View source for Lim Chin Siong

{{Short description|Singaporean politician (1933–1996)}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=December 2017}}
{{Use Singapore English|date=July 2020}}
{{family name hatnote|[[Lin (surname)|Lim]]|lang=Chinese}}
{{Infobox officeholder
| name                = Lim Chin Siong
| native_name         = {{nobold|林清祥}}
| native_name_lang    = zh-sg
| image               = Lim_Chin_Siong_1950s.jpg
| caption             = Lim in the 1950s
| office              = Secretary-General of the [[Barisan Sosialis]]
| predecessor         = ''Position established''
| successor           = ''Position abolished''
| termend             = 21 July 1969
| termstart           = 3 October 1961
| 1blankname          = Chairman
| 1namedata           = [[Lee Siew Choh]]
| constituency_AM1    = [[Bukit Timah Single Member Constituency|Bukit Timah Constituency]]
| predecessor1        = [[Hollupatherage James Caldera Kulasingha]]
| successor1          = Ya'acob Mohamed
| termend1            = 31 March 1959
| termstart1          = 22 April 1955
| birth_date          = {{birth date|df=yes|1933|2|28}}
| birth_place         = [[Singapore in the Straits Settlements|Singapore]], [[Straits Settlements]]
| death_date          = {{death date and age|df=yes|1996|2|5|1933|2|28}}
| death_place         = [[Singapore]]
| party               = [[Barisan Sosialis]] (1961–1969)
| otherparty          = [[People's Action Party]] (1954–1961)
| spouse              = {{married|Wong Chui Wan|1970}}
| children            = 2
| mother              = Ang Kee Neo (1913-1994)
| father              = Lim Teng Geok (1911-1976)
| occupation          = {{hlist|Politician|trade unionist}}
| resting_place       = [[Mandai Crematorium and Columbarium]]
}}
{{Infobox person
| module             = {{Infobox Chinese|child=yes|hide=no
| t           = 林清祥
|s=林清祥
|poj=Lîm Chheng-siông
|j=Lam4 Cing1 Coeng4
| p           = Lín Qīngxiáng}}
}}

'''Lim Chin Siong''' ({{zh|c=林清祥|j=Lam4 Cing1 Coeng4|poj=Lîm Chheng-siông|p=Lín Qīngxiáng}}; 28 February 1933 – 5 February 1996)<ref name="Zahari2007">{{cite book|author=Said Zahari|title=The Long Nightmare: My 17 Years as a Political Prisoner|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QnFt1yXP9fYC&pg=PA88|year=2007|publisher=Utusan Publications|isbn=978-967-61-1939-1|pages=88–}}</ref> was a Singaporean politician and [[Trade union|union]] leader active in Singapore in the 1950s and 1960s. He was one of the founders of the governing [[People's Action Party]] (PAP), which has governed the country continuously since independence. Lim also used his popularity to galvanise many trade unions in support of the PAP. 

Lim was the youngest [[Legislative Assembly of Singapore|Assemblyman]] in Singapore to be elected. However, Lim's political career was cut short by two detentions without trial after being labelled a communist. The first time was between 1956 and 1959 when he was arrested and detained by the [[Labour Front]] government. The second time was between 1963 and 1969 when he was arrested during [[Operation Coldstore]] and detained by the PAP government. After attempting suicide in prison, he was released in 1969 on the condition that he forever renounced politics.

== Early life ==
Lim was born in 1933 to Lim Teng Geok ({{zh|c=林廷玉|poj=Lîm Têng-gio̍k|j=Lam4 Ting4 Juk6|p=Lín Tíngyù|labels=yes}}) and Ang Kee Neo ({{zh|c=洪柿娘|poj=Âng Khī-liông|j=Hung4 Ci5 Noeng4|p=Hóng Shìniang|labels=no}}) in Singapore, along [[Telok Ayer]] Street, and was the second child in a family that would eventually have 13 children, although one child did not survive the [[Japanese occupation of Singapore]].<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|title=Comet in Our Sky: Lim Chin Siong in History|last=Tan|first=Jing Quee|publisher=Strategic Information and Research Development Centre|year=2015|isbn=9789670630816|editor-last=Poh|editor-first=Soo Kai|edition=2nd|location=Kuala Lumpur|pages=56–97|chapter=Lim Chin Siong: A Political Life}}</ref>{{rp|56}}<ref name=":2">{{Cite book|title=Leaders of Singapore|last=Chew|first=Melanie|year=1996|location=Singapore}}</ref> The [[Great Depression]] had a profound impact on the global economy, even in Singapore. The Lims were forced to move to peninsular [[British Malaya|Malaya]] in search of a better life when Lim was three years old.<ref name=":1">{{Cite web|url=http://sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com/2016/02/part-of-lim-chin-siongs-q-posthumous.html|title=Part of Lim Chin Siong's Q&A Posthumous Manuscript|date=5 February 2016|website=Part of Lim Chin Siong's Q&A Posthumous Manuscript ~ Sahabat Rakyat Malaysia|access-date=16 August 2016}}</ref> Lim and his family eventually settled in [[Pontian District|Pontian Kechil]], [[Johor]], where Lim would spend his childhood.

Lim enrolled in [[:ms:Sekolah Jenis Kebangsaan (C) Pei Chun (1)|Pei Chun Primary School]] in Pontian in 1939. It was a time when numerous events leading up to [[World War II]] were happening both at home and globally. The [[Marco Polo Bridge Incident|Marco Polo Bridge incident]] had only happened two years ago in 1937, while Lim also recalled in a manuscript that was published posthumously that his father's only brother, heeding the philanthropist [[Tan Kah Kee]]'s call to arms, had volunteered to fight against the Japanese in China:<ref name=":1" />

{{quote|"I was only five or six years old then. My uncle always held me and sang anti-Japanese and patriotic songs, like "China will not perish" ({{lang-zh|c=中国不会亡|labels=no}}) and "Oh, the beautiful Chinese nation" ({{lang-zh|c=美哉，美哉中华民族|labels=no}})."}}

In 1942, when Lim was just nine years old and in Standard III, schools were forced to close because of the [[Japanese invasion of Malaya]]. His family, which used to run a provision shop, were forced to flee to the jungle with their town folks.<ref name=":1" /> His family, however, was resourceful. They cleared a piece of land to plant rice and build a wooden ''pondok'' (hut), and also raised pigs and chickens.<ref name=":1" />

== Post-war years ==
After the war in 1945, Lim and his family returned to their house only to realise that it had been razed to the ground. Lim's father leased a new plot of land in Kampong Rambah, where he built a new house and restarted his provision shop business.<ref name=":0" />{{rp|58}} Lim then returned to Pei Chun to complete his primary school education. As with most of his cohort who had to stop school because of the war, he graduated only at the age of 15. As there were no secondary schools in Pontian at the time, Lim's parents had to first get Lim to work temporarily as a shop assistant, and also to get Lim's brother, Lim Chin Kiat, to stop his schooling.<ref name=":0" />{{rp|59}} He was then able to afford to continue his studies in Singapore at [[Catholic High School, Singapore|Catholic High School]] in 1949.

=== Chinese High School and expulsion ===
Lim did well enough in his first semester at Catholic High School that, together with an appeal from his father,<ref name=":0" /> he was able in 1950 to transfer to [[The Chinese High School (Singapore)|The Chinese High School]], then the premier Chinese medium school in Singapore. Lim was by then 17 years old, and distracted in his studies by numerous events: the victory of the [[Communist Party of China|Communists]] and the proclamation of the People's Republic of China; the [[African independence movements|African anti-colonial movement]]; and the ill treatment of students, particularly of Chinese descent, in Singapore.<ref name=":0" /> These were factors which influenced Lim to join the Anti-British League (ABL), an anti-colonial organisation that received instructions from the [[Malayan Communist Party]].<ref>{{Cite book|title=Paths not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-War Singapore|last=Chin|first=C. C.|publisher=NUS Press|year=2008|editor-last=Barr|editor-first=Michael D.|pages=61–62|chapter=The United Front Strategy of the Malayan Communist Party in Singapore, 1950s - 1960s|editor-last2=Trocki|editor-first2=Carl A.}}</ref>

With the support of the ABL, and with his classmate and later political partner, [[Fong Swee Suan]] (1931–2017;<ref>{{cite web|url=https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_2013-07-29_173512.html|title=Fong Swee Suan|website=Singapore Infopedia|access-date=4 February 2017}}</ref> {{lang-zh|c=方水双|p=Fāng Shuǐshuāng|labels=no}}), Lim organised a successful boycott of the Chinese junior middle school examinations in 1951. The examinations were deemed pointless as it was primarily meant for students who wanted to further their studies in China, even though all universities were closed to Malayans since the People's Republic of China was established. This attracted the attention of the [[Internal Security Department (Singapore)|Special Branch]], who held him in custody for a week. When he was released, he was expelled by The Chinese High School.<ref name=":1" />

=== Involvement with trade unions ===
The Special Branch would keep Lim under close watch even after his release and expulsion from school. He tried to learn some English at the Eastaff English School, and then worked as a part-time teacher, but under the name of "Mr Yu".<ref name=":2" />{{rp|114}}<ref name=":1" /> Between 1953 and 1954, Lim then became more involved in the unions: he worked as a paid secretary for the Changi branch of the Singapore Bus Workers' Union, then its [[Paya Lebar]] branch, and also became secretary in the Malaya Spinning Workers' Union.<ref name=":1" /> In 1954, leaders of the newly formed union, the Singapore Factory and Shop Workers' Union (SFSWU), were impressed by his abilities and invited him to the post of secretary-general.<ref name=":1" /> Within a year, the membership of the SFSWU grew from a few thousand to about 30,000 members.<ref name=":2" />

== People's Action Party (1954–1961) ==
===Founding of the PAP and 1955 elections===
[[File:Members of the first People's Action Party Central Executive Committee, 1954.png|thumb|Lim was a co-founder of the PAP, but declined the publicity.]]
Lim's work in the unions caught the eye of [[Lee Kuan Yew]], who had returned to Singapore from Britain and organised regular secret meetings in the basement of [[38 Oxley Road|his Oxley Road house]] which were attended by [[Toh Chin Chye]], [[S. Rajaratnam]] and [[Devan Nair]], among others. During those meetings, they drew up a plan to set up the [[People's Action Party]] (PAP). Even though Lim was a co-founder of the party, he declined to be on stage during the inauguration of the PAP in November 1954 as he felt his previous police record might be exploited by their rivals and jeopardise the party.<ref name=":2" />{{rp|115}}

The historic [[Rendel Constitution]] by the British was launched in 1954, and allowed up to 25 members to be elected to the Legislative Assembly. Lim was one of four PAP candidates selected to contest in the 1955 election. James Puthucheary, in charge of the publicity for the PAP during the elections, remarked that Lim ''"was brilliant, and the crowd was spellbound"''.<ref name=":0" />{{rp|65}} An attendee at one of the rallies recounted: {{quote|"There were 40,000 people, each mesmerised by Lim Chin Siong's oratory. 'The British say you cannot stand on your own two feet,' he jeered. 'Show them how you can stand!' And 40,000 people leapt up—shining with sweat, fists in the air—shouting, ''[[Merdeka]]''."<ref name=":2" />{{rp|79}}}}

Lim was elected into the [[Legislative Assembly of Singapore|Legislative Assembly]] as the Assembly Member for [[Bukit Timah SMC|Bukit Timah]] in 1955. Lim was the youngest Assemblyman ever to be elected in Singapore's history, at the age of 22. Lim seemed to be an extremely promising politician, even in the eyes of Lee Kuan Yew. Chief Minister [[David Marshall (Singaporean politician)|David Marshall]] recalled that Lee had introduced Lim to him, and said that Lim would be the ''"future Prime Minister of Singapore"''.<ref name=":2" />{{rp|79}}

=== Hock Lee bus riots ===
{{main|Hock Lee bus riots}}

The first of many controversies in which Lim was implicated was the Hock Lee Bus Company riots, which started in April 1955 and ended on 12 May 1955 with four dead, including Chong Lon Chong, a 16-year-old student who was paraded by the rioters for three hours on a stretcher after getting shot.<ref name=":4">{{Cite book|title=The May 13 Generation: The Chinese Middle Schools Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s|last=Hong|first=Lysa|publisher=Strategic Information and Research Development Centre|year=2011|isbn=9789675832161|location=Malaysia|pages=57–102|chapter=Politics of the Chinese-speaking Communities in Singapore in the 1950s: The Shaping of Mass Politics}}</ref>

Hock Lee workers were on strike on 27 April 1955 when the police used force on them, injuring 15 people. In response, Fong Swee Suan, Lim's former classmate at [[The Chinese High School (Singapore)|The Chinese High School]], and now the leader of the Bus Workers' Union and a PAP member, was quoted in the Chinese newspapers that "there was bound to be bloodshed in a revolution".<ref name=":3">{{Cite web|url=https://sprs.parl.gov.sg/search/topic.jsp?currentTopicID=00052353-ZZ&currentPubID=00068855-ZZ&topicKey=00068855-ZZ.00052353-ZZ_1%252Bid002_19550516_S0002_T00021-motion%252B11|title=EMERGENCY (AMENDMENT No. 2) REGULATIONS, 1955 (RE-INTRODUCTION OF CURFEW)|date=16 May 1955|website=Parliament of Singapore|access-date=18 August 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171207192041/https://sprs.parl.gov.sg/search/topic.jsp?currentTopicID=00052353-ZZ&currentPubID=00068855-ZZ&topicKey=00068855-ZZ.00052353-ZZ_1%252Bid002_19550516_S0002_T00021-motion%252B11|archive-date=7 December 2017|url-status=dead}}</ref> Students from the Chinese-medium schools also joined the strikes in droves to provide moral support.

Chief Secretary [[William Allmond Codrington Goode|William Goode]] had suggested that the demand for bloodshed by the PAP was the cause of the violence. Chief Minister [[David Marshall (Singaporean politician)|David Marshall]] demanded in the [[Legislative Assembly of Singapore|Legislative Assembly]] that the PAP "purge themselves of the communists", whom he placed at fault for the riots. Lim refrained from commenting at length during the debate, except to state that he would not support the view that was put forth by the British. Lee Kuan Yew also did not state outright that Lim was not culpable, and in a long speech during the debate said that the riots could only have been incited because of the way the workers were treated, and that it was not possible to fight both the colonial masters and communists at the same time.<ref name=":3" /> Ultimately, the Legislative Assembly voted overwhelmingly for the temporary closure of two Chinese-medium schools, The Chinese High School and [[Chung Cheng High School (Main)|Chung Cheng High School]], in the aftermath of the riots.

To safeguard the PAP's reputation, Lee Kuan Yew requested that all members of the PAP [[Central Executive Committee (PAP)|central executive committee]] who were branded "militant and pro-communist" not to contest the next committee election. Lim, Fong, [[Devan Nair]], and Chan Chiaw Thor (those who had the closest links to trade unions) were hence forced to step down.<ref name=":1" />

=== 1956 constitutional talks in London ===
Although Lim was forced to step down from the PAP central executive committee, he was still part of the PAP delegation in the all-party constitutional conference in London in April 1956. In his manuscripts that were published only posthumously, Lim remembered that the all-party delegation was not aligned in its objective to seek full self-government, and that it was "like a circus".<ref name=":1" /> Knowing that Marshall had made an enormous gamble by placing his job on the line in the case the talks failed, his political rivals - particularly from the PAP and the Labour Party - seemed to have given up on helping Marshall achieve his objective.

Marshall's key desire was for the British to hand over the control of internal security to the Singapore government. Lim supported this proposal and made his stand clear during the talks,<ref name=":1" /> but the British were concerned that Marshall was too soft and emotional to control the "communist" influence as could be seen from the riots of the last year, and rejected it.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=whUaCAAAQBAJ&q=1956+constitution+talks+london+singapore&pg=PA19|title=The Constitution of Singapore: A Contextual Analysis|last=Tan|first=Kevin Y. L.|isbn=9781782258094|pages=19|date=30 April 2015|publisher=Bloomsbury }}</ref> Knowing Marshall's gambit, the British had already begun to look to other leaders in the delegation, particularly [[Lim Yew Hock]] and Lee Kuan Yew, whom they thought they could work with better. After three weeks, the talks failed and Marshall resigned, handing over the office of Chief Minister to [[Lim Yew Hock]].

===1956 Chinese middle school riots===
Unlike Marshall, who was very reluctant with the use of force, [[Lim Yew Hock]]{{efn|To distinguish between Lim Chin Siong and Lim Yew Hock who share the same surname, in this section they are referred to by their full names.}} was ruthless and was keen to show the British that he could control any disruptive influences in Singapore. On 18 September 1956, Lim Yew Hock used the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance (PPSO), which allowed him extraordinary police powers, to dissolve seven organisations and detain seven people, mainly from Chinese middle schools.<ref name="theonlinecitizen.com">{{Cite web|url=http://www.theonlinecitizen.com/2014/05/08/lim-chin-siong-was-wrongfully-detained/|title=Lim Chin Siong was wrongfully detained|last=Thum|first=Ping Tjin|date=8 May 2014|website=The Online Citizen|access-date=19 August 2016|archive-date=14 September 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160914095700/http://www.theonlinecitizen.com/2014/05/08/lim-chin-siong-was-wrongfully-detained/|url-status=dead}}</ref> As public anger became so strong over the arrests, Lim Chin Siong and others launched a Civil Rights Convention, which was Singapore's first civil rights movement.<ref name=":6">{{Cite journal|last=Thum|first=Ping Tjin|date=Nov 2013|title='The Fundamental Issue is Anti-colonialism, Not Merger': Singapore's "Progressive Left", Operation Coldstore, and the Creation of Malaysia|journal=ARI Working Paper|issue=211}}</ref> This alarmed the British and Lim Yew Hock, as the Convention was supported by locals of all backgrounds and ideologies at the time and was on the verge of becoming a real force.<ref name="theonlinecitizen.com" />

On 25 October 1956, Lim Chin Siong gave a speech at [[Bukit Timah|Beauty World]] in [[Singaporean Hokkien|Hokkien]] to an angry audience, urging them to calm down and that their enemy was not the police, but Lim Yew Hock and the colonial masters. Among those who attended the rally were [[Lee Kuan Yew]], [[Toh Chin Chye]] and [[Devan Nair]].<ref name="theonlinecitizen.com" />

Later that night, a riot began after police and protesters clashed outside [[The Chinese High School (Singapore)|The Chinese High School]], and escalated into an island-wide riot, with 13 deaths.<ref name=":4" />{{rp|88–89}} After the riots, Lim Chin Siong and close to 300 others were arrested, apparently because Lim Chin Siong had incited the audience in his speech to "''pah mata''" ("beat the police" in Hokkien).<ref name=":5">{{Cite web|url=https://sprs.parl.gov.sg/search/topic.jsp?currentTopicID=00047830-ZZ&currentPubID=00068891-ZZ&topicKey=00068891-ZZ.00047830-ZZ_1%252Bid004_19561106_S0002_T00031-motion%252B|title=GOVERNMENT ACTION UNDER THE BANISHMENT ORDINANCE, THE PRESERVATION OF PUBLIC SECURITY ORDINANCE, AND THE SOCIETIES ORDINANCE|date=6 November 1956|website=Parliament of Singapore|access-date=19 August 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171207191906/https://sprs.parl.gov.sg/search/topic.jsp?currentTopicID=00047830-ZZ&currentPubID=00068891-ZZ&topicKey=00068891-ZZ.00047830-ZZ_1%252Bid004_19561106_S0002_T00031-motion%252B|archive-date=7 December 2017|url-status=dead}}</ref>

At the [[Legislative Assembly of Singapore|Legislative Assembly]], Education Minister [[Chew Swee Kee]] said, "It is significant to note that the Member for Bukit Timah (Lim Chin Siong) at that meeting said that instead of shouting "[[Merdeka]]" the people should now shout, "''pah mata''", which means "beat the police". Is there any doubt whatsoever as to who sparked off the riots?"

Lee, who was present at Lim Chin Siong's speech, did not refute this.

A transcript of the speech by the [[Internal Security Department (Singapore)|Special Branch]], recently declassified, revealed that Lim Chin Siong had said,<ref name="theonlinecitizen.com" /> "A lot of people don't want to shout "Merdeka"! They want to shout "''pah mata''". This is wrong. We want to ask them to cooperate with us because they are also wage-earners and so that in the time of crisis they will take their guns and run away."

There are contrasting views to what Lim Chin Siong was trying to achieve during that speech. The view was that Lim Chin Siong was a brilliant orator trying to create a "psychological climate" in which the audience would "go out and take action of their own volition".<ref name="Institute of Policy Studies">{{cite web|url=http://www.ipscommons.sg/lim-chin-siong-and-that-beauty-world-speech-a-closer-look/|title=Lim Chin Siong and that Beauty World Speech: A Closer Look|last=Ramakrishna|first=Kumar|date=8 May 2014|publisher=Institute of Policy Studies|access-date=14 August 2014}}</ref> Another perspective was that Lim Chin Siong was framed, and that Lim Yew Hock and the British had found a golden opportunity to arrest him.<ref name="theonlinecitizen.com" />

=== First detention (1956–1959) ===
Lim Chin Siong was placed under solitary confinement for close to a year, away from his other PAP colleagues, as they were placed in the Medium Security Prison instead.<ref name=":1" /> The number of PAP members imprisoned rose in August 1957, when PAP members from the trade unions (viewed as "communist or pro-communist") won half the seats in the PAP's [[Central Executive Committee (PAP)|central executive committee]] (CEC). The "moderate" CEC members, including Lee Kuan Yew, Toh Chin Chye and others, refused to take their appointments in the CEC. Lim Yew Hock's government again made a sweeping round of arrests, imprisoning all the "communist" members, before the "moderates" re-assumed their office.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/ex-pap-man-recounts-1957-kelong-meeting|title=Ex-PAP man recounts 1957 'kelong meeting'|last=Leong|first=Weng Kam|date=10 June 2016|publisher=The Straits Times|access-date=19 August 2016}}</ref>

In early 1958, Lim Chin Siong was transferred to the Medium Security Prison as well. It was in the prison where Lim Chin Siong was asked to endorse a document called "The Ends and Means of Malayan Socialism", which indicated that the detainees were committed to a "free, democratic, socialist and non-communist Malaya".<ref name=":2" />{{rp|108}} Reflecting on the document in his manuscript, Lim Chin Siong said that although he agreed with the contents in the statement, he felt he signed the document "under duress", and that it set a precedent whereby all political prisoners had to sign written statements prior to their release.<ref name=":1" />

With most of the PAP members labelled "communist" in prison, the British assessed that the concerns of internal security had been successfully allayed. Furthermore, the subsequent all-party delegations (in 1957 and 1958) accepted most of the conditions that [[David Marshall (Singaporean politician)|David Marshall]] had earlier rejected, which had led to the failure of the talks in 1956. [[1959 Singaporean general election|A fresh round of elections]] would be held in May 1959, this time for full internal self-government.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/history/events/90d6c647-025a-4d3f-921f-6186992ec2cc|title=Merdeka talks – Second all-party mission to London is held - Singapore History|website=eresources.nlb.gov.sg|access-date=19 August 2016}}</ref>

The PAP won convincingly, with 43 out of the 51 seats at the polls.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://sg-elections.com/political-parties/pap.html|title=People's Action Party|website=singapore-elections.com|access-date=19 August 2016|archive-date=19 July 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160719010318/http://www.singapore-elections.com/political-parties/pap.html|url-status=live}}</ref> With this victory, Lim Chin Siong and his fellow PAP colleagues who were imprisoned were released on 4 June 1959, just a few days after a hastily held CEC elections.<ref name=":1" />

=== Internal party strife ===
After Lim Chin Siong's release, he was appointed political secretary to Finance Minister [[Goh Keng Swee]]. The PAP central executive committee rules had by then been changed such that only "cadre" members appointed by the party executive could participate in committee elections, ensuring that there would not be a takeover similar to the one in 1957.<ref name=":0" />{{rp|77}}

==== 1961 Hong Lim by-election ====
[[File: CPM's office before the Malayan Emergency.jpg|thumb|Lee Kuan Yew had made a secret alliance with the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), yet the CPM could not secure the voter base needed to win in the 1961 Hong Lim by-election.]]

Although the "communist" faction had been frozen out of ever taking over the PAP, other problems had begun to arise internally. [[Ong Eng Guan]], the former Mayor of the City Council, presented a set of "16 Resolutions" to revisit some issues previously explored by Lim Chin Siong's faction of the PAP: abolishing the PPSO, revising the Constitution, and changing the method of selecting cadre members.<ref name=":0" />{{rp|82}}

Although Ong's 16 Resolutions originated from the left-wing faction led by Lim Chin Siong, that faction had only reluctantly asked the PAP leadership to clarify its position on them,<ref name=":6" /> as they still thought that the party with Lee Kuan Yew at the helm was a better alternative than Ong.<ref name=":1" /> However, Lee took the stance taken by the left-wing PAP members as a lack of confidence in his leadership. This issue caused a rift between the "moderate" PAP members (led by Lee) and the "left-wing" faction (led by Lim).

Ong was then expelled, and he resigned his Legislative Assembly seat to challenge the government to [[1961 Singaporean by-elections|a by-election in Hong Lim]] in April 1961, where he won 73.3% of the vote.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://sg-elections.com/by-election/1961-4/hong-lim.html|title=Singapore Legislative Assembly By-Election April 1961 > Hong Lim|website=singapore-elections.com|access-date=19 August 2016|archive-date=1 June 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160601144636/http://singapore-elections.com/by-election/1961-4/hong-lim.html|url-status=live}}</ref>

==== Merger issue ====
The British had earlier tabled a proposition to merge the Malaya, Singapore, and North Borneo territories into a single sovereign country, calling it "the Grand Design".<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ue77C4zp4pcC|title=Creating "Greater Malaysia": Decolonization and the Politics of Merger|last=Tan|first=Tai Yong|date=1 January 2008|publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies|isbn=9789812307477|language=en}}</ref>{{rp|44}} However, [[Tunku Abdul Rahman]], the Malayan premier, had never been very keen on the proposal, as he was concerned that Singapore's majority Chinese population would outnumber the number of Malays and would hence dominate the political scene. Hence, many PAP members and the public were shocked that the Tunku had announced that he was favourable to merger in May 1961, and that Lee and Goh had secretly been in discussions with him since April.<ref name=":6" /> The public seemed to view the Tunku's agreement to merger with suspicion: on the surface, it appeared that the circumstances had not changed, yet the Tunku had changed his mind.<ref name=":6" /> The Anson by-election became a test of public sentiment towards the PAP - and they failed it, losing the seat to David Marshall in July.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://sg-elections.com/by-election/1961-7/anson.html|title=Singapore Legislative Assembly By-Election July 1961 > Anson|website=singapore-elections.com|access-date=19 August 2016|archive-date=28 March 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160328073849/http://www.singapore-elections.com/by-election/1961-7/anson.html|url-status=live}}</ref>

==== Eden Hall Tea Party and vote of no-confidence ====
Lim was concerned that, despite the tide increasingly swinging towards him in the political battle, the British might not be keen on a "radical" wing of the PAP taking over the government. To settle this issue, Lim and his colleagues met with the British High Commissioner for Southeast Asia, [[George Douglas-Hamilton, 10th Earl of Selkirk|Lord Selkirk]], to understand if the British would continue to work with the government, even if it was not the PAP.<ref name=":1" /> The meeting was held at Selkirk's residence, [[Eden Hall, Singapore|Eden Hall]]; this became known as the "Eden Hall Tea Party". Selkirk had given a non-committal response<ref name=":9">{{Cite book|title=Comet in Our Sky: Lim Chin Siong in History|last=Harper|first=T. N.|publisher=Strategic Information and Research Development Centre|year=2015|isbn=9789670630816|editor-last=Poh|editor-first=Soo Kai|location=Petaling Jaya, Malaysia|pages=3–55|chapter=Lim Chin Siong and the 'Singapore Story'}}</ref> that they would abide by the constitution.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://archive.org/details/historicaldictio0000corf|url-access=registration|title=Historical Dictionary of Singapore|last=Corfield|first=Justin|date=2 December 2010|publisher=Scarecrow Press|isbn=9780810873872|language=en}}</ref>

Lee interpreted the meeting as one between "British lions and Communist bears", and also as an act of party disobedience.<ref name=":7" /> He dramatically tabled a motion of confidence in the government. 13 PAP assembly members abstained from the vote, and were expelled.<ref name=":7">{{Cite web|url=https://sprs.parl.gov.sg/search/topic.jsp?currentTopicID=00050472-ZZ&currentPubID=00069022-ZZ&topicKey=00069022-ZZ.00050472-ZZ_1%252Bid004_19610720_S0003_T00031-motion%252B|title=MOTION OF CONFIDENCE|publisher=Parliament of Singapore|access-date=19 August 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171208003322/https://sprs.parl.gov.sg/search/topic.jsp?currentTopicID=00050472-ZZ&currentPubID=00069022-ZZ&topicKey=00069022-ZZ.00050472-ZZ_1%252Bid004_19610720_S0003_T00031-motion%252B|archive-date=8 December 2017|url-status=dead}}</ref> Around two thirds of the party membership - including Lim Chin Siong - left with them.<ref name=":6" />

== Barisan Sosialis (1961–1969) ==
=== The Battle for Merger ===
[[File:Barisan logo.jpg|thumb|The Barisan Sosialis was founded by Lim Chin Siong and he became its secretary-general in Aug 1961.]]

In August 1961, Lim and his fellow PAP members who were expelled formed a new party, called the [[Barisan Sosialis]] ({{langx|en|Socialist Front}}), with Lim as secretary-general and [[Lee Siew Choh]] as chairman.<ref name=":0" />{{rp|83}} Meanwhile, details on the terms of merger with Malaya had been planned out by the PAP without any other party or public input.<ref name=":0" />{{rp|85}}

Lim and the Barisan were horrified:<ref name=":6" /> under the terms, Singapore residents would effectively become second-class citizens in Malaysia. For the price of having autonomy in labour and education matters, Singapore would:
* Be under-represented in the [[Parliament of Malaysia|Federal Parliament]] for its population, with just 25{{citation needed|date=March 2019}} seats;
* Singapore citizens would not be able to move freely in the other states, unlike other citizens;<ref name=":0" />{{rp|85}} and
* The federal government would control internal security matters,<ref name=":6" /> even though Singapore had given up the rights above.

[[File:1962 Singapore Referendum Ballot on Merger - Poster.jpeg|thumb|An example of the referendum ballot paper used during the election. All three choices for the referendum were for merger, but in different forms. The Barisan's option was distorted and called Option B.]]

Lim and the Barisan stated that such a merger proposal was giving away the rights of Singaporeans to the Federation, instead of trying to preserve them.<ref name=":6" /> They were not against merger, but wanted Singapore to enter the federation as equals to other states, such as Penang.

The Barisan demanded that general elections be held for a clear mandate on merger.<ref name=":0" />{{rp|86}} Instead of general elections, however, the PAP committed themselves to a national referendum for merger.<ref name=":6" /> However, rather than a simple yes-no referendum, the PAP developed a referendum with all three choices agreeing to merger but in different forms (see the referendum ballot slip below).

The PAP endorsed Option A in the referendum, and announced that the Barisan's option was B. However, Option B was deliberately misrepresented: in a radio forum, [[Goh Keng Swee]] announced that the Barisan proposal would make "nearly half of the present citizens" lose their voting rights.<ref name=":8">{{Cite book|title=Singapore: A Biography|last1=Frost|first1=M. R.|last2=Balasingamchow|first2=Y.-M.|publisher=Hong Kong University Press & National Museum of Singapore|year=2009|pages=401–406}}</ref> The PAP also ruled the radio airwaves - Lee Kuan Yew gave 12 talks on radio on "the battle for merger", putting his case across and attacking the Barisan for being "communists". However, when Lim demanded for the Barisan to be given equal airtime, they were denied.<ref name=":8" />

Frustrated at how the Barisan's proposal had been misrepresented, Lim called for his supporters to cast blank or spoilt votes during the referendum. However, the PAP was quick in amending the referendum rules at the last minute: it ensured that blank votes would be treated as 'undecided' and the ultimate decision for where they would count would be made by the Legislative Assembly, which they controlled.<ref name=":8" />

On Referendum Day, 1 September 1962, 71.1% of voters chose Option A, while 25.6% cast blank votes.<ref name=":6" /> Lim and the Barisan had lost the battle for merger.

=== Operation Coldstore and second detention (1963–1969) ===
{{main|Operation Coldstore}}

For months before the referendum, the British, [[Tunku Abdul Rahman]] and [[Lee Kuan Yew]] had sought a justifiable reason to make a mass round of arrests, including Lim and many of his [[Barisan Sosialis]] members and supporters.<ref name=":9" /> However, key British figures felt there was none, and believed that the left was behaving constitutionally, and commanded wide popular legitimacy.<ref name=":9" /> Yet, the Tunku viewed the Barisan as a communist problem that had to be solved before merger, and Lee was keen on ensuring his political survival through the arrests.<ref name=":6" />

Lim's meeting with [[A. M. Azahari]] on 6 December 1962 would change the British's minds. Azahari was a leading Bruneian leftist who would eventually be accused of masterminding a rebellion in Brunei two days later.<ref name=":8" /> After that meeting, the British approved the swoop, and within a day the Internal Security Council approved a round of arrests. The operation was given the codename "Coldstore". However, the operation was delayed by almost two months as Lee and the Tunku negotiated over the list of people to be arrested. A list of 169 people was eventually finalised, with Lim's name at the top of the list.<ref name=":9" />

In the early hours of 2 February 1963, Operation Coldstore was carried out. In the end, 113 detainees were arrested,<ref name=":9" /> with the rest managing to escape.<ref name=":8" /> Lee offered Lim permission to leave Singapore if he wanted to, but he chose to stay to face another incarceration without trial.<ref name=":8" />

Lim never personally recounted in detail his detention experience. The detention lasted six years, even longer than his previous term when he was arrested under Lim Yew Hock's government. It was clear, however, that this detention broke him mentally: {{quote|"You are detained for years, until such a time that you are willing to humiliate your own integrity. Until you are humiliated publicly. So much so, when you come out, you cannot put your head up, you cannot see your friends. Alright, then they may release you. It is a very cruel torture."<ref name=":2" />}}

The detainees were treated badly. Initially, men were kept in solitary confinement, had no access to the toilet, and were forced to stay in a barren cell except for a small lightbulb on the ceiling and a chamber pot.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Trocki|first=Carl A.|date=14–15 July 2005|title=David Marshall and the Struggle for Civil Rights in Singapore|url=http://eprints.qut.edu.au/3117/2/3117.pdf|journal=Proceedings of Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Postwar Singapore}}</ref> Detainees were only allowed access to a lawyer more than a month after they were arrested.<ref name=":9" /> [[David Marshall (Singaporean politician)|David Marshall]], who conducted an investigation into the conditions of the detention, said that conditions were "radically worse than conditions imposed in the past" by the British colonial government or any previous Singaporean government".<ref name=":9" />

Under such conditions, Lim's health deteriorated. He suffered from depression<ref name=":2" /> and high blood pressure. The doctor prescribed medication to keep his blood pressure under control, but it seemed to make him more depressed. Eventually, he had to be moved to the [[Singapore General Hospital]], where he attempted suicide.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QnFt1yXP9fYC|title=The Long Nightmare: My 17 Years as a Political Prisoner|last=Zahari|first=Said|date=1 January 2007|publisher=Utusan Publications|isbn=9789676119391|pages=87|language=en}}</ref>

Eventually, Lim gave up the struggle in prison and requested to be released. On 21 July 1969, Lim wrote two letters: one addressed to Lee Kuan Yew, and one to Lee Siew Choh. In those letters, Lim stated that he had "completely lost confidence in the international communist movement", and that "communism is not as ideal as what we think it is".<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19690724-1.2.2.aspx?q=lim+chin+siong&mode=advanced&df=19690101&dt=19691231&ct=article&t=straitstimes&page=2&sort=oldest&token=siong%252cchin%252clim&sessionid=65daf14263e84a83b1ae68de1d212d53|title=Newspaper Article - Chin Siong to quit politics|date=24 July 1969|website=eresources.nlb.gov.sg|access-date=21 August 2016}}</ref> In the letter, Lim also resigned from the Barisan Sosialis, marking an end to his political career.

== Later years ==
Lim was released along with Wong Chui Wan, his fiancée and a former colleague in the General Employees Union along [[Middle Road, Singapore|Middle Road]]. They married in 1970, and had two sons, Lim Zi Kuan and Lim Ziyi. In England, he worked odd jobs (at one point selling fruits in London), and also tried to nurse himself back to health.<ref name=":0" /> However, his condition remained fragile. In 1980, he suffered a heart attack and underwent a bypass operation in 1982.

In 1984, Lim returned to Singapore with his family and lived in [[Serangoon Gardens]]. He died of a heart attack on 5 February 1996.<ref name="Zahari2007" />

== Legacy ==
Lim's achievements include co-founding the PAP, galvanising the trade unions against colonialism, and predicting correctly that the marriage of Malaya and Singapore as a single country would be short-lived. Yet, these achievements have generally been overshadowed by the allegations that:
* He was a communist, and that Singapore could have become communist;<ref>{{Cite news|title=OW DEFENDS DETENTION OF LIM CHIN SIONG.|date=13 February 1996|work=The Straits Times}}</ref> and
* He was the mastermind behind numerous subversive activities against the government.

=== Debate over communist leanings ===
There are many contradictions based on historical accounts. The British government in the 1950s had classified Lim as a "communist" in their documents, which have now been declassified. Although Lim claimed that he had not known the Anti-British League he joined had communist ties, the [[Internal Security Department (Singapore)|Special Branch]]'s notes of Lim's activities contradicted this, such as Lim giving a talk in commemoration of [[Joseph Stalin]]'s death to his ABL subordinates. [[Philip Moore, Baron Moore of Wolvercote|Philip Moore]], the deputy high commissioner in Singapore, stated in confidential correspondence in September 1961 that Lim "was a really clever United Front Communist operator".<ref>CO 1030/652 no 103 26 June 1959 [People's Action Party government of Singapore]: despatch from Sir W Goode to Mr Lennox-Boyd</ref><ref>DO 169/18 no 11 17 March 1961 The outlook in Singapore for the next twelve months: report (DCC(FE)61/90) by the Joint Intelligence Committee (Far East) for the British Defence Coordinating Committee (Far East)</ref><ref>CO 1030/986 no 959 18 October 1961 Singapore and merger: letter from P B C Moore to W I J Wallace, assessing the PAP's attitude to 'Greater Malaysia' and the prospect of the Barisan overthrowing Lee's government</ref> The PAP had also labelled Lim and his faction as "communist". Official records of a meeting between [[George Douglas-Hamilton, 10th Earl of Selkirk|Lord Selkirk]], Lim and Fong Swee Suan also stated that when Lim and Fong were asked if they were communists, they "failed to give a clear answer".<ref name="Institute of Policy Studies" /> However, accounts from [[Chin Peng]], the secretary-general of the [[Malayan Communist Party|Communist Party of Malaya]] (CPM) at the time, did not recall Lim as a key figure of the CPM,<ref>{{Cite book|title=Dialogues with Chin Peng: New Light on the Malayan Communist Party|publisher=Singapore University Press|year=2005|isbn=9971692872|editor-last=Chin|editor-first=C. C.|location=Singapore|pages=190–191|editor-last2=Hack|editor-first2=Karl}}</ref> and also said that the Barisan was not controlled by them.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Chin Peng: My Side of History|last1=Chin|first1=Peng|last2=Ward|first2=Ian|last3=Miraflor|first3=Norma|publisher=Media Masters Pte Ltd|year=2003|isbn=9810486936|location=Singapore|pages=438}}</ref>

Apart from the letters he wrote upon his release in 1969, Lim had also denied consistently that he was a communist. He did so for the last time in 1995, in the final interview he gave before he died:

<blockquote>"To brand someone as communist at that stage was the best and most convenient way to put him in jail... Of course, my brief period of association with the Anti-British League had become a "useful pretext" to brand me as a communist. But was it my mistake or the mistake of history that I had become a member of the ABL at that time?"<ref name=":2" />{{Rp|118}}</blockquote>

=== Debate over subversive activities ===
The official narrative suggested that Lim was behind numerous labour disputes that eventually descended into rioting, such as the [[Hock Lee bus riots]] and the [[Chinese middle school riots]]. After the war, the British became more paternalistic towards labour issues, resisting collective bargaining and seeking to depoliticise the labour movement.<ref name=":9" /> Without an avenue to seek redress, workers, who were often exploited and underpaid,<ref name=":6" /> had little choice but to fight back through more extreme methods. Lim was arrested and detained on the charge that he masterminded the riots, although the speech he made might not even have been inflammatory.<ref name="theonlinecitizen.com" />

In one of his last interviews, Lim also said that between 1961 and 1963, he was responsible for "restraining the situation" to ensure that there was no violence following the referendum on merger.<ref name=":2" /> It was also noted in the minutes of a [[Barisan Sosialis]] meeting on 30 September 1962 that even having been defeated by the PAP in the referendum that they agreed to keep using "peaceful constitutional processes" to win elections.<ref name=":6" /> His arrest in February 1963, if legitimate, contradicts his personal accounts and the archived records of the British.

== Cultural depictions ==
In 2010, [[Meira Chand]]'s historical novel ''A Different Sky'' published by [[Harvill Secker]] featured Lim getting elected, along with fellow [[People's Action Party]] candidate, [[Lee Kuan Yew]], to the Legislative Assembly at the climax.<ref>{{cite web|title=The LKY Musical|url=http://www.meirachand.com/the-lky-musical/|website=Meira Chand|access-date=29 December 2015}}</ref>

In May 2015, comics artist [[Sonny Liew]] released the graphic novel ''[[The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye]]'', featuring Lim, his life story and his political rival Lee Kuan Yew. Upon its release, the [[National Arts Council (Singapore)|National Arts Council]] withdrew a S$8,000 publishing grant as it found that "the retelling of Singapore's history in the graphic novel potentially undermines the authority of legitimacy of the Government and its public institutions".<ref>{{cite news |last1=Yong |first1=Charissa |title=NAC pulled grant from comic as it 'potentially undermines the authority of the Government' |url= http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/nac-pulled-grant-from-comic-as-it-potentially-undermines-the-authority-of-the-government |work=The Straits Times |location= Singapore |date=3 June 2015 |access-date=22 December 2015}}</ref>

In July 2015, actor Benjamin Chow played Lim in ''The LKY Musical'' opposite [[Adrian Pang]]'s Lee Kuan Yew, directed by [[Steven Dexter]]. ''[[The Straits Times]]''' critic, Corrie Tan noted that "the musical's designated anti-hero, Lim Chin Siong, is thankfully not relegated to the ranks of villainy and one-note declarations... the charismatic left-wing leader, with his compelling oratory and rapport with the common man [is portrayed]".<ref>{{cite news |last1=Tan |first1=Corrie |title= Theatre review: Adrian Pang turns in a stirring performance in The LKY Musical |url= http://www.straitstimes.com/lifestyle/arts/theatre-review-adrian-pang-turns-in-a-stirring-performance-in-the-lky-musical |access-date=14 December 2015 |work=The Straits Times |location= Singapore |date=25 July 2015}}</ref> During the musical's run, actor Chow published a blog post, later removed, on how the writers had been "extremely open to input" from the [[Ministry of Communications and Information]].<ref>{{cite news|last1=Qin|first1=Amy|title=Singapore's History Put to Song|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/15/arts/international/singapores-history-put-to-song.html|access-date=29 December 2015|agency=The New York Times|publisher=The New York Times Company|date=14 August 2015}}</ref>

In September 2015, Jonathan Lim's ''Chestnuts 50 The UnbelYeevable Jubilee Edition'' live parody sketch show featured a 'bromance' between Lim and Lee.<ref>{{cite news|title=CHESTNUTS 50 THE UNBELYEEVABLE JUBILEE EDITION|url=http://runeatgossip.com/2015/09/chestnuts-50-the-unbelyeevable-jubilee-edition.html/|access-date=29 December 2015|date=18 September 2015}}</ref>

== Notes ==
{{notes}}

== References ==
<references />

{{DEFAULTSORT:Lim, Chin Siong}}
[[Category:1933 births]]
[[Category:Singaporean people of Chinese descent]]
[[Category:1996 deaths]]
[[Category:Singaporean communists]]
[[Category:People's Action Party politicians]]
[[Category:Prisoners and detainees of Singapore]]
[[Category:Singaporean people of Hokkien descent]]
[[Category:Singaporean prisoners and detainees]]
[[Category:Barisan Sosialis politicians]]
[[Category:Hwa Chong Institution alumni]]
[[Category:Singaporean trade unionists]]