View source for Population exchange between Greece and Turkey

{{Short description|1923 agreement between Greece and Turkey}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=December 2023}}
[[File:Kayaköy (7023405881).jpg|thumb|upright=1.2|The [[ghost town]] of [[Kayaköy]] (Livisi) in southwestern [[Anatolia]]. The Greek village was abandoned during the 1923 population exchange.<ref>{{cite book| last1=Mariana| first1=Correia| last2=Letizia| first2=Dipasquale| last3=Saverio| first3=Mecca| title=VERSUS: Heritage for Tomorrow| publisher=Firenze University Press| isbn=9788866557418| page=69| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=84PCBwAAQBAJ&pg=PA69| language=en| year=2014}}</ref>]]

The '''1923 population exchange between Greece and Turkey'''{{efn|{{langx|el|Ἡ Ἀνταλλαγή|I Antallagí}}; {{langx|ota|مبادله|Mübâdele}}; {{langx|tr|Mübadele}}}} stemmed from the "[[Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations]]" signed at [[Lausanne]], [[Switzerland]], on 30 January 1923, by the governments of [[Kingdom of Greece|Greece]] and [[Turkey]]. It involved at least 1.6 million people (1,221,489 [[Greeks in Turkey|Greek Orthodox]] from [[Asia Minor]], [[Eastern Thrace]], the [[Pontic Alps]] and the [[Caucasus]], and 355,000–400,000 [[Muslims]] from Greece),<ref>{{cite book|page=365|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CWMxBwAAQBAJ&pg=PA365|title=Less than Nations: Central-Eastern European Minorities after WWI|volume= 1|author=Giuseppe Motta| publisher=Cambridge Scholars Publishing|year=2013|isbn=9781443854610}}</ref> most of whom were forcibly made refugees and ''[[de jure]]'' [[denaturalization|denaturalized]] from their homelands.

On 16 March 1922, [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Turkey)|Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs]] [[Yusuf Kemal Bey|Yusuf Kemal Tengrişenk]] stated that "[t]he Ankara Government was strongly in favour of a solution that would satisfy world opinion and ensure tranquillity in its own country", and that "[i]t was ready to accept the idea of an exchange of populations between the [[Greeks]] in Asia Minor and the Muslims in Greece".<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Kritikos |first=Giorgos |date=1999 |title=Motives for compulsory population exchange in the aftermath of the Greek-Turkish War: (1922-1923) |url=https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/deltiokms/article/view/2528 |journal=Bulletin of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies |volume=13 |language=en |issue=13 |page=212 |doi=10.12681/deltiokms.147 |issn=2459-2579 |quote=Actually, Kemal had stated previously (16 March 1922) that "the Ankara Government was strongly in favour of the idea of that an exchange of populations take place between the Greeks in Asia Minor and the Muslims in Greece". |via=[[National Documentation Centre (Greece)|ePublishing]]|doi-access=free }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |editor-last=Bourne |editor-first=Kenneth |editor-last2=Cameron Watt |editor-first2=Donald |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jooqzwEACAAJ |title=British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II: From the First to the Second World War, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918-1939 |date=1985 |publisher=[[University Press of America|University Publications of America]] |isbn=978-0-89093-603-0 |volume=3, The Turkish Revival 1921-1923 |pages=657–660 |language=en |quote="Yussuf Kemal Bey had remarked at the previous meeting (16 March 1922), where speaking of the fundamental principles of peace, that Lord Curzon had dwelt upon the safeguarding of minorities". He also noted that "the Ankara Government was strongly in favour of a solution that would satisfy world opinion and ensure tranquillity in its own country. It was ready to accept the idea of an exchange of populations between the Greeks in Asia Minor and the Muslims in Greece". In reply to this proposal, Lord Curzon noted that "no doubt something was possible in this direction but it was not a complete solution. The population in Asia Minor was somewhere near half a million. For physical reasons such a large number could not be entirely transported and for agricultural and commercial reasons many of them would be unwilling to go". }}</ref> Eventually, the initial request for an exchange of population came from [[Eleftherios Venizelos]] in a letter he submitted to the [[League of Nations]] on 16 October 1922, following Greece's defeat in the [[Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922)|Greco-Turkish War]] and two days after their accession of the [[Armistice of Mudanya]]. The request intended to normalize relations ''de jure'', since the majority of surviving Greek inhabitants of Turkey had fled from [[Greek genocide|recent massacres]] to Greece by that time. Venizelos proposed a "compulsory exchange of Greek and Turkish populations," and asked [[Fridtjof Nansen]] to make the necessary arrangements.<ref name="The Greek-Turkish Population Exchan">{{cite journal|last1=Shields |first1=Sarah|title=The Greek-Turkish Population Exchange: Internationally Administered Ethnic Cleansing|journal= Middle East Report|date=2013|issue=267|pages=2–6|jstor=24426444}}</ref>  The new state of Turkey also envisioned the population exchange as a way to formalize and make permanent the flight of its native [[Greek Orthodox]] peoples while initiating a new exodus of a smaller number (400,000) of Muslims from Greece as a way to provide settlers for the newly depopulated Orthodox villages of Turkey. [[Norman M. Naimark]] claimed that this treaty was the last part of an [[ethnic cleansing]] campaign to create an ethnically pure homeland for the Turks.<ref>Naimark, Norman M (2002), Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe, Harvard University Press. p. 47.</ref> Historian Dinah Shelton similarly wrote that "the Lausanne Treaty completed the forcible transfer of the country's Greeks."<ref>Dinah, Shelton. Encyclopaedia of Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p. 303.</ref>{{Better source needed|reason=The quoted entry is a tertiary source which makes only a passing reference to the population exchange, and should be replaced with a more comprehensive secondary source, per [[WP:SCHOLARSHIP]].|date=May 2024}}

This major compulsory [[Population transfer|population exchange]], or agreed mutual expulsion, was based mainly upon religious identity, and involved nearly all the indigenous [[Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople|Greek Orthodox Christian]] peoples of Turkey (the [[Rûm]] "[[Byzantine Greeks|Roman/Byzantine]]" [[Rum Millet|millet]]), including [[Hayhurum|Armenian]] and 100,000<ref>Blanchard, Raoul. "The Exchange of Populations Between Greece and Turkey." ''Geographical Review'', 15.3 (1925): 449–56.</ref> [[Karamanlides]], who were a Turkish-speaking [[Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople|Greek Orthodox Christian]] population. On the other side, most of the native [[Muslim]] populations of Greece, including [[Greek Muslim|Greek-speaking Muslims]] such as [[Vallahades]] and [[Cretan Turks]], as well as [[Muslim Roma]] groups like [[Sepečides Romani|Sepečides]], were distinct from the Greek Orthodox Christian populations involved in the exchange.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Bilgehan |first=Zeynep |date=13 March 2019 |title=Roma people tell of ancestors' 1923 'population exchange' stories |url=https://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/roma-people-tell-of-ancestors-1923-population-exchange-stories-141853 |access-date=9 May 2022 |website=[[Hürriyet Daily News]] |language=en}}</ref><ref>[http://rombase.uni-graz.at/cd/data/ethn/groupsat/data/sepecides.en.pdf Sepečides] uni-graz.at {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211202193940/http://rombase.uni-graz.at/cd/data/ethn/groupsat/data/sepecides.en.pdf |date=2021-12-02 }}</ref> Each group comprised native peoples, citizens, and in cases even veterans of the state which expelled them, and none had representation in the state purporting to speak for them in the exchange treaty.

Some scholars have criticized the exchange, describing it as a legalized form of mutual [[ethnic cleansing]],<ref>{{cite book |last1=Pinxten |first1=Rik |last2=Dikomitis |first2=Lisa |title=When God Comes to Town: Religious Traditions in Urban Contexts |date=May 2009 |publisher=Berghahn Books |isbn=978-1-84545-920-8 |page=3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hMF-mjzt1fsC&dq=Greece+Turkey+%22ethnic+cleansing%22&pg=PA3 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Adelman |first1=Howard |last2=Barkan |first2=Elazar |title=No Return, No Refuge: Rites and Rights in Minority Repatriation |date=2011 |publisher=Columbia University Press |isbn=978-0-231-52690-6 |page=33 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WRpHAAAAQBAJ&dq=Greece+Turkey+%22ethnic+cleansing%22&pg=PA33 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Mulaj |first1=Kledja |title=Politics of Ethnic Cleansing: Nation-state Building and Provision of In/security in Twentieth-century Balkans |year=2008 |publisher=Lexington Books |isbn=978-0-7391-1782-8 |page=31 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=C21t6bdyv3cC&dq=Greece+Turkey+%22ethnic+cleansing%22&pg=PA31 |language=en}}</ref> while others have defended it, stating that despite its negative aspects, the exchange had an overall positive outcome since it successfully prevented another potential genocide of [[Greek Orthodox Church|Greek Orthodox Christians]] in [[Turkey]].<ref>{{Cite thesis |last=Faulkenberry |first=Jason B. |date=2012 |title=The 1923 Greco-Turkish Population Exchange: Successful Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities |url=https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/ADA563125.pdf |degree=Master's |publisher=[[United States Army Command and General Staff College]]}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Moses |first=A. Dirk |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BTQTEAAAQBAJ&pg=PT360 |title=The Problems of Genocide: Permanent Security and the Language of Transgression |date=2021 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-107-10358-0 |pages=348 |language=en}}</ref>

==Estimated numbers==
[[File:Proportions des populations en Asie Mineure statistique officielle d1914.png|thumb|upright=1.2|An official [[Ottoman Empire|Ottoman]] document giving the results of the 1914 population [[census]]. The total population (sum of all ''[[Millet (Ottoman Empire)|millets]]'') was 20,975,345, of which 1,792,206 were Greeks.]]

By the end of 1922, the vast majority of native [[Pontian Greeks]] had already fled Turkey due to the [[Pontian genocide|genocide]] against them (1914–1922), and the [[Ionia]]n [[Ottoman Greeks|Greek]] Ottoman citizens had also fled due to the defeat of the Greek army in the later [[Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922)]], which had led to reprisal killings.<ref name=Gibney>{{cite book |author=Matthew J. Gibney, [[Randall Hansen]]. |title=Immigration and Asylum: from 1900 to the Present, Volume 3 |publisher=ABC-CLIO |year=2005 |page=[https://archive.org/details/immigrationasylu00matt/page/377 377] |isbn=978-1-57607-796-2 |quote=The total number of Christians who fled to Greece was probably in the region of 1.2 million with the main wave occurring in 1922 before the signing of the convention. According to the official records of the Mixed Commission set up to monitor the movements, the "Greeks" who were transferred after 1923 numbered 189,916 and the number of Muslims expelled to Turkey was 355,635 [Ladas 1932, pp. 438–439]; but using the same source Eddy [1931, p. 201] states that the post-1923 exchange involved 192,356 Greeks from Turkey and 354,647 Muslims from Greece. |url=https://archive.org/details/immigrationasylu00matt/page/377 }}</ref>

The most common estimates for Ottoman Greeks killed from 1914 to 1923 range from 300,000 to 900,000. For the whole of the period between 1914 and 1922 and for the whole of Anatolia, there are academic estimates of death toll ranging from 289,000 to 750,000. The figure of 750,000 is suggested by political scientist [[Adam Jones (Canadian scholar)|Adam Jones]].{{Sfn | Jones | 2010 |pp =150–51 | ps =: "By the beginning of the First World War, a majority of the region’s ethnic Greeks still lived in present-day Turkey, mostly in [[Thrace]] (the only remaining Ottoman territory in Europe, abutting the Greek border), and along the Aegean and Black Sea coasts. They would be targeted both prior to and alongside the [[Armenians]] of Anatolia and [[Assyrians]] of Anatolia and Mesopotamia&nbsp;... The major populations of 'Anatolian Greeks' include those along the Aegean coast and in Cappadocia (central Anatolia), but not the Greeks of the Thrace region west of the Bosphorus&nbsp;... A 'Christian genocide' framing acknowledges the historic claims of Assyrian and Greek peoples, and the movements now stirring for recognition and restitution among Greek and Assyrian diasporas. It also brings to light the quite staggering cumulative death toll among the various Christian groups targeted&nbsp;... of the 1.5 million Greeks of Asia minor – Ionians, Pontians, and Cappadocians – approximately 750,000 were massacred and 750,000 exiled. Pontian deaths alone totaled 353,000."}} Scholar [[Rudolph Rummel]] compiled various figures from several studies to estimate lower and higher bounds for the death toll between 1914 and 1923. He estimates that 384,000 Greeks were exterminated from 1914 to 1918, and 264,000 from 1920 to 1922, with the total number reaching 648,000.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Rummel|first1=R.J.|title=Statistics Of Turkey's Democide Estimates, Calculations, And Sources|url=https://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/SOD.CHAP5.HTM|publisher=University of Hawai'i|access-date=15 April 2015}} [https://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/SOD.TAB5.1B.GIF Table 5.1B].</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Hinton|first1=Alexander Laban|last2=Pointe|first2=Thomas La|last3=Irvin-Erickson|first3=Douglas|title=Hidden Genocides: Power, Knowledge, Memory|date=2013|publisher=Rutgers University Press|isbn=9780813561646|page=180|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZtcyAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA180|language=en|quote=The foremost expert on genocide statistics, Rudolph Rummel, has estimated that from 1914 to 1918 the Ottomans exterminated up to 384,000, Greeks, while from 1920 to 1922 another 264,000 Greeks were killed by the Nationalists.}}</ref> Historian Constantine G. Hatzidimitriou writes that "loss of life among Anatolian Greeks during the WWI period and its aftermath was approximately 735,370".<ref>Hatzidimitriou, Constantine G., ''American Accounts Documenting the Destruction of Smyrna by the Kemalist Turkish Forces: September 1922'', New Rochelle, [[New York (state)|NY]]: Caratzas, 2005, p. 2.</ref> The pre-war Greek population may have been closer to 2.4 million.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}} The number of Armenians killed varies from a low of 300,000 to 1.5 million. The estimate for Assyrians is 275–300,000.<ref>Estimates on the overall death toll have varied. Providing detailed statistics of the various estimates of the Churches' population after the genocide, David Gaunt accepts the figure of 275,000 deaths as reported by the Assyrian delegation at the [[Treaty of Lausanne]] and ventures that the death toll would be around 300,000 because of uncounted Assyrian-inhabited areas. David Gaunt, [http://www.seyfocenter.com/index.php?sid=2&aID=36 "The Assyrian Genocide of 1915"], ''Assyrian Genocide Research Center'', 2009. [[Rudolph Rummel]] gives the number of Christian deaths in Assyrian-populated regions of Turkey as 102,000 and adds to this the killing of around 47,000 Assyrians in Persia.</ref>

According to some calculations, during the autumn of 1922, around 900,000 Greeks arrived in Greece.<ref>Nikolaos Andriotis (2008). Chapter: ''The refugees question in Greece (1821–1930)'', in "''Θέματα Νεοελληνικής Ιστορίας''", ΟΕΔΒ (''"Topics from Modern Greek History"''). 8th edition</ref> According to [[Fridtjof Nansen]], before the final stage in 1922, of the 900,000 [[Greek refugees]], a third were from [[Eastern Thrace]], with the other two thirds being from [[Asia Minor]].<ref>{{cite web |publisher=League of Nations |url=http://biblio-archive.unog.ch/Dateien/CouncilMSD/C-524-M-187-1924-II_EN.pdf |title=The Settlement of Greek Refugees. Scheme for an International Loan |location=Geneva |date=October 30, 1924 |access-date=16 April 2018 |via=scopeArchiv |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170730211554/http://biblio-archive.unog.ch/Dateien/CouncilMSD/C-524-M-187-1924-II_EN.pdf |archive-date= Jul 30, 2017 }}</ref><ref>Harry J. Psomiades, [http://hellenicresearchcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/The-Fate-of-Greek-Majority-Psomiades.pdf "The Great Powers, Greece and Turkey and the armistice of Mudanya, October 1922. The Fate of the Greek Majority in Eastern Thrace"], Presented at the "Conference on Human Rights Issues in the Eastern Mediterranean and Asia Minor" Hellenic-Canadian Federation of Ontario, Toronto, 21 May 2000. Retrieved 16 April 2018.</ref>

The estimate for the Greeks living within the present day borders of Turkey in 1914 could be as high as 2.130 million, a figure higher than the 1.8 million Greeks in the [[Demographics of the Ottoman Empire|Ottoman census of 1910]] which included [[Western Thrace]], [[Macedonia (region)|Macedonia]] and [[Epirus]] based on the number of Greeks who left for Greece just before World War I and the 1.3 million who arrived in the population exchanges of 1923, and the 300–900,000 estimated to have been massacred. A revised count suggests 620,000 in [[East Thrace|Eastern Thrace]] including [[Constantinople]] (260,000, 30% of the city's population at the time), 550,000 [[Pontic Greeks]], 900,000 Anatolian Greeks and 60,000 [[Cappadocian Greeks]]. Arrivals in Greece from the exchange numbered 1,310,000 according to the map (in this article) with figures below: 260,000 from Eastern Thrace (100,000 had already left between 1912 and 1914 after the Balkan Wars), 20,000 from the southern shore of the [[Sea of Marmara]], 650,000 from Anatolia, 60,000 from [[Cappadocia]], 280,000 Pontic Greeks, 40,000 left Constantinople (the Greeks there were permitted to stay, but those who had fled during the war were not allowed to return).

Additionally, 50,000 Greeks came from the [[Caucasus]], 50,000 from [[Bulgaria]] and 12,000 from [[Crimea]], almost 1.42 million from all regions. About 340,000 Greeks remained in Turkey, 220,000 of them in [[Istanbul]] in 1924.

By 1924, the Christian population of Turkey proper had been reduced from 4.4 million in 1912 to 700,000 (50% of the pre-war Christians had been killed), 350,000 Armenians, 50,000 Assyrians and the rest Greeks, 70% in Constantinople; and by 1927 to 350,000, mostly in Istanbul. In modern times the percentage of Christians in Turkey has declined from 20 to 25 percent in 1914 to 3–5.5 percent in 1927, to 0.3–0.4% today<ref name=":0">{{cite web| url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259938665 |date=Dec 2012 |publisher=Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life | title=The Global Religious Landscape| website=ResearchGate| language=en| access-date=2019-02-08}}</ref> roughly translating to 200,000–320,000 devotees. This was due to events that had a significant impact on the country's demographic structure, such as the [[First World War]], the genocide of Assyrians, Greeks, and Armenians, and the population exchange between Greece and Turkey in 1923.

==Historical background==
{{see also|Late Ottoman genocides}}

The Greek–Turkish population exchange came out of the Turkish and Greek militaries' treatment of the Christian minorities and Muslim majorities, respectively, in Asia Minor during the [[Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922)]] that followed the Allied Powers' authorization of a Greek zone of [[Occupation of Smyrna|occupation]] in the defeated Ottoman Empire. This Greek occupation was designed to protect remaining Christian minorities, who had been massacred repeatedly in the Ottoman Empire before and during World War I: [[Adana massacre of 1909]], [[Armenian genocide]] of 1914–1923, [[Greek genocide]] 1914–1922. But, instead, it unleashed further massacres both of these Christians and now also of [[Persecution of Muslims during Ottoman contraction#Greco–Turkish War|Muslims]] as both armies sought to secure their rule by eliminating any inhabitants whose existence could justify unfavorable borders. This continued, now in both directions, a process of ethnic cleansing in Asia Minor that had been conducted initially by the Ottoman state against its minorities during World War I. On January 31, 1917, the Chancellor of Germany, allied with the Ottomans during [[World War I]], was reporting that:

{{blockquote|The indications are that the Turks plan to eliminate the Greek element as enemies of the state, as they did earlier with the Armenians. The strategy implemented by the Turks is of displacing people to the interior without taking measures for their survival by exposing them to death, hunger, and illness. The abandoned homes are then looted and burnt or destroyed. Whatever was done to the Armenians is being repeated with the Greeks. |author=[[Chancellor of Germany]] in 1917, [[Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg]]|source=The Killing Trap: Genocide in the Twentieth Century<ref name="Midlarsky, Manus">{{cite book |author= Midlarsky, Manus I. |title= The Killing Trap: Genocide in the Twentieth Century |publisher= Cambridge University Press |year= 2005 |pages=342–343 |isbn=978-0-521-81545-1}}</ref>}}

[[File:Greek Asia Minor dialects.png|thumb|200px|Distribution of Anatolian Greeks in 1910:{{br}}[[Modern Greek#Demotic|Demotic Greek]] speakers in yellow, [[Pontic Greek]] speakers in orange, and [[Cappadocian Greek]] speakers in green. Towns are shown as dots, and cities as squares.<ref>[[Richard MacGillivray Dawkins|Dawkins, R.M.]] 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor. A study of dialect of Silly, Cappadocia and Pharasa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.</ref>]]

At the end of World War I one of the Ottomans' foremost generals, [[Mustafa Kemal Atatürk]], continued the fight against the attempted Allied occupation of Turkey in the [[Turkish War of Independence]]. The surviving Christian minorities within Turkey, particularly the Armenians and the Greeks, had sought protection from the Allies and thus continued to be seen as an internal problem, and as an enemy, by the [[Turkish National Movement]]. This was exacerbated by the Allies authorizing Greece to occupy Ottoman regions ([[Occupation of Smyrna]]) with a large surviving Greek population in 1919 and by an Allied proposal to protect the remaining Armenians by creating an independent state for them ([[Wilsonian Armenia]]) within the former Ottoman realm. The Turkish Nationalists' reaction to these events led directly to the [[Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922)]] and the continuation of the [[Armenian genocide]] and [[Greek genocide]]. By the time of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's [[Great Fire of Smyrna|capture of Smyrna]] in September 1922, over a million Greek orthodox Ottoman subjects had fled their homes in Turkey.<ref name="Midlarsky, Manus I. 2005 342-3">{{cite book | last = Midlarsky | first = Manus I |title= The Killing Trap: Genocide in the Twentieth Century |publisher= Cambridge University Press |year= 2005 |pages=342–43 |isbn= 978-0-521-81545-1 |quote= Many (Greeks), however, were massacred by the Turks, especially at Smyrna (today's İzmir) as the Greek army withdrew at the end of their headlong retreat from central Anatolia at the end of the Greco-Turkish War. Especially poorly treated were the Pontic Greeks in eastern Anatolia on the Black Sea. In 1920, as the Greek army advanced, many were deported to the Mesopotamian desert as had been the Armenians before them. Nevertheless, approximately 1,200,000 Ottoman Greek refugees arrived in Greece at the end of the war. When one adds to the total the Greeks of Constantinople who, by agreement, were not forced to flee, then the total number comes closer to the 1,500,000 Greeks in Anatolia and Thrace. Here, a strong distinction between intention and action is found. According to the Austrian consul at Amisos, Kwiatkowski, in his November 30, 1916, report to foreign minister Baron Burian: 'on 26 November Rafet Bey told me: "we must finish off the Greeks as we did with the Armenians..." on 28 November Rafet Bey told me: "today I sent squads to the interior to kill every Greek on sight." I fear for the elimination of the entire Greek population and a repeat of what occurred last year.'}}</ref> A formal peace agreement was signed with [[Greece]] after months of negotiations in [[Lausanne]] on July 24, 1923. Two weeks after the treaty, the Allied Powers turned over Istanbul to the Nationalists, marking the final departure of occupation armies from Anatolia and provoking another flight of Christian minorities to Greece.<ref name="Ryan Gingeras. 2009">{{cite book |author=Ryan Gingeras. |title=Sorrowful Shores: Violence, Ethnicity, and the end of the Ottoman Empire, 1912–1923|publisher=Oxford Scholarship |year=2009|doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561520.001.0001|isbn=9780199561520}}</ref>

On October 29, 1923, the Grand Turkish National Assembly announced the creation of the [[Republic of Turkey]], a [[State (polity)|state]] that would encompass most of the territories claimed by Mustafa Kemal in his National Pact of 1920.<ref name="Ryan Gingeras. 2009"/>

The state of Turkey was headed by Mustafa Kemal's People's Party, which later became the [[Republican People's Party]]. The end of the War of Independence brought new administration to the region, but also brought new problems considering the demographic reconstruction of cities and towns, many of which had been abandoned by fleeing minority Christians. The Greco-Turkish War left many of the settlements [[Greco-Turkish War (1919–22)#Greek scorched-earth policy|plundered and in ruins]].

Meanwhile, after the [[Balkan Wars]], Greece had almost doubled its territory, and the population of the state had risen from approximately 3.7 million to 4.8 million. With this newly annexed population, the proportion of non-Greek minority groups in Greece rose to 13%, and following the end of the [[First World War]], it had increased to 20%. Most of the ethnic populations in these annexed territories were [[Muslim]], but were not necessarily Turkish in ethnicity. This is particularly true in the case of ethnic [[Albanians]] who inhabited the [[Çamëria]] (Greek: Τσαμουριά) region of [[Epirus (region)|Epirus]]. During the deliberations held at Lausanne, the question of exactly who was Greek, Turkish or Albanian was routinely brought up. Greek and Albanian representatives determined that the Albanians in Greece, who mostly lived in the northwestern part of the state, were not all mixed, and were distinguishable from the [[Turkish people|Turks]]. The government in [[Ankara]] still expected a thousand "Turkish-speakers" from the Çamëria to arrive in [[Turkey]] for settlement in [[Erdek]], [[Ayvalık]], [[Mugla Province|Menteşe]], [[Antalya]], [[Senkile]], [[Mersin]], and [[Adana]]. Ultimately, the Greek authorities decided to deport thousands of Muslims from [[Thesprotia]], [[Larissa]], [[Lagkadas|Langadas]], [[Drama, Greece|Drama]], [[Edessa, Greece|Edessa]], [[Serres]], [[Florina]], [[Kilkis]], [[Kavala]], and [[Thessaloniki]]. Between 1923 and 1930, the infusion of these refugees into Turkey would dramatically alter Anatolian society. By 1927, Turkish officials had settled 32,315 individuals from Greece in the [[province of Bursa]] alone.<ref name="Ryan Gingeras. 2009"/>

==The road to the exchange==
According to some sources, the population exchange, albeit messy and dangerous for many, was executed fairly quickly by respected supervisors.<ref>{{cite book |author=Karakasidou, Anastasia N. |title=Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood: Passages to Nationhood in Greek Macedonia 1870–1990|publisher=University of Chicago Press |year=1997}}</ref> If the goal of the exchange was to ostensibly achieve religious homogeneity, then this was achieved by both Turkey and Greece. For example, in 1906, nearly 20 percent of the population of present-day Turkey was non-Muslim, but by 1927, only 2.6 percent was.<ref>{{cite book |author=Keyder, Caglar.. |title=State & Class in Turkey: A Study in Capitalist Development|publisher=Verso|year=1987}}</ref>

The architect of the exchange was [[Fridtjof Nansen]], commissioned by the [[League of Nations]]. As the first official high commissioner for refugees, Nansen proposed and supervised the exchange, taking into account the interests of Greece, Turkey, and West European powers. As an experienced diplomat with experience resettling Russian and other refugees after the First World War, Nansen had also created a new travel document for displaced persons of the World War in the process. He was chosen to be in charge of the peaceful resolution of the Greek-Turkish war of 1919–22. Although a compulsory exchange on this scale had never been attempted in modern history, Balkan precedents, such as the [[Greco-Bulgarian population exchange]] of 1919, were available. Because of the unanimous decision by the Greek and Turkish governments that minority protection would not suffice to ameliorate ethnic tensions after the First World War, population exchange was promoted as the only viable option.<ref name="Umut Özsu 2011">{{cite book |author=Umut Özsu |title=Formalizing Displacement: International Law and Population Transfers|publisher=Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015}}</ref>{{rp|823–847}}

According to representatives from [[Ankara]], the "amelioration of the lot of the minorities in Turkey' depended 'above all on the exclusion of every kind of foreign intervention and of the possibility of provocation coming from outside'.
This could be achieved most effectively with an exchange, and 'the best guarantees for the security and development of the minorities remaining' after the exchange 'would be those supplied both by the laws of the country and by the liberal policy of Turkey with regard to all communities whose members have not deviated from their duty as Turkish citizens'. An exchange would also be useful as a response to violence in the Balkans; 'there were', in any event, 'over a million Turks without food or shelter in countries in which neither Europe nor America took nor was willing to take any interest'.

The population exchange was seen as the best form of minority protection as well as "the most radical and humane remedy" of all. Nansen believed that what was on the negotiating table at Lausanne was not [[Ethnic nationalism|ethno-nationalism]], but rather, a "question" that "demanded 'quick and efficient' resolution without a minimum of delay." He believed that economic component of the problem of Greek and Turkish refugees deserved the most attention: "Such an exchange will provide Turkey immediately and in the best conditions with the population necessary to continue the exploitation of the cultivated lands which the departed Greek populations have abandoned. The departure from Greece of its Muslim citizens would create the possibility of rendering self-supporting a great proportion of the refugees now concentrated in the towns and in different parts of Greece". Nansen recognized that the difficulties were truly "immense", acknowledging that the population-exchange would require "the displacement of populations of many more than 1,000,000 people". He advocated: "uprooting these people from their homes, transferring them to a strange new country,&nbsp;... registering, valuing and liquidating their individual property which they abandon, and&nbsp;... securing to them the payment of their just claims to the value of this property".<ref name="Umut Özsu 2011"/>{{rp|79}}

The agreement promised that the possessions of the refugees would be protected and allowed migrants to carry "portable" belongings freely with themselves. It was required that possessions not carried across the [[Aegean Sea]] be recorded in lists; these lists were to be submitted to both governments for reimbursement. After a commission was established to deal with the particular issue of belongings (mobile and immobile) of the populations, this commission would decide the total sum to pay persons for their immovable belongings (houses, cars, land, etc.) It was also promised that in their new settlement, the refugees would be provided with new possessions totaling the ones they had left behind. Greece and Turkey would calculate the total value of a refugee's belongings and the country with a surplus would pay the difference to the other country. All possessions left in Greece belonged to the Greek state and all the possessions left in Turkey belonged to the Turkish state. Because of the difference in nature and numbers of the populations, the possessions left behind by the Greek elite of the economic classes in Anatolia was greater than the possessions of the Muslim farmers in Greece.<ref>{{cite book |author=Mustafa Suphi Erden|title=The exchange of Greek and Turkish populations in the 1920s and its socio-economic impacts on life in Anatolia|publisher=Journal of Crime, Law & Social Change International Law |pages= 261–282|year=2004}}</ref>

==Refugee camps==
[[File:Greek and Armenian refugee children near Athens, 1923.jpg|thumb|Greek and Armenian refugee children in Athens]]
[[File:Muslim refugee by the compulsory population exchange.jpg|thumb|Muslim refugees]]

The Refugee Commission had no useful plan to follow to resettle the refugees. Having arrived in Greece for the purpose of settling the refugees on land, the commission had no statistical data either about the number of the refugees or the number of available acres. When the Commission arrived in Greece, the Greek government had already settled provisionally 72,581 farming families, almost entirely in [[Macedonia (region)|Macedonia]], where the houses abandoned by the exchanged Muslims and the fertility of the land made their establishment practicable and auspicious.

In Turkey, the property abandoned by the Greeks was often looted by arriving immigrants before the influx of immigrants of the population exchange. As a result, it was quite difficult to settle refugees in Anatolia, since many of these homes had been occupied by people displaced by war before the government could seize them.<ref>{{cite book |author=Dimitri Pentzopoulos|title=The Balkan Exchange of Minorities and its Impact on Greece|publisher=Hurst & Company |pages= 51–110|year=1962}}</ref>

==Political and economic effects of the exchange==
The more than 1,250,000 refugees who left Turkey for Greece after the war in 1922, through different mechanisms, contributed to the unification of elites under [[authoritarian regime]]s in Turkey and Greece. In Turkey, the departure of the independent and strong economic elites, i.e. the Greek Orthodox populations, left the dominant state elites unchallenged. In fact, Caglar Keyder noted that "what this drastic measure [Greek-Turkish population exchange] indicates is that during the war years Turkey lost&nbsp;... [around 90 percent of the pre-war] commercial class, such that when the Republic was formed, the bureaucracy found itself unchallenged". The emerging business groups that supported the [[Free Republican Party]] in 1930 could not prolong the rule of a single-party without an opposition. Transition to multiparty politics depended on the creation of stronger economic groups in the mid-1940s, which was stifled due to the exodus of the Greek middle and upper economic classes. Hence, if the groups of Orthodox Christians had stayed in Turkey after the formation of the nation-state, then there would have been a faction of society ready to challenge the emergence of single-party rule in Turkey. Although it is very unlikely that an opposition based on an economic elite made up of an ethnic and religious minority would have been accepted as a legitimate political party by the majority population.

In Greece, contrary to Turkey, the arrival of the refugees broke the dominance of the monarchy and old politicians relative to the Republicans. In the elections of the 1920s most of the newcomers supported [[Eleftherios Venizelos]]. In December 1916, during the ''[[Noemvriana]]'', refugees from an earlier wave of persecution in the Ottoman Empire had been attacked by royalist troops as [[Venizelism|Venizelists]], which contributed to the perception in the 1920s that the Venizelist side of the National Schism was much friendlier to refugees from Anatolia than the royalist side.<ref>Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: [[Oxford University Press]], 2018 p. 260</ref> For their political stance and their "Anatolian customs" (cuisine, music, etc.), the refugees often faced discrimination by part of the local Greek population. The fact that the refugees spoke dialects of Greek that sounded exotic and strange in Greece marked them out, and they were often seen as rivals by the locals for land and jobs.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 278">Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p. 278</ref> The arrival of so many people in so short a period of time imposed significant costs on the Greek economy such as building housing and schools, importing enough food, providing health care, etc.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 279">Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p. 279</ref> Greece needed a 12,000,000 franc loan from the Refugee Settlement Commission of the League of Nations as there was not enough money in the Greek treasury to handle these costs.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 279"/> Increasing the problems was the [[Immigration Act of 1924]] passed by the U.S. Congress, which sharply limited the number of immigrants the United States was willing to take annually, which removed one of the traditional "safety valves" that Greece had in periods of high unemployment.<ref>Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 pp. 261 & 279</ref> In the 1920s, the refugees, most of whom went to Greek Macedonia, were known for their staunch loyalty to [[Venizelism]].<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 278"/> According to the 1928 census 45% of the population in Macedonia were refugees, while the figure was 35% in Greek Thrace, 19% in [[Athens]], and 18% in the islands of the Aegean Sea;<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 276">Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p. 276</ref> overall, the census showed that 1,221,849 people or 20% of the Greek population were refugees.<ref>Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p. 275</ref>

The majority of the refugees who settled in cities like [[Thessaloniki]] and Athens were deliberately placed by the authorities in [[shantytown]]s on the outskirts of the cities in order to subject them to police control.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 276"/> The refugee communities in the cities were seen by the authorities as centers of poverty and crime that might also become centers of social unrest.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 261">Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p. 261</ref> About 50% of the refugees were settled in urban areas.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 276"/> Regardless of whether they settled in urban or rural areas, the vast majority of the refugees arrived in Greece impoverished and often sickly, placing enormous demands on the Greek health care system.<ref>Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p.261</ref> Tensions between locals and the refugees for jobs sometimes turned violent, and in 1924, the Interior Minister, General [[Georgios Kondylis]], used a force of refugees as strike-breakers.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 262">Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p. 262</ref> In rural areas, there were demands that the land that once belonged to the Muslims that had been expelled should go to veterans instead of the refugees.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 262"/> Demagogic politicians quite consciously stoked tensions, portraying refugees as a parasitical class who by their very existence were overwhelming public services, as a way to gain votes.<ref>Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 pp. 261–262</ref>

As the largest number of refugees were settled in Macedonia, which was part of the "new Greece" (i.e. the areas gained after the Balkan Wars of 1912–13), they shared in the resentment against the way that men from "[[Old Greece]]" (i.e. the pre-1912 Kingdom of Greece) dominated politics, the civil service, judiciary, etc., and tended to treat "new Greece" like it was a conquered country.<ref>Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 pp. 273 & 277–278</ref> In general, people from "Old Greece" tended to be more royalist in their sympathies while people from "new Greece" tended to be more Venizelist.<ref>Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 pp. 277–278</ref> The fact that in 1916 King [[Constantine I of Greece|Constantine I]] had contemplated giving up "new "Greece" to Bulgaria as a way of weakening the Venizelist movement had greatly increased the hostility felt in "new Greece" towards the [[House of Glücksburg]].<ref>Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p.278</ref> Furthermore, the fact that it was under King Constantine's leadership that Greece had been defeated in 1922 together with the indifference shown by Greek authorities in [[İzmir|Smyrna]] (modern İzmir, Turkey) towards rescuing the threatened Greek communities of Anatolia in the last stages of the war cemented the hatred of the refugees towards the monarchy.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 261"/> [[Aristeidis Stergiadis]], the Greek High Commissioner in Smyrna remarked in August 1922 as the Turkish Army advanced upon the city: "Better that they stay here and be slain by Kemal [Ataturk], because if they go to Athens they will overthrow everything".<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 261"/>

However, increasing grievances of the refugees caused some of the immigrants to shift their allegiance to the Communist Party and contributed to its increasing strength. The impoverished slum districts of Thessaloniki where the refugees were concentrated became strongholds of the [[Communist Party of Greece|Greek Communist Party]] in the Great Depression together with the rural areas of Macedonia where tobacco farming was the main industry.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 277">Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p. 277</ref> In May 1936, a strike of the tobacco farmers in Macedonia organized by the Communists led to a rebellion that saw the government lose control of Thessaloniki for a time.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 277"/> Prime Minister [[Ioannis Metaxas]], with the support of the King, responded to the communists by establishing an authoritarian regime in 1936, the 4th of August Regime. In these ways, the population exchange indirectly facilitated changes in the political regimes of Greece and Turkey during the [[History of Greece (1923–1940)|interwar period]].<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Gursoy|first1=Yaprak|title=The Effects of the Population Exchange on the Greek and Turkish Political Regimes in the 1930s|journal=East European Quarterly|date=Summer 2008|volume=42|issue=2|pages=95–122}}</ref>

Many immigrants died of epidemic illnesses during the voyage and brutal waiting for boats for transportation. The death rate during the immigration was four times higher than the birth rate. In the first years after their arrival, the Turkish immigrants from Greece were inefficient in economic production, having only brought with them agricultural skills in tobacco production. This created considerable economic loss in Anatolia for the new Turkish Republic. On the other hand, the Greek populations that left were skilled workers who engaged in transnational trade and business, as per previous [[Capitulations of the Ottoman Empire|capitulations]] policies of the Ottoman Empire.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Suphi Erden|first1=Mustafa|title=The exchange of Greek and Turkish populations in 1920s and its socio-economic impacts on the life in Anatolia|journal=Crime, Law and Social Change|date=April 2004|volume=41|issue=3|pages=261–282|doi=10.1023/B:CRIS.0000024437.30463.84|s2cid=144563496|hdl=11511/64236|hdl-access=free}}</ref>

==Effect on other ethnic populations==
While current scholarship defines the Greek-Turkish population exchange in terms of religious identity, the population exchange was much more complex than this.{{citation needed|date=June 2023}} Indeed, the population exchange, embodied in the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations at the Lausanne Conference of January 30, 1923, was based on ethnic identity.{{Original research inline|date=May 2024}}

The population exchange made it legally possible for both [[Turkey]] and [[Greece]] to cleanse their ethnic minorities in the formation of the [[nation-state]]. Nonetheless, religion was utilized as a legitimizing factor or a "safe criterion" in marking ethnic groups as Turkish or as Greek in the population exchange. As a result, the Greek-Turkish population exchange did exchange the [[Greek Orthodox]] population of Anatolia, Turkey and the Muslim population of Greece. However, due to the heterogeneous nature of these former Ottoman lands, many other ethnic groups posed social and legal challenges to the terms of the agreement for years after its signing. Among these were the Protestant and Catholic Greeks, the [[Arabs]], [[Albanians]], [[Russians]], [[Serbs]], [[Romanians]] of the Greek Orthodox religion; the [[Albanians|Albanian]], [[Pomak|Bulgarian]], [[Greek Muslims]] of [[Epirus]], and the Turkish-speaking Greek Orthodox.<ref name="BI ̇RAY KOLLUOG ̆LU. 2013 532–550">{{cite journal |author=Kolluoğlu |first=Biray |year=2013 |title=Excesses of nationalism: Greco-Turkish population exchange |journal=Nations and Nationalism |volume=19 |issue=3 |pages=532–550 |doi=10.1111/nana.12028}}</ref> In Thessaloniki, which had the largest Jewish population in the Balkans, competition emerged between the [[Sephardic Jews]] who spoke [[Judaeo-Spanish|Ladino]] and the refugees for jobs and businesses.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 274">Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p. 274</ref> Owing to an increase in antisemitism, many of the Jews of Thessaloniki became [[Zionism|Zionists]] and immigrated to the [[Mandatory Palestine|Palestine Mandate]] in the [[History of Greece (1923–1940)|interwar period]].<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 274"/> Because the refugees tended to vote for the Venizelist Liberals, the Jews and remaining Muslims in Thrace and Macedonia tended to vote for the anti-Venizelist parties.<ref>Kostis, Kostas ''History's Spoiled Children'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 p.275</ref> A group of refugee merchants in Thessaloniki founded the republican and anti-Semitic EEE (''Ethniki Enosis Ellados''-[[National Union of Greece]]) party in 1927 to press for the removal of the Jews from the city, whom they saw as economic competitors.<ref name="Kostis, Kostas p. 262"/> However, the EEE never became a major party, though its members did collaborate with the Germans in World War II, serving in the [[Security Battalions]].<ref>Mazower, Mark ''Inside Hitler's Greece'', New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993 p. 328</ref>

The heterogeneous nature of the groups under the nation-state of Greece and Turkey is not reflected in the establishment of criteria formed in the Lausanne negotiations.<ref name="BI ̇RAY KOLLUOG ̆LU. 2013 532–550"/> This is evident in the first article of the Convention which states: "As from 1st May, 1923, there shall take place a compulsory exchange of Turkish nationals of the Greek Orthodox religion established in Turkish territory, and of Greek nationals of the Moslem religion established in Greek territory." The agreement defined the groups subject to exchange as [[Muslim]] and [[Greek Orthodox]]. This classification follows the lines drawn by the [[millet system]] of the Ottoman Empire. In the absence of rigid national definitions, there was no readily available criteria to yield to an official ordering of identities after centuries long coexistence in a non-national order.<ref name="BI ̇RAY KOLLUOG ̆LU. 2013 532–550"/>

==Displacements==
The [[Treaty of Sèvres]] imposed harsh terms upon Turkey and placed most of Anatolia under de facto Allied and Greek control. Sultan [[Mehmet VI]]'s acceptance of the treaty angered [[Turkish National Movement|Turkish nationalists]], who established a [[Government of the Grand National Assembly|rival government at Ankara]] and [[Kuva-yi Milliye|reorganized Turkish forces]] with the aim of blocking the implementation of the treaty, waging the [[Turkish War of Independence]]. By the fall of 1922, the Ankara Government had secured most of Turkey's contemporary borders and replaced the Ottoman Sultanate as the dominant governing entity in Anatolia. Following these events, [[Lausanne Conference of 1922–1923|a peace conference]] was convened at [[Lausanne]], Switzerland, in order to draft a new treaty to replace the [[Treaty of Sèvres]]. Invitations to participate in the conference were extended to both the Ankara Government and the Istanbul-based [[Government of the late Ottoman Empire|Ottoman Government]], but the [[Abolition of the Ottoman sultanate|abolition of the Sultanate]] by the Ankara Government on 1 November 1922 and the subsequent departure of Mehmet VI from Turkey left the Ankara Government as the sole governing entity in Anatolia. 

The Ankara Government, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, moved swiftly to implement its nationalist programme, which did not allow for the presence of significant non-Turkish minorities in Western Anatolia. In one of his first diplomatic acts as the sole governing representative of Turkey, Atatürk negotiated and signed the "[[Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations]]" on 30 January 1923 with [[Eleftherios Venizelos]] and the government of [[Kingdom of Greece|Greece]].<ref>{{cite book |author=Gilbar, Gad G. |title=Population Dilemmas in the Middle East: Essays in Political Demography and Economy |publisher=F. Cass |location=London |year=1997 |isbn=978-0-7146-4706-7 }}</ref><ref name="Kanto">{{cite book |author=Kantowicz, Edward R. |title=The rage of nations |publisher=Eerdmans |location=Grand Rapids, Mich |year=1999 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/rageofnations0000kant/page/190 190–192] |isbn=978-0-8028-4455-2 |url=https://archive.org/details/rageofnations0000kant/page/190 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title=Crossing the Aegean: The Consequences of the 1923 Greek-Turkish Population Exchange (Studies in Forced Migration) |publisher=Berghahn Books |location=Providence |year=2003 |page=29 |isbn=978-1-57181-562-0 }}</ref> The convention had a retroactive effect for all the population exchanges that took place since the declaration of the [[First Balkan War]] on 18 October 1912 (article 3).<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.worldlii.org/int/other/LNTSer/1925/14.html|title=Greece and Turkey – Convention concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations and Protocol, signed at Lausanne, January 30, 1923 [1925] LNTSer 14; 32 LNTS 75|work=worldlii.org}}</ref>

However, by the time the agreement was to take effect on 1 May 1923, most of the pre-war Greek population of Aegean Turkey had already fled. The exchange involved the remaining Greeks of central Anatolia (both Greek- and Turkish-speaking), [[Pontus (region)|Pontus]] and the Caucasus (Kars region). Thus, of the 1,200,000 only about 189,916 still remained in Turkey by that time.<ref name="Gibney" /><ref>{{cite book|last=Koliopoulos|first=John S.|title=Modern Greece a history since 1821|year=2010|publisher=Wiley-Blackwell|location=Chichester, U.K.|isbn=978-1-4443-1483-0|page=94|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qumwwKbI0TQC&q=%22The+second+category+comprised+200%2C000+Greeks+who+had+stayed+in+Turkey+after+the+retreat+of+the+Greek+forces+and+some+389%2C000%22&pg=PA94|author2=Veremis, Thanos M.}}</ref>

[[File:Vlahomeglen-map-en.png|thumb|300px|Map of the settlements where the [[Megleno-Romanians]] live today. In Greece, near the border with North Macedonia, is the village of [[Notia]]. The vast majority of the population of Notia was sent to Turkey following the population exchange. Today, the population of this community is approximately 5,000 people in Turkey.<ref>{{cite journal|url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/nationalities-papers/article/abs/islamisation-of-the-meglen-vlachs-meglenoromanians-the-village-of-nanti-notia-and-the-nantinets-in-presentday-turkey/5F6519A83C83DD0B9728A22F58100384|title=The Islamisation of the Meglen Vlachs (Megleno-Romanians): The Village of Nânti (Nótia) and the "Nântinets" in Present-Day Turkey|first=Thede|last=Kahl|author-link=Thede Kahl|journal=[[Nationalities Papers]]|volume=34|issue=1|pages=71–90|year=2006|doi=10.1080/00905990500504871|s2cid=161615853 |url-access=subscription}}</ref>]]
In Greece, the population exchange was considered part of the events called the ''[[Asia Minor Catastrophe]]'' ({{langx|el|Μικρασιατική καταστροφή}}). Significant refugee displacement and population movements had already occurred following the [[Balkan Wars]], [[World War I]], and the [[Turkish War of Independence]]. The convention affected the populations as follows: almost all Greek Orthodox Christians (Greek- or Turkish-speaking) of Asia Minor including the [[Greek Orthodox]] populations from middle Anatolia ([[Cappadocian Greeks]]), the Ionia region (e.g. [[İzmir|Smyrna]], [[Ayvalık|Aivali]]), the Pontus region (e.g. [[Trabzon]], [[Samsun]]), the former Russian Caucasus province of Kars ([[Kars Oblast]]), [[Bursa|Prusa]] (Bursa), the [[Bithynia]] region (e.g., [[Nicomedia]] ([[İzmit]]), [[Chalcedon]] ([[Kadıköy]]), [[East Thrace]], and other regions were either expelled or formally denaturalized from Turkish territory.

On the other hand, the Muslim population in Greece not having been affected by the recent Greek–Turkish conflict was almost intact.<ref>{{cite book|last=Pentzopoulos|first=Dimitri|title=The Balkan exchange of minorities and its impact on Greece|year=2002|publisher=Hurst|location=London|isbn=978-1-85065-702-6|page=68|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PDc-WW6YhqEC&q=%22northern+epirus%22%2Bflorence&pg=PA28|edition=[2. impr.].|access-date=9 June 2013|quote=At the time of the Lausanne Conference, there were still about 200,000 Greeks remaining in Anatolia; the Moslem population of Greece, not having been subjected to the turmoil of the Asia Minor campaign, was naturally almost intact. These were the people who, properly speaking, had to be exchanged.}}</ref> Thus c. 354,647 Muslims moved to Turkey after the agreement.<ref>{{cite book |author=[[Renée Hirschon]]. |title=Crossing the Aegean: an Appraisal of the 1923 Compulsory Population Exchange between Greece and Turkey |publisher=Berghahn Books |year=2003 |page=85 |isbn=978-1-57181-562-0 }}</ref> Those Muslims were predominantly Turkish, but a large percentage belonged to [[Greek Muslims|Greek]], [[Muslim Roma|Roma]], [[Pomaks|Pomak]], [[Torbeši]], [[Cham Albanian]], [[Megleno-Romanians|Megleno-Romanian]], and [[Dönmeh]] Muslim communities.

For both communities, the population exchange had traumatic psychological effects. Professor Ayse Lahur Kirtunc, a Cretan Muslim expelled to Turkey stated in an interview: "It's late for us to be preserving our recollections; The essence of them, the first essence, has vanished already. Those first migrants took away their memories; the memories that ought to have been recorded without delay. Eighty years have passed, and the memories are warring with another, ripe for distortion. But the core of every migrant's statement remains the same. Birth in one place, growing old in another place. And feeling a stranger in the two places".<ref>Kaloudis, George "Ethnic Cleansing in Asia Minor and the Treaty of Lausanne" pp. 59–89 from ''International Journal on World Peace'', Volume 31, No. 1, March 2014 p. 83</ref>

==Aftermath==
[[File:Ekkatharistiki Dilosi EllinoTourkikis Antallagis Plythismon sel1 19271216a.jpg|thumb|left|''Declaration of Property'' during the Greek-Turkish population exchange from Yena ([[Kaynarca, Pınarhisar|Kaynarca]]) to [[Thessaloniki]] (16 December 1927)]]
[[File:Greeks in Istanbul 1844 1997.png|thumb|300px|Greek population in Istanbul and percentages of the city population (1844–1997). Pogroms and policies in Turkey led virtually to the exodus of the remaining Greek community.]]
[[File:Saloniki population graph.png|300px|thumb|Demographics of Thessaloniki between 1500 and 1950.<ref>{{cite book|last=Darques|first=Regis|title=Salonique au XXe siècle: De la cité ottomane à la métropole grecque|publisher=CNRS Éditions|year=2002|page=53}}</ref>]]

The [[Turks of Western Thrace|Turks and other Muslims of Western Thrace]] were exempted from this transfer as were the Greeks of [[Constantinople]] ([[Istanbul]]) and the [[Aegean Islands]] of [[Imbros]] (Gökçeada) and [[Tenedos]] (Bozcaada). In the event, those Greeks who had temporarily fled these regions, particularly Istanbul, before the entrance of the Turkish army were not permitted to return to their homes by Turkey afterwards.{{Citation needed|date=September 2018}}

Greece, with a population of just over 5,000,000 people, had to absorb 1,221,489 new citizens from Turkey.<ref>{{cite journal|title=State policy and urban employment of refugees: The Greek case (1923–30)|author=George Kritikos|doi=10.1080/713666751|journal=European Review of History: Revue Européenne d'Histoire |volume =7|year= 2000 |issue= 2|pages=189–206|s2cid=145113775}}</ref>

The punitive measures carried out by the [[Turkey|Republic of Turkey]], such as the 1932 parliamentary law which barred Greek citizens in Turkey from a series of 30 trades and professions from [[tailor]] and [[carpenter]] to medicine, law, and real estate,<ref name="VRYO">{{cite book | first=Speros | last=Vryonis | author-link=Speros Vryonis | title=The Mechanism of Catastrophe: The Turkish Pogrom of September 6–7, 1955, and the Destruction of the Greek Community of Istanbul | url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780974766034 | publisher=Greekworks.com, Inc. | location=New York | year=2005 | isbn=978-0-9747660-3-4 }}</ref> correlated with a reduction in the Greek population of Istanbul, and of that of Imbros and Tenedos.

Most property abandoned by Greeks who were subject to the population exchange was confiscated by the Turkish government by declaring them "abandoned" and therefore state owned.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Tsouloufis|first=Angelos|title=The exchange of Greek and Turkish populations and the financial estimation of abandoned properties on either side|journal=Enosi Smyrnaion|year=1989|volume=1|issue=100}}</ref> Properties were confiscated arbitrarily by labeling the former owners as "fugitives" under the court of law.<ref name=anastasia>{{cite journal|last=Lekka|first=Anastasia|title=Legislative Provisions of the Ottoman/Turkish Governments Regarding Minorities and Their Properties|journal=Mediterranean Quarterly|date=Winter 2007|volume=18|issue=1|pages=135–154|issn=1047-4552|doi=10.1215/10474552-2006-038|s2cid=154830663}}</ref><ref>Metin Herer, "Turkey: The Political System Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow," in Contemporary Turkey: Society, Economy, External Policy, ed. [[Thanos Veremis]] and [[Thanos Dokos]] (Athens: Papazisi/ELIAMEP, 2002), 17 – 9.</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Yildirim|first=Onur|title=Diplomacy and Displacement: Reconsidering the Turco-Greek Exchange of Populations, 1922–1934|year=2013|publisher=Taylor & Francis|isbn=978-1-136-60009-8|page=317|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2N2lfHh02-YC}}</ref> Additionally, real property of many Greeks was declared "unclaimed" and ownership was subsequently assumed by the state.<ref name=anastasia /> Consequently, the greater part of the Greeks' real property was sold at nominal value by the Turkish government.<ref name=anastasia /> Sub-committees that operated under the framework of the Committee for Abandoned properties had undertaken the verification of persons to be exchanged in order to continue the task of selling abandoned property.<ref name=anastasia />

[[File:Küçükkuyu Mübadele Heykeli (27072023).jpg|thumb|200px|Monument to the exchange of populations located in [[Küçükkuyu, Ayvacık]], Turkey]]
The [[Varlık Vergisi]] capital gains tax imposed in 1942 on wealthy non-Muslims in Turkey, also served to reduce the economic potential of ethnic Greek business people in Turkey. Furthermore, violent incidents such as the [[Istanbul Pogrom]] (1955) directed primarily against the ethnic Greek community, and against the Armenian and Jewish minorities, greatly accelerated emigration of Greeks, reducing the 200,000-strong Greek minority in 1924 to just over 2,500 in 2006.<ref>According to the [[Human Rights Watch]] the Greek population in Turkey is estimated at 2,500 in 2006. [http://home.att.net/~dimostenis/greektr.html "From 'Denying Human Rights and Ethnic Identity' series of Human Rights Watch"] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060707065143/http://home.att.net/~dimostenis/greektr.html |date=July 7, 2006 }} Human Rights Watch, 2 July 2006.</ref> The 1955 Istanbul Pogrom and the [[Expulsion of Greeks from Istanbul|1964 expulsion of Istanbul Greeks]], caused most of the Greek inhabitants remaining in Istanbul to flee to Greece.

The population profile of [[Crete]] was significantly altered as well. Greek- and Turkish-speaking Muslim inhabitants of Crete ([[Cretan Turks]]) moved, principally to the Anatolian coast, but also to Syria, Lebanon and [[Egypt]]. Conversely, Greeks from Asia Minor, principally Smyrna, arrived in Crete bringing in their distinctive dialects, customs and cuisine.

According to [[Bruce Clark (journalist)|Bruce Clark]], leaders of Greece and Turkey, and some circles in the international community, saw the resulting ethnic homogenization of their respective states as positive and stabilizing since it helped strengthen the nation-state natures of these two states.<ref name=Twice>{{cite book |title=Twice A Stranger: How Mass Expulsion Forged Modern Greece and Turkey |last= Clark |first= Bruce |year= 2006|publisher= Granta |isbn= 978-1-86207-752-2}}</ref> Nevertheless, the deportations brought significant challenges: social, such as forcibly being removed from one's place of living, and more practical such as abandoning a well-developed family business. Countries also faced other practical challenges: for example, even decades after, one could notice certain hastily developed parts of Athens, residential areas that had been quickly erected on a budget while receiving the fleeing Asia Minor population. To this day, Greece and Turkey still have properties, and ghost villages such as [[Kayaköy]], that have been left abandoned since the exchange.

==See also==
* [[Muhacir]]
* [[Outline of Greek genocide|Outline and timeline of the Greek genocide]]
* [[Caucasus Greeks]]
* [[Cyprus conflict]]
* [[Constantinople pogroms]]
* [[Persecution of Muslims during the Ottoman contraction]]
* [[Fire of Manisa]]
* [[Greeks in Turkey]]
* [[Human rights in Turkey]]
* [[Human rights in Greece]]

==Notes==
{{notelist}}

==References==
{{reflist}}

==Sources==
* {{Citation | last = Jones | first = Adam | title = Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction | publisher = Taylor & Francis |year=2010 | orig-date = 2006 |isbn= 978-0-415-48618-7 }}

==Further reading==
*Filippidou, A. (2020). "[[doi:10.1017/nps.2018.71|The Impact of Forced Top-Down Nation Building on Conflict Resolution: Lessons from the 1923 Compulsory Population Exchange between Greece and Turkey.]]" Nationalities Papers, 48(1), 144–157
*{{cite book |last1=Morack |first1=Ellinor |title=The Dowry of the State?: The Politics of Abandoned Property and the Population Exchange in Turkey, 1921–1945 |date=2017 |publisher=University of Bamberg Press |isbn=978-3-86309-463-8 |language=en}}

==External links==
*{{commons category-inline|Population exchange between Greece and Turkey}}
*{{wikisource-inline|Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations}}
*[http://pontosworld.com/index.php/pontus/history/articles/101-the-exchange-of-populations-between-greece-and-turkey The Exchange of Populations: Greece and Turkey]. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190921180612/http://pontosworld.com/index.php/pontus/history/articles/101-the-exchange-of-populations-between-greece-and-turkey |date=2019-09-21 }}.

{{Turkish War of Independence}}
{{Segregation by type}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Population Exchange Between Greece And Turkey}}
[[Category:Population exchange between Greece and Turkey| ]]
[[Category:Ethnic cleansing in Asia]]
[[Category:Ethnic cleansing in Europe]]
[[Category:Deportation]]
[[Category:History of the Republic of Turkey]]
[[Category:History of Greece (1909–1924)]]
[[Category:Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922)]]
[[Category:1923 in Greece]]
[[Category:1923 in Turkey]]
[[Category:Greece–Turkey relations]]
[[Category:Genocide of indigenous peoples in Asia]]