankowski2010">{{cite book|author=Rafal Pankowski|title=The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lKSLAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA26|date=25 February 2010|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-15097-6|page=26}}</ref> In his essay "Żydzi wobec wojny" (Jews on the War) written about World War I,<ref name="odbudowanie"/> Dmowski claimed that [[Zionism]] was only a cloak to disguise the Jewish ambition to rule the world. Dmowski asserted that once a Jewish state was established in [[Palestine (region)|Palestine]], it would form "the operational basis for action throughout the world".<ref name="Patterson2015">{{cite book|author=David Patterson|title=Anti-Semitism and Its Metaphysical Origins|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=F_1DBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA195|date=9 February 2015|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-107-04074-8|page=195}}</ref> In the same essay, Dmowski accused the Jews of being Poland's most dangerous enemy and of working hand in hand with the Germans to dismember Poland again.<ref name="Mendelsohn38"/> Dmowski believed that the 3,000,000 [[History of Jews in Poland|Polish Jews]] were far too numerous to be absorbed, and assimilated into the Polish [[Catholic culture]].<ref name=Walicki33/> Dmowski had advocated emigration of the entire Jewish population of Poland as the solution to what he regarded as Poland's "Jewish problem",<ref name="Secret City"/> and over time came to argue for increasing harsh measures against the Jewish minority,<ref name="Paulsson70"/> though he never suggested killing Jews.<ref name="Zamoyski347"/> He opposed physical violence,<ref name=Walicki28/><ref name="Levy2005"/> arguing for the [[economic antisemitism|boycotts of Jewish businesses]] instead,<ref name="Walicki2829"/> later supplemented with their separation in the cultural area (through policies such as [[Numerus clausus#Numerus clausus in Poland|numerus clausus]]).<ref name=psb223/><ref name="Walicki33"/> Dmowski made [[anti-Semitism]] a central element in Endecja's radical nationalist outlook. Endecja's crusade against Jewish cultural values gained mounting intensity in the antisemitism of the 1930s, but there were no major pogroms or violent attacks on the Jews in Poland until the [[German occupation of Poland]] in 1939.<ref name="radicalization"/> In his 1931 novel ''Dziedzictwo'', Dmowski wrote: "A Jewish woman will always be a Jew, a Jewish man, a Jew. They have another skin, they smell differently, they carry the evil among the nations".<ref>Kossert pp. 98–99</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Haynes |first1=Rebecca |last2=Rady |first2=Martyn |title=In the shadow of Hitler: personalities of the right in Central and Eastern Europe |date=2011 |publisher=I.B. Tauris |location=London |isbn=9781845116972 |pages=98–99 |url=https://dokumen.pub/in-the-shadow-of-hitler-personalities-of-the-right-in-central-and-eastern-europe-1845116976-9781845116972.html |language=en}}</ref> In his 1938 essay ''Hitleryzm a Źydzi'', Dmowski wrote: <blockquote>"The tool of the Jews was Wilson, who was concerned that the Allied troops did not cross the German border...Lloyd George stopped regions from becoming part of Poland as they were before: the great majority of our Upper Silesia, Malborg, Sztum and Kwidzyn, and also Gdansk. Lloyd George acted like an agent of the Jews, and nothing gave the impression that Wilson was any less dependent on them. The Jews, therefore, negotiated an agreement with German Freemasonry, who, in return for help at the conference on the border question, agreed to provide them with a leading position in the German Republic. Eventually, after the peace, the Jews worked for Germany and against Poland in England, American, and even in France, but especially stove so that Germany became less and less a German state and more a Jewish one".<ref>Kossert p. 98</ref></blockquote>

For Dmowski, one of Poland's principal problems was that not enough Polish-speaking Catholics were middle-class, while too many ethnic Germans and Jews were. To remedy this perceived problem, he envisioned a policy of confiscating the wealth of Jews and ethnic Germans and redistributing it to Polish Catholics. Dmowski was never able to have this program passed into law by the [[Sejm]], but the National Democrats did frequently organize "Buy Polish" boycott campaigns against German and Jewish shops. The first of Dmowski's antisemitic boycotts occurred in 1912 when he attempted to organize a total boycott of Jewish businesses in Warsaw as "punishment" for the defeat of some ''Endecja'' candidates in the elections for the ''Duma'', which Dmowski blamed on Warsaw's Jewish population.<ref name="Paulsson21"/> Throughout his life, Dmowski associated Jews with Germans as Poland's principal enemies; the origins of this identification stemmed from Dmowski's deep anger over the forcible "Germanization" policies carried out by the German government against its Polish minority during the [[German Empire|Imperial period]], and over the fact that most Jews living in the disputed German/Polish territories had chosen to assimilate into German culture, not Polish culture.<ref name="Paulsson41"/> In Dmowski's opinion Jewish community was not attracted to the cause of Polish independence and was likely to ally itself with potential enemies of Polish state if it would benefit their status.<ref name=Paulsson41/>

Dmowski was also a vocal opponent of [[freemasonry]],<ref name=psb223/> as well as of [[feminism]].<ref name="Plach2006"/>

== Recognition and legacy ==
[[File:Pomnik romana dmowskiego.jpg|thumb|Statue of Dmowski in [[Warsaw]]]]
[[File:Rondo Dmowskiego Warsaw 2022 aerial.jpg|thumb|The Roman Dmowski Roundabout in Warsaw in 2022]]
Dmowski is considered one of the most influential conservative politicians in the history of modern Poland, although his legacy is controversial and he continues to be a highly polarizing figure. He has been called "the father of [[Polish nationalism]]" and the "icon of the contemporary Polish political right" who, as a signatory of the [[Treaty of Versailles]], played a critical role in the [[Second Polish Republic|restoration of Polish independence]] after [[World War I]].<ref>{{Cite book |url= |title=Domains and divisions of European history |publisher=Liverpool University Press |others=Jóhann Páll Árnason, Natalie J. Doyle |year=2010 |isbn=978-1-84631-525-1 |location=Liverpool |pages=93 |oclc=}}</ref><ref name=Walicki12/><ref name="Kossert p.100">Kossert p.100.</ref> Conversely, he has been described as the founder of contemporary Polish [[antisemitism]] and criticized for his disdain for [[women's rights]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Krzemiński |first=Ireneusz |title=Dmowski i antysemityzm narodowo-katolicki |url=https://www.nigdywiecej.org/pdf/pl/pismo/22/dmowski_i_antysemityzm_narodowo-katolicki.pdf |journal=Nigdy Więcej |publication-date=2016 |issue=22}}</ref> Dmowski's life and work has been subject to numerous academic articles and books. [[Andrzej Walicki]] in 1999 noted that main sources on Dmowski are [[Andrzej Micewski]]'s ''Roman Dmowski'' (1971), [[Roman Wapiński]]'s ''Roman Dmowski'' (1988) and [[Krzysztof Kawalec]]'s ''Roman Dmowski'' (1996).<ref name=Walicki12/>

Suppressed in [[communist Poland]], Dmowski's legacy has been more widely recognised since the [[Revolutions of 1989|fall of communism]] in 1989. A {{ill|bridge in Wrocław|pl|Most Dmowskiego}} was named after him in 1992.<ref name="Mosty Romana Dmowskiego, Wrocław"/> In November 2006 a [[Roman Dmowski statue in Warsaw|statue of Roman Dmowski]] was unveiled in Warsaw; it led to a series of protests from organizations which see Dmowski as a [[fascist]] and an enemy of [[Progressivism|progressive politics]]; due to similar protests plans to raise statues or memorials elsewhere have been delayed.<ref name="Odsłonięto pomnik Romana Dmowskiego – Wiadomości – WP.PL"/><ref name="Roman Dmowski na pomnik. Białystok zrobi krok do tyłu?"/><ref name="Dmowski zasłonięty balonami. Ale tylko w przenośni"/> The political commentator, Janusz Majcherek, wrote in 2005: "Instead of a modern Conservative Party, such as was able to modernize Britain or Spain, we find in Poland a cheap copy of the ''Endecja'', in which an old-fashioned pre-war nationalism mingles with a pre-Vatican II Catholicism, united in its rejection of modernization and mistrust of the West".<ref>Kossert p.102</ref> Both [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] and [[Lech Kaczyński]] have cited Dmowski as an inspiration. Lech, then the mayor of Warsaw, supported the erection of the Dmowski statue in 2006.<ref name="Kossert p.100"/>

On 8 January 1999, he was honoured by the Polish Sejm with special legislation "for his achievement for the independence of Poland and expansion of Polish national consciousness". The document honours him also for founding Polish school of [[political realism]] and responsibility, shaping Polish (especially the Western) borders and "emphasizing the firm connection between Catholicism and Polishness for the survival of the Nation and the rebuilding of the State".<ref name=Walicki14/><ref name="sejm1999"/>

Dmowski was awarded several state awards: the Grand Cross of the [[Order of Polonia Restituta]] (1923), [[Order of the Star of Romania]] and [[Order of Oranje-Nassau]]. He received [[honorary degree]]s from [[Cambridge University]] (1916) and the [[University of Poznań]] (1923). He refused other awards.<ref name="smogorzewska"/> On 11 November 2018 (100th anniversary of Polish Independence), he was posthumously awarded the [[Order of the White Eagle (Poland)|Order of the White Eagle]].

==Selected works==
* ''Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka (Thoughts of a Modern Pole)'', 1902.
* ''Niemcy, Rosja a sprawa polska (Germany, Russia and the Polish Cause)'', 1908. French translation published under the title:  ''La question polonaise'' (Paris 1909).
* ''Separatyzm Żydów i jego źródła (Separatism of Jews and its Sources)'', 1909.
* ''Upadek myśli konserwatywnej w Polsce (The Decline of Conservative Thought in Poland)'', 1914.
* ''Polityka polska i odbudowanie państwa (Polish Politics and the Rebuilding of the State)'', 1925.
* ''Zagadnienie rządu (On Government)'', 1927.
* ''Kościół, naród i państwo'' (The Church, Nation and State), 1927.
* ''Świat powojenny i Polska (The World after War and Poland)'', 1931.
* ''Przewrót (The Coup)'', 1934.

{{wikiquote}}

==See also==
* [[History of Poland (1918-1939)]]
* [[Poland in World War I]]
* [[Dmowski's Line]]

==Notes==
{{notelist}}

==References==
{{reflist|2|refs=

<ref name="Biskupski2000-57">{{cite book|author=Mieczysław B. Biskupski|title=The History of Poland|url=https://archive.org/details/historyofpoland00bisk|url-access=registration|year=2000|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|isbn=978-0-313-30571-9|page=[https://archive.org/details/historyofpoland00bisk/page/57 57]}}</ref>

<ref name="BlamiresJackson2006">{{cite book|author1=Cyprian Blamires|author2=Paul Jackson|title=World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nvD2rZSVau4C&pg=PA177|year=2006|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-1-57607-940-9|page=177}}</ref>

<ref name="Crago1993">{{cite book|author=Laura Ann Crago|title=Nationalism, religion, citizenship, and work in the development of the Polish working class and the Polish trade union movement, 1815–1929: a comparative study of Russian Poland's textile workers and upper Silesian miners and metalworkers|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iCpYAAAAYAAJ|year=1993|publisher=Yale University|page=168}}</ref>

<ref name="Davies">{{cite book|title=God's Playground |url=https://archive.org/details/godsplaygroundhi00norm_0 |url-access=registration |publisher=Oxford University Press |author= Norman Davies |year=2005 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/godsplaygroundhi00norm_0/page/282 282]–283 |isbn=0199253404}}</ref>

<!--  <ref name="Dictionary of Antisemitism: From the Earliest Times to the Present">{{cite book|author1=Robert Michael|author2=Philip Rosen|title=Dictionary of Antisemitism: From the Earliest Times to the Present|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=d5927rY-UgoC&pg=PA70|year=2007|publisher= Scarecrow Press|page=70}}</ref>-->

<ref name="Dmowski zasłonięty balonami. Ale tylko w przenośni">{{cite web|url=http://m.wyborcza.pl/wyborcza/1,105226,10615605,Kibice_murem_wokol_pomnika___Precz_z_zydowska_okupacja_.html |title=Dmowski zasłonięty balonami. Ale tylko w przenośni |publisher=M.wyborcza.pl |date=9 November 2011 |access-date=19 September 2013}}</ref>

<ref name="Historical Dictionary of the Russo-Japanese War">{{cite book|last=Kowner |first=Rotem |year=2006 |title=Historical Dictionary of the Russo-Japanese War |url=https://archive.org/details/historicaldictio00libg_334 |url-access=limited |publisher=The Scarecrow Press |isbn=0-8108-4927-5 |page=[https://archive.org/details/historicaldictio00libg_334/page/n152 108]}}</ref>

<ref name="Kunicki2012">{{cite book|author=Mikolaj Stanislaw Kunicki|title=Between the Brown and the Red: Nationalism, Catholicism, and Communism in Twentieth-Century Poland—The Politics of Boleslaw Piasecki|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RnPz1sLVYm4C|year=2012|publisher=Ohio University Press |isbn=978-0-8214-4420-7 |pages=10–12}}</ref>

<ref name="Lerski1996-115">{{cite book|author=Jerzy Jan Lerski|title=Historical Dictionary of Poland, 966–1945|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QTUTqE2difgC&pg=PA115|year=1996|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|isbn=978-0-313-26007-0|page=115}}</ref>

<ref name="Lerski1996-116">Lerski 1996, p.116</ref>

<ref name="Levy2005">{{cite book|author=Richard S. Levy|title=Antisemitism: A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Tdn6FFZklkcC&pg=PA182|year=2005|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-1-85109-439-4|page=182}}</ref>

<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen131-134_231-233">Lundgreen-Nielsen, K. ''The Polish Problem at the Paris Peace Conference'' pages 131–134 & pages 231–233</ref>

<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen217">Lundgreen-Nielsen page 217.</ref>

<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen223-224">Lundgreen-Nielsen pages 223–224.</ref>

<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen225">Lundgreen-Nielsen page 225.</ref>

<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen225-226">Lundgreen-Nielsen pages 225–226.</ref>

<ref name="Lundgreen-Nielsen238-240">Lundgreen-Nielsen pages 238–240.</ref>

<ref name="Macmillan209">Macmillan, Margaret ''Paris 1919'' page 209.</ref>

<ref name="Macmillan209-210_212">Macmillan, Margaret ''Paris 1919'' pages 209–210 & 212.</ref>

<ref name="Macmillan210">Macmillan page 210.</ref>

<ref name="Macmillan212">Macmillan page 212.</ref>

<ref name="Macmillan212-213">Macmillan pages 212–213.</ref>

<ref name="Macmillan213">Macmillan page 213.</ref>

<ref name="Macmillan213-214">Macmillan pages 213–214.</ref>

<ref name="Macmillan214">Macmillan page 214.</ref>

<ref name="Mendelsohn38">Mendelsohn page 38.</ref>

<!-- <ref name="Mendelsohn38_261">Mendelsohn, Ezra ''The Jews of East Central Europe'' pages 38 & 261.</ref> -->

<ref name="Michlic2006">{{cite book|author=Joanna B. Michlic|title=Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=t6h2pI7o_zQC&pg=PA64|year=2006|publisher=U of Nebraska Press|isbn=978-0-8032-5637-8|page=64}}</ref>

<ref name="Modras2005">{{cite book|author=Ronald Modras|title=The Catholic Church and Antisemitism|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GUdgbXsA1-EC&pg=PA23|date=17 August 2005|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-28617-0|page=23}}</ref>

<ref name="Mosty Romana Dmowskiego, Wrocław">{{cite web|url=http://dolny-slask.org.pl/509435,Wroclaw,Mosty_Romana_Dmowskiego.html |title=Mosty Romana Dmowskiego, Wrocław |language=pl |publisher=dolny-slask.org.pl |access-date=19 September 2013}}</ref>

<ref name="Odsłonięto pomnik Romana Dmowskiego – Wiadomości – WP.PL">{{cite web|author=wiadomości.wp.pl |url=http://wiadomosci.wp.pl/kat,1342,title,Odslonieto-pomnik-Romana-Dmowskiego,wid,8594333,wiadomosc.html |title=Odsłonięto pomnik Romana Dmowskiego – Wiadomości |publisher=Wiadomosci.WP.PL |access-date=19 September 2013}}</ref>

<ref name="Paulsson21">Paulsson page 21.</ref>

<ref name="Paulsson41">Paulsson page 41.</ref>

<ref name="Paulsson70">Paulsson page 70.</ref>

<ref name="Pilsudski: A Life For Poland">{{cite book |last=Jędrzejewicz |first=Wacław |author-link=Wacław Jędrzejewicz |title=Pilsudski: A Life For Poland |year=1991 |publisher=Hippocrene Books |location=New York |isbn=978-0-87052-747-0 |page=13}}</ref>

<ref name="Plach2006">{{cite book|author=Eva Plach|title=The Clash of Moral Nations: Cultural Politics in Piłsudski's Poland, 1926–1935|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=i5vkt-8Ui_sC&pg=PA25|year=2006|publisher=Ohio University Press|isbn=978-0-8214-1695-2|page=25}}</ref>

<ref name="Roman Dmowski na pomnik. Białystok zrobi krok do tyłu?">{{cite web|url=http://wyborcza.pl/1,75248,14059814,Roman_Dmowski_na_pomnik__Bialystok_zrobi_krok_do_tylu_.html |title=Roman Dmowski na pomnik. Białystok zrobi krok do tyłu? |language=pl |publisher=Wyborcza.pl |date=3 February 2002 |access-date=19 September 2013}}</ref>

<ref name="Secret City">{{cite book|author=Gunnar S. Paulsson|title=Secret City: The Hidden Jews of Warsaw, 1940–1945|url=https://archive.org/details/secretcityhidden00paul|url-access=registration|year=2002|publisher=Yale University Press|page=[https://archive.org/details/secretcityhidden00paul/page/38 38]|isbn=9780300095463 }}</ref>

<ref name="Snyder2003-144">{{cite book|author=Timothy Snyder|title=The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xSpEynLxJ1MC&pg=PA144|year=2003|publisher=Yale University Press|isbn=978-0-300-10586-5|page=144}}</ref>

<ref name="Sokol1992">{{cite book|author=Stanley S. Sokol|title=The Polish Biographical Dictionary: Profiles of Nearly 900 Poles who Have Made Lasting Contributions to World Civilization|url=https://archive.org/details/polishbiographic00soko|url-access=registration|year=1992|publisher=Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers|isbn=978-0-86516-245-7|page=[https://archive.org/details/polishbiographic00soko/page/276 276]}}</ref>

<ref name="Steiner2005">{{cite book|author=Zara S. Steiner|title=The Lights that Failed: European International History, 1919–1933|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=V00vGP4TobwC&pg=PA295|year=2005|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-822114-2|page=295}}</ref>

<ref name="Urb 499–501">{{Cite book |last=Urbankowski |first=Bohdan |author-link=Bohdan Urbankowski |title=Józef Piłsudski: Marzyciel i strateg (Józef Piłsudski: Dreamer and Strategist) |volume=1–2 |year=1997 |publisher=Wydawnictwo ALFA |location=Warsaw |language=pl |isbn=978-83-7001-914-3 |pages=499–501}}</ref>

<ref name="Walicki12">{{cite journal|last=Walicki|first=A.|title=The Troubling Legacy of Roman Dmowski|journal=East European Politics & Societies|date=1 December 1999 |volume=14 |issue=1 |pages=12–46 |doi=10.1177/0888325400014001002|s2cid=145366684}}, p.12</ref>

<ref name="Walicki13">Walicki 1999, p.13</ref>

<ref name="Walicki14">Walicki 1999, p.14</ref>

<ref name="Walicki15">Walicki 1999, p.15</ref>

<ref name="Walicki1920">Walicki 1999, p.19-20</ref>

<ref name="Walicki23">Walicki 1999, p.23</ref>

<ref name="Walicki25">Walicki 1999, p.25</ref>

<ref name="Walicki26">Walicki 1999, p.26</ref>

<ref name="Walicki28">Walicki 1999, p.28</ref>

<ref name="Walicki2829">Walicki 1999, p.28-29</ref>

<ref name="Walicki2930">Walicki, 1999, p. 2930.</ref>

<ref name="Walicki30">Walicki 1999, p.30</ref>

<ref name="Walicki31">Walicki 1999, p.31</ref>

<ref name="Walicki32">Walicki 1999, p.32</ref>

<ref name="Walicki33">Walicki 1999, p.33</ref>

<ref name="Walicki46">Walicki 1999, p.46</ref>

<ref name="Zamoyski329">Zamoyski, Adam ''The Polish Way'' page 329.</ref>

<ref name="Zamoyski329-330">Zamoyski pages 329–330.</ref>

<ref name="Zamoyski330">Zamoyski page 330.</ref>

<ref name="Zamoyski332">Zamoyski page 332.</ref>

<ref name="Zamoyski333">Zamoyski, Adam ''The Polish Way'' page 333.</ref>

<ref name="Zamoyski334">Zamoyski page 334.</ref>

<ref name="Zamoyski347">Zamoyski, Adam ''The Polish Way'' page 347.</ref>

<ref name="Zimmerman2004-166">{{cite book|author=Joshua D. Zimmerman|title=Poles, Jews, and the Politics of Nationality: The Bund and the Polish Socialist Party in Late Tsarist Russia, 1892–1914|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6sbr9cZyw_4C&pg=PA166|year=2004|publisher=Univ of Wisconsin Press|isbn=978-0-299-19463-5|page=166}}</ref>

<ref name="dabrowski">Patrice M. Dabrowski, "Uses and Abuses of the Polish Past by Józef Piłsudski and Roman Dmowski," ''The Polish Review'' (2011) 56#1 pp. 73-109</ref>

<ref name="destruction">Absolute Destruction: Military Culture and the Practices of War in Imperial Germany [[Isabel V. Hull]] page 233 Cornell University Press, 2005</ref>

<ref name="dictatorships">''To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships'', pp. 151–52.</ref>

<ref name="graniczny">Immanuel Geiss "Tzw. polski pas graniczny 1914–1918". Warszawa 1964</ref>

<ref name="grenzstreifen">The Red Prince: The Secret Lives of a Habsburg Archduke By Timothy Snyder "On the annexations and ethnic cleansing, see Geiss, Der Polnische Grenzstreifen"</ref>

<ref name="odbudowania">Wybór pism Romana Dmowskiego: Przypisy do "Polityki polskiej i odbudowania panśtwa". Kościół, narod i państwo. Świat powojenny i polska Roman Dmowski, Antonina Bogdan, Stanisław Bojarczuk Instytut Romana Dmowskiego, page 210 1988 – History</ref>

<ref name="odbudowanie">pages 301–308 of his 1925 book ''Polityka Polska i odbudowanie państwa'' (Polish Politics and the Rebuilding of the State)</ref>

<ref name="politycznego">Ewolucja systemu politycznego w Polsce w latach 1914–1998. T. 1. Odbudowanie niepodległego państwa i jego rozwój do 1945 r. Cz. 1, Zbiór studiów 1999. Polska myśl zachodnia XIX I XX wieku Czubiński Antoni</ref>

<ref name="psb213">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.213</ref>

<ref name="psb214">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.214</ref>

<ref name="psb215">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.215</ref>

<ref name="psb216">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.216</ref>

<ref name="psb217">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.217</ref>

<ref name="psb218">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.218</ref>

<ref name="psb219">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.219</ref>

<ref name="psb220">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.220</ref>

<ref name="psb221">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.221</ref>

<ref name="psb222">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.222</ref>

<ref name="psb223">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.223</ref>

<ref name="psb224">Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.224</ref>

<ref name="radicalization">Israel Oppenheim, "The Radicalization of the Endecja's Anti-Jewish Line during and after the 1905 Revolution," ''Shvut'' (2000), Vol. 9, pp 32–66.</ref>

<ref name="schimitzek">Stanisław Schimitzek, ''Truth or Conjecture?: German Civilian War Losses in the East'', Zachodnia Agencia Prasowa, 1966, p. 366.</ref>

<ref name="sejm1999">{{cite web|url= http://isap.sejm.gov.pl/Download?id=WMP19990030012&type=2 |title=Uchwała Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 8 stycznia 1999 r. o uczczeniu pamięci Romana Dmowskiego }}&nbsp;{{small|(29.7&nbsp;KB)}}</ref>

<ref name="shatterzone">{{cite book|title=Shatterzone of Empires: Coexistence and Violence in the German, Habsburg, Russian, and Ottoman Borderlands |first1=Omer |last1=Bartov |first2=Eric D. |last2=Weitz |page=55 |publisher=Indiana University Press |year=2013}}</ref>

<ref name="smogorzewska">Kunert and Smogorzewska 1998, 388.</ref>

<ref name="termination">{{cite book|first=H.E. |last=Goeman |title=War and Punishment: The Causes of War Termination and the First World War |publisher=Princeton University Press |year=2000 |page=105}}</ref>

<ref name="ÁrnasonDoyle2010">{{cite book|author1=Jóhann Páll Árnason|author2=Natalie Doyle|title=Domains and Divisions of European History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gWHu7SQQa04C&pg=PA93|year=2010|publisher=Liverpool University Press|isbn=978-1-84631-214-4|page=93}}</ref>
}}

==Further reading==
* Cang, Joel: "The Opposition Parties in Poland and Their Attitude towards the Jews and the Jewish Question"  ''Jewish Social Studies'', Volume 1, Issue #2, 1939. pages 241–256 
* Dabrowski, Patrice M. "Uses and Abuses of the Polish Past by Józef Piłsudski and Roman Dmowski," ''The Polish Review'' (2011) 56#1 pp.&nbsp;73–109 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/41549950 in JSTOR]
* [[Norman Davies|Davies, Norman]] "Lloyd George and Poland, 1919–20," ''Journal of Contemporary History'', (1971) 6#3 pp 132–54 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/259884 in JSTOR]
* Fountain, Alvin Marcus ''Roman Dmowski: Party, Tactics, Ideology 1895–1907'', Boulder: East European Monographs, 1980 {{ISBN|0-914710-53-2}}.
* Groth, Alexander J. "Dmowski, Piłsudski and Ethnic Conflict in Pre-1939 Poland," ''Canadian-American Slavic Studies'' (1969) 3#1 pp 69–91.
* Komarnicki, Titus ''Rebirth of the Polish Republic: A Study in the Diplomatic History of Europe, 1914–1920'', London, 1957.
* Kossert, Andreas. "Founding Father of Modern Poland and Nationalistic Antisemite: Roman Dmowski," in ''In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe'' edited by Rebecca Haynes and Martyn Rady, (2011) pp 89–105
* Lundgreen-Nielsen, K. ''The Polish Problem at the Paris Peace Conference: A Study in the Policies of the Great Powers and the Poles, 1918–1919'': Odense, 1979.
* [[Margaret MacMillan|Macmillan, Margaret]] ''Paris 1919 : Six Months That Changed The World'', New York : Random House, 2003, 2002, 2001 {{ISBN|0-375-50826-0}}, pp 207–28
* Mendelsohn, Ezra. ''The Jews of East Central Europe between the World Wars'', Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983 {{ISBN|0-253-33160-9}}.
* Porter, Brian. ''When Nationalism Began to Hate. Imagining Modern Politics in Nineteenth-Century Poland'', (Oxford University Press, 2000). {{ISBN|0-19-515187-9}}
* Seitz, Richard George. "Dmowski, Piłsudski, and the Ideological Clash in the Second Polish Republic." PhD dissertation University of Washington., 1975.
* Valasek, Paul S. ''Haller's Polish Army in France'', Chicago : 2006 {{ISBN|0-9779757-0-3}}.
* Walicki, Andrzej. "The Troubling Legacy of Roman Dmowski," ''East European Politics & Societies'' (2000) 14#1 pp 12–46. stresses xenophobia, anti-Semitism and role of Church
* [[Piotr Stefan Wandycz|Wandycz, Piotr Stefan]] "Dmowski's Policy and the Paris Peace Conference: Success or Failure?" from ''The Reconstruction of Poland, 1914–23'', edited by P. Latawski: London, 1992.
* Wandycz, Piotr S. "Poland's Place in Europe in the Concepts of Piłsudski and Dmowski," ''East European Politics & Societies'' (1990) 4#3 pp 451–468.
* [[Adam Zamoyski|Zamoyski, Adam]] ''The Polish Way A Thousand-Year History of the Poles and their Culture'', London: John Murray Ltd, 1987 {{ISBN|0-7195-4674-5}}.

===In Polish===
* {{cite book |title= O kształt niepodległej |last=Friszke |first=Andrzej |author-link=Andrzej Friszke |year=1989 |publisher=Biblioteka "Więzi" |location=Warszawa |isbn=83-7006-014-5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2zBJAAAAIAAJ&q=Endecja}}
* {{cite book |title= Posłowie i senatorowie Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1919–1939. Słownik biograficzny. Tom I, A-D |last=Kunert |first= Andrzej Krzysztof |author-link= Andrzej Kunert |author2=Małgorzata Smogorzewska |year= 1998 |publisher= Wydawnictwo Sejmowe |location= Warszawa |isbn= 83-7059-392-5 }}
* {{cite book |title=Roman Dmowski |last=Wapiński |first=Roman |author-link=Roman Wapiński |year= 1989 |publisher=Wydawnictwo Lubelskie |location=Lublin |isbn=83-222-0480-9 }}
* {{cite encyclopedia|author1=Ignacy Chrzanowski|author2=Władysław Konopczyński|title=Stefan Batory |encyclopedia=Polski Słownik Biograficzny |volume=V|year=1946|language=pl}}

== External links ==
{{commons category|Roman Dmowski}}
* [http://www.romandmowski.pl/ Website dedicated to Roman Dmowski]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20120303104111/http://video.google.pl/videoplay?docid=1597386036855680486 Roman Dmowski's funeral (video)]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20090228100248/http://ww6.tvp.pl/6946,20090215881445.strona TVP Opole documentary about Roman Dmowski]
* {{PM20|FID=pe/004080}}
* {{Librivox author |id=14429}}

{{Conservatism}}
{{Political philosophy}}
{{Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Poland}}
{{Authority control}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Dmowski, Roman}}
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