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{{Politics of Singapore}}

A '''group representation constituency'''{{NoteTag|{{zh|s=集选区|t=集選區|p=jíxuǎnqū}}; {{Langx|ms|kawasan undi perwakilan berkumpulan}}, <small>[[Jawi alphabet|Jawi]]:</small> {{lang|ms-arab|{{Script|Arab|كاوسن اوندي ڤرواكيلن بركومڤولن}}}}; {{Langx|ta|குழுத்தொகுதி|kuḻuttokuti}}}} ('''GRC''') is a type of electoral division or [[constituencies of Singapore|constituency]] in [[Singapore]] in which teams of candidates, instead of individual candidates, compete to be elected into [[Parliament of Singapore|Parliament]] as the [[Members of the Singapore Parliament|Members of Parliament]] (MPs) for the constituency. Synonymous to the [[party block voting]] (PBV) or the general ticket used in other countries, the [[Government of Singapore|Government]] stated that the GRC scheme was primarily implemented to enshrine minority representation in Parliament: at least one of the MPs in a GRC must be a member of the [[Malays in Singapore|Malay]], [[Indians in Singapore|Indian]] or another minority community of Singapore. In addition, it was economical for town councils, which manage [[public housing in Singapore|public housing estates]], to handle larger constituencies.

The GRC scheme came into effect on 1 June 1988, and was first introduced at the [[1988 Singaporean general election|general election that same year]]. Prior to that date, all constituencies were [[Single-member district|Single Member Constituencies]] (SMCs). The Parliamentary Elections Act (Cap. 218, 2008 Rev. Ed.) ("PEA") states that there must be at least eight SMCs, and the number of MPs to be returned by all GRCs cannot be less than a quarter of the total number of MPs. Within those parameters the total number of SMCs and GRCs in Singapore and their boundaries are not fixed but are decided by the [[Cabinet of Singapore|Cabinet]], taking into consideration the recommendations of the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee. Per the [[Constitution of Singapore|Constitution]] and the PEA, there must be between three and six MPs in a GRC. The number of MPs in each GRC is declared by the [[President of Singapore|President]] at the Cabinet's direction before a [[Parliamentary elections in Singapore|general election]]. As of the latest [[2025 Singaporean general election|2025 general election]], there were 14 SMCs, 8 four-member GRCs and 10 five-member GRCs, totalling 97 MPs.

Reception towards to the GRC system is mixed, with some critics disagreeing with the government's justifications for introducing the scheme, noting that the proportion of minority MPs per GRC has rather decreased with the advent of five-member and six-member GRCs, although the latter was not present since the 2020 general election. In addition, the ruling [[People's Action Party]] (PAP) has been described as using GRCs as a means of bringing in politically inexperienced candidates into Parliament by "[[Coattail effect|riding on the coattails]]" of GRCs helmed by senior politicians, particularly [[Cabinet of Singapore|Cabinet members]] who are deployed to each incumbent PAP-held GRC, as "anchor ministers".<ref>{{Cite web |title=Which GRCs are in the market for a new anchor minister? Here's what we think. |url=https://mothership.sg/2025/03/grcs-anchor-minister-current-future/ |access-date=2025-04-28 |website=mothership.sg}}</ref> Moreover, the GRC scheme is also noted to particularly disadvantage opposition parties, by raising the threshold to find sufficient candidates with the political expertise and capability to contest GRCs. Furthermore, it is said that the GRC scheme means that electors may have unequal voting power, weakens the relationship between electors and MPs, and entrenches racialism in [[politics of Singapore|Singapore politics]] due to its emphasis on minority representation.

==History==
There are two types of [[list of Singaporean electoral divisions|electoral division]] or [[constituencies of Singapore|constituency]]<ref>Constitution, Art. 39(3): "In this Article and in Articles 39A and 47, a constituency shall be construed as an electoral division for the purposes of Parliamentary elections."</ref> in [[Singapore]]: the [[single-member district|single member constituency]] (SMC) and the group representation constituency (GRC). In a GRC, a number of candidates comes together to stand for [[Parliamentary elections in Singapore|elections]] to [[Parliament of Singapore|Parliament]] as a group. Each voter of a GRC casts a ballot for a team of candidates, and not for individual candidates. The GRC scheme was brought into existence on 1 June 1988 by the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act 1988<ref>{{Singapore legislation|title=Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act|no=9|year=1988}}. The Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Bill (No. B 24 of 1987) was read in Parliament for the first time on 30 November 1987. The Second Reading took place on 12 January 1988, and it was referred to a [[Parliament of Singapore#Select committees|select committee]] which presented its report on 5 May 1988. The bill was read for the third time and passed on 18 May 1988. It came into force on 31 May 1988.</ref> and the Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Act 1988.<ref>{{Singapore legislation |title=Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Act |url=http://statutes.agc.gov.sg/aol/search/display/view.w3p;ident=d2aa62f0-8501-4497-94dc-9977a0af76c4;page=0;query=DocId%3A55f8de52-cd54-4524-bd58-d81d5cb35bff%20Depth%3A0%20ValidTime%3A01%2F06%2F1988%20TransactionTime%3A01%2F06%2F1988%20Status%3Apublished;rec=0 |no=10 |year=1988 |dateformat=dmy-all |archive-date=22 April 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140422081005/http://statutes.agc.gov.sg/aol/search/display/view.w3p;ident=d2aa62f0-8501-4497-94dc-9977a0af76c4;page=0;query=DocId%3A55f8de52-cd54-4524-bd58-d81d5cb35bff%20Depth%3A0%20ValidTime%3A01%2F06%2F1988%20TransactionTime%3A01%2F06%2F1988%20Status%3Apublished;rec=0 |archivedate=22 April 2014 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140422081005/http://statutes.agc.gov.sg/aol/search/display/view.w3p;ident=d2aa62f0-8501-4497-94dc-9977a0af76c4;page=0;query=DocId%3A55f8de52-cd54-4524-bd58-d81d5cb35bff%20Depth%3A0%20ValidTime%3A01%2F06%2F1988%20TransactionTime%3A01%2F06%2F1988%20Status%3Apublished;rec=0 }}. The Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Bill (No. B 23 of 1987) had its First and Second Readings on 30 November 1987 and 11–12 February 1988 respectively. Like the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Bill, it was committed to a select committee which rendered its report on 5 May 1988. The bill was read for a third time and passed on 18 May 1988 and came into force on 1 June 1988, a day after the 1988 Act amending the Constitution commenced.</ref>

[[File:Goh Chok Tong detail, 010614-D-9880W-050.jpg|thumb|upright|In 1988, [[Prime Minister of Singapore#List of deputy prime ministers|First Deputy Prime Minister]] [[Goh Chok Tong]] ''(pictured here in June 2001)'' supported GRCs on the ground that they would ensure that [[Parliament of Singapore|Parliament]] always remained [[multiracialism|multiracial]].]]

The original stated purpose of GRCs was to guarantee a minimum representation of minorities in Parliament and ensure that there would always be a [[multiracialism|multiracial]] Parliament instead of one made up of a single race.<ref name="Hansard 20090527">{{Singapore Hansard|mp=Lee Hsien Loong|mplink=Lee Hsien Loong|office=[[Prime Minister of Singapore|Prime Minister]]|title=President's address: Debate on the address|date=27 May 2009|volume=86|column=493''[[wikt:ff.#Abbreviation|ff.]]''}}</ref> Speaking in Parliament during the debate on whether GRCs should be introduced, [[Prime Minister of Singapore#List of deputy prime ministers|First Deputy Prime Minister]] and [[Ministry of Defence (Singapore)|Minister for Defence]] [[Goh Chok Tong]] said he had first discussed the necessity of ensuring the multiracial nature of Parliament with [[Prime Minister of Singapore|Prime Minister]] [[Lee Kuan Yew]] in July 1982. Then, Lee had expressed concern about the voting patterns of younger Singaporeans, who appeared to be apathetic to the need of having a racially balanced slate of candidates. He was also worried about more Singaporeans voting along racial lines, which would lead to a lack of minority representation in Parliament.<ref>{{Singapore Hansard|mp=Goh Chok Tong|mplink=Goh Chok Tong|office=[[Prime Minister of Singapore#List of deputy prime ministers|Deputy Prime Minister]] and [[Ministry of Defence (Singapore)|Minister for Defence]]|reading=Second|bill=Parliamentary Elections (Amendment)|date=11 January 1988|volume=50|column=180}}.</ref>

Lee had also proposed to twin constituencies and have [[Members of the Singapore Parliament|Members of Parliament]] (MPs) contest as a pair, one of whom had to be from a minority community. However, [[Malays in Singapore|Malay]] MPs were upset that this implied they were not electable on their own merits. Feeling that the twinning of constituencies would lead to Malay MPs losing confidence and self-respect, the [[Government of Singapore|Government]] dropped the proposal.<ref>Goh, Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Bill, cols. 180–183; {{citation|author=Edwin Lee|title=Singapore: The Unexpected Nation|location=Singapore|publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies|year=2008|page=499|isbn=978-981-230-796-5}}.</ref>

Therefore, the Government felt that the best way to ensure minority representation in Parliament was to introduce the GRC scheme. In addition, it took the view that such a scheme would complement the introduction of town councils to manage [[public housing in Singapore|public housing estates]], as it would be economical for a town council to manage a group of three constituencies.<ref>Goh, Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Bill, cols. 183–184.</ref> Subsequently, in 1991, the Government said that GRCs also minimized the need to redraw the boundaries of constituencies which had grown too big for the MPs serving them, and, in 1996, GRCs were said to provide [[Community Development Council]]s with the critical mass of residents that they needed to be effective.<ref>{{citation|author=Lydia Lim|author2=Zakir Hussain|title=GRCs: 20 years on|newspaper=[[The Straits Times]]|date=2 August 2008}}.</ref>

Three proposals for [[minority group|minority]] representation in Parliament had been considered by a 1966 Constitutional Commission chaired by the [[Chief Justice of Singapore|Chief Justice]] [[Wee Chong Jin]]. The first was to have a committee of representatives of minorities that would elect three persons from amongst its members to represent minorities in Parliament.<ref>{{citation|title=Report of the Constitutional Commission, 1966|location=Singapore|publisher=Government Printer|year=1966|oclc=51640681}}, para. 46(1).</ref> However, this was rejected as the Commission felt that it would be an inappropriate and retrogressive move in that unelected members should not be allowed to dilute the elected chamber.<ref>''Constitutional Commission, 1966'', para. 47.</ref> The second proposal, which was to have [[proportional representation]],<ref>''Constitutional Commission, 1966'', para. 46(2).</ref> was also rejected on the grounds that it would intensify party politics along racial lines and eventually "perpetuate and accentuate racial differences". This would then make it increasingly difficult, if not impossible, to achieve a single homogeneous community out of the many races that form the population of the Republic.<ref>''Constitutional Commission, 1966'', para. 48.</ref> The third proposal was to have an [[upper house]] in Parliament composed of members elected or nominated to represent the racial, linguistic and religious minorities in Singapore.<ref>''Constitutional Commission, 1966'', para. 46(3).</ref> However, this was rejected as being backward-looking since politicians should attain a seat in Parliament through taking part in elections.<ref>''Constitutional Commission, 1966'', para. 49.</ref>

In 1988, 39 SMCs were grouped into 13 three-member GRCs, making up 39 out of a total of 81 elected seats in Parliament. The Constitution and the Parliamentary Elections Act were changed in 1991<ref>{{Singapore legislation|title=Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act|no=5|year=1991}}; {{Singapore legislation|title=Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Act|no=9|year=1991}}.</ref> and again in 1996<ref>{{Singapore legislation|title=Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act|no=41|year=1996}}; {{Singapore legislation|title=Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Act|no=42|year=1996}}.</ref> to increase the maximum number of MPs in each GRC from three to four, and then to six. In the [[2001 Singaporean general election|2001 general election]], three- and four-member GRCs were replaced by five- and six-member GRCs. There were nine five-member GRCs and five six-member GRCs, making up 75 out of the 84 elected seats in Parliament. This arrangement remained unchanged at the 2006 elections.<ref>Parliamentary Elections (Declaration of Group Representation Constituencies) Order 2006 (S&nbsp;146/2006); {{citation |title=Types of electoral divisions |date=7 April 2009 |df=dmy |url=http://www.elections.gov.sg/elections_type_electoral.html |access-date=1 July 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090317102032/http://www.elections.gov.sg/elections_type_electoral.html |archive-date=17 March 2009 |url-status=dead |publisher=Elections Department}}.</ref>

On 27 May 2009, the Government announced that it would refine the size and number of GRCs. This could be achieved without amending either the Constitution or the Parliamentary Elections Act. Instead, when the next EBRC was appointed, its terms of reference would instruct the Committee to plan for fewer six-member GRCs than at present, and to reduce the average size of each GRC. The average size of GRCs at that time was 5.4 MPs because there were only five-member and six-member GRCs. The new average, however, would not exceed five MPs.<ref name="Hansard 20090527" />

In addition, to ensure that the number of SMCs kept pace with the increase in voters and hence the number of MPs, the EBRC's terms of reference would state that there should be at least 12 SMCs. The rationale given for these changes was that the GRC scheme would work better and the link between voters and their MPs would be strengthened.<ref name="Hansard 20090527" /> In the 2011 general election, SMCs returned to Parliament 12 MPs and 15 GRCs a total of 75 MPs.<ref name="Electoral Divisions" />

In 2023, [[Progress Singapore Party]]'s (PSP) [[non-constituency Member of Parliament]] (NCMP), [[Hazel Poa]], raised a private member's motion to abolish GRC, citing outcomes where candidates ride on the coattails of more established teammates, reduced voters' choice over election results.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Ng |first=Michelle |date=6 July 2023 |title=Parliament rejects PSP motion to abolish GRC system |url=https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/politics/parliament-rejects-psp-motion-to-abolish-grc-system |access-date=21 November 2024 |work=[[The Straits Times]]}}</ref> During the parliament debate, Poa mentioned vacancies in the GRC when MPs resign from their seat midterm, citing [[Halimah Yacob]]'s resignation in 2017 to contest in the [[2017 Singaporean presidential election]] and [[Tharman Shanmugaratnam]]'s upcoming resignation to contest in the [[2023 Singaporean presidential election]].<ref name=":0">{{Cite news |last=Tham |first=Yuen-C |date=6 July 2023 |title=GRC system used for benefit of PAP and should be abolished, say PSP's Leong Mun Wai and Hazel Poa |url=https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/politics/grc-system-used-for-benefit-of-pap-and-should-be-abolished-say-psp-s-leong-mun-wai-and-hazel-poa |access-date=21 November 2024 |work=[[The Straits Times]]}}</ref> [[Chan Chun Sing]], Minister-in-charge of the Public Service, in response to Poa, said WP and PSP also relied on the "star power" of [[Low Thia Khiang]] and [[Tan Cheng Bock]] to win [[Aljunied Group Representation Constituency|Aljunied GRC]] in 2011 and PSP having NCMPs now in parliament.<ref>{{Cite news |last1=Tang |first1=Louisa |last2=Tang |first2=See Kit |date=5 Jul 2023 |title=Parliament votes against Progress Singapore Party's motion to abolish GRCs |url=https://www.channelnewsasia.com/singapore/parliament-votes-against-progress-singapore-partys-motion-abolish-grcs-3607536 |access-date=21 November 2024 |work=[[CNA (TV network)|CNA]]}}</ref> [[Leader of the Opposition (Singapore)|Leader of the Opposition]] and [[Workers' Party (Singapore)|Workers' Party]]'s (WP) chief [[Pritam Singh (Singaporean politician)|Pritam Singh]] also highlighted the usage of GRC for gerrymandering, citing the merging of SMCs, in close contest between PAP and WP, into GRC in the next election.<ref name=":0" /> WP also called for the abolition of GRCs.<ref name=":0" /> [[Senior Minister of Singapore|Senior Minister]] [[Teo Chee Hean]] responded that accusations of gerrymandering existed long ago and asked Singh to suggest to EBRC to break up opposition held GRCs into SMCs.<ref name=":0" /> Parliament rejected the motion.<ref name=":0" />

==Operation==

===Number and boundaries of electoral divisions===
Apart from the requirement that there must be at least eight SMCs,<ref>{{Singapore legislation|title=Parliamentary Elections Act|cap=218|ed=2007}} ("PEA"), s. 8A(1A).</ref> the total number of SMCs and GRCs in Singapore and their boundaries are not fixed. The number of electoral divisions and their names and boundaries are specified by the [[Prime Minister of Singapore|Prime Minister]] from time to time by notification in the ''Government Gazette''.<ref>PEA, ss. 8(1) and (2).</ref>

[[File:Electoral boundaries during the Singapore general elections 2011.svg|thumb|450px|left|SMCs and GRCs in the [[2011 Singaporean general election|2011 general election]]]]

Since 1954, a year ahead of the [[1955 Singaporean general election|1955 general election]], an Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) has been appointed to advise the executive on the number and geographical division of electoral divisions. Even though neither the Constitution nor any law requires this to be done, the Prime Minister has continued to do so from [[history of the Republic of Singapore#Independence from Malaysia|Singapore's independence]] in 1965. This is generally done just before a general election to review the boundaries of electoral divisions and recommend changes.<ref>{{Citation| url=https://www.straitstimes.com/politics/electoral-boundaries-review-committee-not-yet-formed| author=Linette Lai| title=Parliament: Electoral Boundaries Review Committee not yet formed| date=1 March 2019| publisher=[[The Straits Times]]}}</ref> In recent decades, the Committee has been chaired by the Cabinet Secretary and has had four other members who are senior public servants. In the EBRC appointed before the [[2006 Singaporean general election|general election of 2006]], these were the head of the [[Elections Department]], the Chief Executive Officer of the [[Singapore Land Authority]], the Deputy CEO of the [[Housing and Development Board]] and the Acting Chief Statistician.<ref name="Singapore: The Encyclopedia">{{citation|contribution=Electoral Boundaries Review Committee|url=http://www.singapedia.com.sg/entries/e/electoral_boundaries_revie.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070825045622/http://www.singapedia.com.sg/entries/e/electoral_boundaries_revie.html|archive-date=25 August 2007|editor=Tommy Koh|editor-link=Tommy Koh|title=Singapore: The Encyclopedia|location=Singapore|publisher=[[Editions Didier Millet]]|year=2006|page=174|isbn=978-981-4155-63-2}}.</ref><ref>{{citation|author=Li Xueying|title=Making sense of electoral boundaries|newspaper=The Straits Times|date=18 September 2010|pages=A38–A39 at A39}}.</ref> Since the Committee is only convened shortly before general elections, the preparatory work for [[boundary delimitation]] is done by its secretariat the Elections Department, which is a division of the [[Prime Minister's Office (Singapore)|Prime Minister's Office]].<ref>Li, "Making sense of electoral boundaries", p. A38.</ref>

The EBRC's terms of reference are issued by the Prime Minister, and are not embodied in legislation. In giving recommendations for boundary changes over the years, the Committee has considered various factors, including using hill ridges, rivers and roads as boundaries rather than arbitrarily drawn lines; and the need for electoral divisions to have approximately equal numbers of voters so that electors' votes carry the same weight regardless of where they cast their ballots. In 1963, the EBRC adopted a rule allowing the numbers of voters in divisions to differ by no more than 20%. The permitted deviation was increased to 30% in 1980. It is up to the Cabinet to decide whether or not to accept the Committee's recommendations.<ref>Li, "Making sense of electoral boundaries", pp. A38–A39.</ref>

===Requirements of GRCs===
[[File:Yaacob Ibrahim, Tharman Shanmugaratnam and Vivian Balakrishnan.jpg|thumb|(L–R) [[Yaacob Ibrahim]], [[Tharman Shanmugaratnam]] and [[Vivian Balakrishnan]], three [[Cabinet of Singapore|Cabinet]] ministers in the [[11th Parliament of Singapore|11th Parliament]] from minority communities who were elected through GRCs]]

All the candidates in a GRC must either be members of the same [[list of political parties in Singapore|political party]] or [[independent (politician)|independent candidates]] standing as a group,<ref>Constitution, Art. 39A(2)(c); PEA, s. 27A(3).</ref> and at least one of the candidates must be a person belonging to the Malay, [[Indians in Singapore|Indian]] or some other minority community.<ref>Constitution, Art. 39A(2)(a), PEA, s. 27A(4).</ref> A person is regarded as belonging to the Malay community if, regardless of whether or not he or she is of the Malay race, considers himself or herself to be a member of the community and is generally accepted as such by the community. Similarly, a person will belong to the Indian community or some other minority community if he or she considers himself or herself a member and the community accepts him or her as such.<ref>Constitution, Art. 39A(4); PEA, s. 27A(8).</ref> The minority status of candidates is determined by two committees appointed by the President, the Malay Community Committee and the Indian and Other Minority Communities Committee.<ref>PEA, ss. 27C(1)–(3).</ref> Decisions of these committees are final and conclusive, and may not be appealed against or called into question in any court.<ref>PEA, s. 27C(8).</ref>

The President, at the Cabinet's direction, declares the electoral divisions that are to be GRCs; the number of candidates (three to six)<ref>Constitution, Art. 39A(1)(a); PEA, s. 8A(1)(a).</ref> to stand for Parliament in each GRC; and whether the minority candidates in each GRC are to be from the Malay, Indian, or other minority communities.<ref>PEA, ss. 8A(1)(a) and (b).</ref> The number of GRCs in which at least one MP must be from the Malay community must be three-fifths of the total number of GRCs,<ref>If the three-fifths figure is not a [[Natural number|whole number]], it is rounded to the next higher whole number: PEA, s. 8A(3).</ref> and the number of MPs to be returned by all GRCs cannot be less than a quarter of the total number of MPs to be returned at a general election.<ref>PEA, s. 8A(2).</ref> For the [[2011 Singaporean general election|2011 general election]], there were 14 SMCs and 17 GRCs.<ref name="Electoral Divisions">{{citation|title=Types of Electoral Divisions|url=http://elections.gov.sg/elections_type_electoral.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120101230725/http://www.elections.gov.sg/elections_type_electoral.html|archive-date=1 January 2012|publisher=[[Elections Department]]|date=24 October 2011|url-status=dead|df=dmy}}.</ref>

===Electoral system===

An electoral division which is a GRC returns the number of MPs designated for the constituency by the President to serve in Parliament.<ref>PEA, s. 22.</ref> A group of individuals standing together in a GRC is voted for as a team, and not as individual candidates. In other words, a successful voter's single vote in an SMC sends to Parliament one MP, and a GRC sends a group of MPs from the same single list depending on how many have been designated for that GRC. All elected MPs are selected on a [[plurality voting|simple plurality voting]] ("winner takes all") basis.<ref>See, for instance, the PEA, s. 49(7E)(a): "... the Returning Officer shall declare the candidate or (as the case may be) group of candidates to whom the greatest number of votes is given to be elected".</ref>

A [[by-elections in Singapore|by-election]] need not be held to fill a vacancy in any GRC triggered by the death or resignation of an MP, even if there are no other minority candidates in that GRC,<ref>{{cite news| url=http://www.straitstimes.com/politics/singapolitics/no-by-election-if-minority-mp-leaves-grc-says-chun-sing| title=No by-election if minority MP leaves GRC, says Chun Sing| publisher=The Straits Times| date=7 Feb 2017| access-date=22 July 2017| author=Nur Asyiqin Mohamad Salleh| archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170722003525/http://www.straitstimes.com/politics/singapolitics/no-by-election-if-minority-mp-leaves-grc-says-chun-sing| archive-date=22 July 2017}}</ref> or any other reason. A by-election is required only if all the MPs in a GRC vacate their Parliamentary seats.<ref>PEA, s. 24(2A).</ref><ref name="Vellama">{{cite CommonLII|litigants=Vellama d/o Marie Muthu v. Attorney-General|link=Vellama d/o Marie Muthu v. Attorney-General|court=SGCA|year=2013|num=39|parallelcite=[2013] 4 S.L.R. 1 at 38, para. 80|courtname=auto}}. On the other hand, in the ''Vellama'' case, the Court of Appeal held that the Prime Minister has a duty to call a by-election when a [[casual vacancy]] arises in a Single Member Constituency: ''Vellama'', p. 38, para. 79.</ref> Assuming that such a situation does arise, the Prime Minister would be obliged to call a by-election within a reasonable time,<ref>{{Singapore legislation|title=Interpretation Act|cap=1|ed=2002}}, s.&nbsp;52.</ref> unless he intends to call a general election in the near future.<ref>''Vellama'', p. 35, para. 82.</ref>

==Assessment==
[[File:Singapore River where it all begins.jpg|thumb|An aerial view of [[Parliament House, Singapore|Parliament House]] ''(left, with semicircular driveway)'']]

===Advantages===
As Article 39A of the Constitution states, the GRC scheme entrenches the presence of minority MPs in Parliament, ensuring that interests of minority communities are represented in Parliament.<ref>The Constitution, Art. 39A(1), states: "The Legislature may, in order to ensure the representation in Parliament of Members from the Malay, Indian and other minority communities, by law make provision for ... any constituency to be declared by the President, having regard to the number of electors in that constituency, as a group representation constituency to enable any election in that constituency to be held on a basis of a group of not less than 3 but not more than 6 candidates".</ref> Article 39A(1)(a) of the Constitution allows for a maximum number of six MPs for each GRC so as to provide flexibility in ensuring that a GRC with a rapidly expanding population is properly managed.<ref>{{Singapore Hansard|mp=Goh Chok Tong|office=Prime Minister|reading=Second|bill=Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment)|date=28 October 1996|volume=66|column=756}}.</ref> As the population of a constituency grows, it becomes increasingly difficult for an MP to singlehandedly represent the views of all constituents. A team of MPs arguably has greater access to more constituents, and the fact that there are different MPs in the team suggests they can more effectively provide representation in Parliament of a wide range of constituents' views.<ref name="Hansard 20090527"/>

===Criticisms of the scheme===

====Diversion from original purpose====
The official justification for the GRC scheme is to entrench minority representation in Parliament. However, opposition parties have questioned the usefulness of GRCs in fulfilling this purpose, especially since Singapore has not faced the issue of minorities being under-represented in Parliament. In fact, statistics show that all PAP minority candidates have won regularly and that the only two MPs to lose their seats in 1984 were "racially" Chinese. One of them was beaten by a minority candidate.<ref>{{citation|author=Christopher Tremewan|title=The Political Economy of Social Control in Singapore|location=Basingstoke, Hants|publisher=[[Macmillan Publishers|Macmillan]] in association with [[St Antony's College, Oxford|St. Antony's College, Oxford]]|year=1994|isbn=978-0-312-12138-9}}.</ref> In addition, [[Joshua Benjamin Jeyaratnam]] of the [[Workers' Party (Singapore)|WP]] won a [[1981 Singaporean by-election|by-election in 1981]] at [[Anson Single Member Constituency|Anson]], a largely Chinese constituency, and the first elected [[Chief Minister of Singapore]] was [[David Marshall (Singaporean politician)|David Marshall]] who was Jewish. Technically, as the size of GRCs has increased, the minority has had less representation overall as the proportion of minority MPs per GRC has been reduced. Since minority MPs are a numerical minority in Parliament, their political clout has also been reduced.<ref>{{citation|author=Lily Zubaidah Rahim|title=The Singapore Dilemma: The Political and Educational Marginality of the Malay Community|location=New York, N.Y.|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|year=1998|isbn=978-983-56-0032-6}}.</ref>

In February 2017, [[Minister in the Prime Minister's Office]] [[Chan Chun Sing]] said that if a minority candidate leaves their group representation constituency (GRC), a by-election will not be called. Chan claimed that the goals of having enough minority members in Parliament, and to ensure no political campaign on issues of race and religion, would still be met even if the minority member of the GRC left.<ref>{{cite news|author=Nur Asyiqin Mohamad Salleh|title=No by-election if minority MP leaves GRC, says Chun Sing|url=http://www.straitstimes.com/politics/singapolitics/no-by-election-if-minority-mp-leaves-grc-says-chun-sing|access-date=22 July 2017|publisher=The Straits Times|date=7 Feb 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170722003525/http://www.straitstimes.com/politics/singapolitics/no-by-election-if-minority-mp-leaves-grc-says-chun-sing|archive-date=22 July 2017}}</ref>

Furthermore, the GRC scheme is now used as a recruiting tool for the PAP. In 2006, Goh Chok Tong stated, "Without some assurance of a good chance of winning at least their first election, many able and successful young Singaporeans may not risk their careers to join politics".<ref>{{citation|author=Li Xueying|title=GRCs make it easier to find top talent: SM: Without good chance of winning at polls, they might not be willing to risk careers for politics|newspaper=The Straits Times|date=27 June 2006|page=4}}.</ref> Every PAP GRC team is helmed by a major figure such as a minister, and allowed candidates to ride on the coat-tails of the established PAP members.<ref name="Bilveer Singh"/> Since 1991, the PAP has generally not fielded first-time candidates in SMC wards. On the other hand, one of the "in-built weaknesses" of GRCs may be that "through no fault of their own or that of their team", "high-value" MPs can be voted out; this was said to have occurred when former [[Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Singapore)|Minister for Foreign Affairs]] [[George Yeo]] lost his parliamentary seat to a Workers' Party of Singapore team in [[Aljunied Group Representation Constituency|Aljunied GRC]] at the [[2011 Singaporean general election|2011 general election]].<ref>{{citation|title=Where next for George Yeo? [editorial]|newspaper=The Straits Times|date=10 May 2011|page=A20}}.</ref>

It is also said that GRCs serve more as administrative tools than to ensure minority representation. The size of GRCs was increased to take advantage of [[economies of scale]] when managing the wards. However, whether GRCs are required for this purpose is arguable, as [[Goh Chok Tong]] stated in 1988 that MPs in SMCs could still group together after elections to enjoy economies of scale.<ref>Quoted in {{Singapore Hansard|mp=Sylvia Lim|mplink=Sylvia Lim|office=[[Non-constituency Member of Parliament|NCMP]]|title=Parliamentary elections|date=27 August 2008|volume=84|column=3328''ff.''}}</ref>

====Opposition parties disadvantaged====
[[File:Elections Department.JPG|thumb|The [[Elections Department]] ''(building pictured)'' is responsible for managing the conduct of [[elections in Singapore]].]]

The GRC scheme has also been criticized for raising the bar for the opposition in elections. First, opposition parties may find it harder to find competent candidates, including minority candidates, to form teams to contest GRCs. Goh Chok Tong has acknowledged that the GRC scheme benefits the PAP as they can put together stronger teams.<ref>{{citation|author=Hussin Mutalib|title=Constitutional-Electoral Reforms and Politics in Singapore|journal=Legislative Studies Quarterly|date=November 2002|volume=27|issue=4|pages=659–672 at 665|doi=10.3162/036298002X200765|doi-broken-date=31 May 2025 }}.</ref> With the GRC system the threshold for votes for the opposition is also increased, and opposition parties have to take a gamble and commit huge proportions of their resources to contest GRCs.<ref name="Bilveer Singh"/> Each candidate in a GRC is required to deposit a sum equal to 8% of the total allowances payable to an MP in the calendar year preceding the election, rounded to the nearest [[Singapore dollar|S$]]500.<ref>PEA, s. 28(1).</ref> At the 2011 general election, the deposit was $16,000.<ref>Notice of Election for All Electoral Divisions ([https://web.archive.org/web/20120320031731/http://www.elections.gov.sg/gazette%5CG_ParE2011%5C1064%20Notice%20of%20election%20for%20all%20Electoral%20%20Divisions.pdf Gazette Notification (G.N.) No. 1064/2011]) dated 19 April 2011, archived from [http://www.elections.gov.sg/gazette%5CG_ParE2011%5C1064%20Notice%20of%20election%20for%20all%20Electoral%20%20Divisions.pdf the original] on 9 May 2011.</ref> Unsuccessful candidates have their deposits forfeited if they do not receive at least one-eighth of the total number of votes polled in the GRC.<ref>PEA, s. 28(4A)(b).</ref> Critics have noted that the number of walkovers has generally increased since the introduction of GRCs. To date, only one opposition party, the Workers' Party, has won GRCs: Aljunied, in the 2011 general election, and Sengkang, in the 2020 general election.<ref>{{citation|title=81–6: Workers' Party wins Aljunied GRC; PAP vote share dips to 60.1%|newspaper=[[The Straits Times|The Sunday Times]]|date=8 May 2011|pages=1 & 4}}; {{citation|author=Low Chee Kong|title=A new chapter and a time for healing: PAP wins 81 out of 87 seats; WP takes Hougang, Aljunied|url=http://www.todayonline.com/SingaporeVotes/EDC110508-0000051/A-new-chapter-and-a-time-for-healing|archive-url=https://www.webcitation.org/5yYNeUrg8?url=http://www.todayonline.com/SingaporeVotes/EDC110508-0000051/A-new-chapter-and-a-time-for-healing|archive-date=9 May 2011|newspaper=[[Today (Singapore newspaper)|Today]] (Special Ed.)|date=8 May 2011|pages=1 & 4|url-status=dead|df=dmy}}.</ref>

====Creation of unequal voting power====
GRCs have been criticized as giving unequal voting and lobbying (correspondence) powers between electors. Every ballot in a GRC ward returns five or six candidates into Parliament, compared with one vote in a SMC ward, which only returns one. In counterbalance it dilutes electors' voting power and may result in concerns raised taken less seriously as to lobbying/correspondence. Specifically, in an SMC ward are around 14,000 voters, compared to 140,000 voters in a five- or six-member GRC. Thus, the per-candidate power of the ballot in a GRC is lower than in an SMC, as each voter in a GRC finds it harder to vote out an MP that he or she does not like; but the overall power effect is the same.<ref name="Kenneth Tan">{{citation|author=Kenneth Paul Tan|title=Renaissance Singapore?: Economy, Culture and Politics|location=Singapore|publisher=[[National University of Singapore|NUS Press]]|year=2007|isbn=978-9971-69-377-0}}.</ref>

====Electoral division re-drawings====
[[Malapportionment]] is a viable charge against some divisions as a 30% deviation from equality of electorate is tolerated. It follows, a five-member GRC could in theory have from 91,000 voters to 86% more: 169,000 voters.<ref>{{citation|author=Eugene K[heng] B[oon] Tan|title=A 30-per-cent deviation is too wide: Redrawing of electoral boundaries must avoid being seen as gerrymandering|url=http://www.todayonline.com/Commentary/EDC101101-0000035/A-30-per-cent-deviation-is-too-wide|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110622012604/http://www.todayonline.com/Commentary/EDC101101-0000035/A-30-per-cent-deviation-is-too-wide|archive-date=22 June 2011|newspaper=Today|date=1 November 2010|page=14|url-status=dead|df=dmy}}.</ref> 

In 2024, [[Hazel Poa]] of the [[Progress Singapore Party]] called for GRCs to be abolished and for SMCs to represent 27,000 to 33,000 voters (10% from 30,000), arguing the current 20,000 to 38,000 voters per MP is too large a variation with some MPs having nearly twice the workload as others. [[Chan Chun Sing]] of the governing [[People's Action Party]] defended the current deviation on the basis that applying a 10% deviation on small electorates (with MPs in UK and Australia representing two to three times more voters) will mean more frequent and major changes to electoral boundaries as people move, and that more intimate representation with small electorates can balance a large percentage variation. Chan Chung Sing also added that even in established democracies, "no electoral system in the world can definitively claim that every vote is exactly the same or near equal".<ref>{{Cite web |title=Govt rejects opposition MPs' electoral boundary suggestions, says EBRC is free from political intervention |url=https://www.channelnewsasia.com/singapore/electoral-boundaries-suggestions-wp-psp-rejected-ebrc-free-political-intervention-4532846 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://archive.today/20240807142626/https://www.channelnewsasia.com/singapore/electoral-boundaries-suggestions-wp-psp-rejected-ebrc-free-political-intervention-4532846 |archive-date=2024-08-07 |access-date=2024-12-26 |website=CNA |language=en}}</ref>

====Weakening of voter–MP relationship====
Critics have noted that the credibility and accountability of some candidates may be reduced because in a GRC the members of the team who are popular "protect" less popular members from being voted out. It has been said that the relationship between the electorate and their representatives is also weakened, because the relationship is between the individual and the GRC team rather than between the individual and a particular MP.<ref name="Bilveer Singh">{{citation|author=Bilveer Singh|title=Politics and Governance in Singapore: An Introduction|location=Singapore|publisher=[[McGraw-Hill]]|year=2006|isbn=978-0-07-126184-5}}.</ref> Improving the link between voters and MPs, and to make the latter more accountable was the reason for the changes proposed in 2009 to introduce more SMCs and to reduce the size of GRCs.<ref name="Hansard 20090527"/>

====Enshrining of racialism====
Even though the GRC scheme is intended to ensure minority representation in Parliament, it can be said that the scheme emphasizes racial consciousness and hence widens the gap between races. It may undermine the esteem of minority candidates as they would not be sure if they are elected on their own merit, or due to the scheme and the merits of the rest of the team of MPs. This would result in minority candidates resenting that they are dependent on the majority to enter Parliament, and the majority candidates believing that minority candidates have insufficient ability. It has also been claimed that the GRC scheme demeans the majority of Singaporeans as it assumes that they are not able to see the value or merit of minority candidates, and only vote for candidates with whom they share a common race, culture and language.<ref>{{citation|title=GRC hinders building Singaporean identity|url=http://www.thinkcentre.org/article.cfm?ArticleID=1856|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071027015301/http://www.thinkcentre.org/article.cfm?ArticleID=1856|archive-date=27 October 2007|publisher=Think Centre|date=26 November 2002|access-date=12 December 2010}}.</ref>

====Law of large numbers====
Derek da Cunha has proposed that the [[law of large numbers]] favours the GRC system. According to the theory, the large number of voters from GRC wards generally, though not necessarily always, reflects the popular vote. This was evident at the 2006 elections, at which the PAP garnered an average of 67.04% of the votes in a contested GRC, while the average was 61.67% for a SMC ward. The national average for the 2006 elections was 66.6%. Similar trends can be seen from previous elections. The gap grew from 3% in 1991, and remained stable at around 5% in the [[1997 Singaporean general election|1997]], 2001 and 2006 elections. This may be attributable to the enlargement of the size of GRCs in 1997 which gave greater effect to the law of large numbers.<ref>{{citation|author=Derek da Cunha|title=The Price of Victory: The 1997 Singapore General Election and Beyond|location=Singapore|publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies|year=1997|isbn=978-981-305-588-9}}.</ref>

==See also==
{{Portal|Singapore|Politics|Law}}
*[[Constituencies of Singapore]]
*[[Directorial system]]
*[[Gerrymandering]]
*[[General ticket]] (of which the system used for GRCs is a modified version)
*[[Non-constituency Member of Parliament]]
*[[Presidential Council for Minority Rights]]

==Notes==
{{Notefoot}}
{{reflist|2}}

==References==

===Legislation===
*{{Singapore legislation|title=Constitution|rep=1999}}.
*{{Singapore legislation|title=Parliamentary Elections Act|cap=218|ed=2007}} ("PEA").

===Other works===
*{{citation|last=Singh|first=Bilveer|title=Politics and Governance in Singapore: An Introduction|location=Singapore|publisher=[[McGraw-Hill]]|year=2006|isbn=978-0-07-126184-5}}.
*{{Singapore Hansard|mp=Goh, Chok Tong|mplink=Goh Chok Tong|office=[[Prime Minister of Singapore#List of deputy prime ministers|Deputy Prime Minister]] and [[Ministry of Defence (Singapore)|Minister for Defence]]|reading=Second|bill=Parliamentary Elections (Amendment)|date=11 January 1988|volume=50|columns=178–192}}.
*{{citation|last=Li|first=Xueying|title=Making sense of electoral boundaries|newspaper=[[The Straits Times]]|date=18 September 2010|pages=A38–A39}}.
*{{citation|title=Report of the Constitutional Commission, 1966 [Chairman: Wee Chong Jin]|location=Singapore|publisher=Government Printer|year=1966|oclc=51640681|title-link=Wee Chong Jin}}.

==Further reading==

===Articles and websites===
*{{citation|last1=Lua|first1=Ee Laine|last2=Sim|first2=Disa Jek Sok|last3=Koh|first3=Christopher Theng Jer|title=Principles and Practices of Voting: The Singapore Electoral System|url=http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/singlrev17&div=12|journal=Singapore Law Review|year=1996|volume=17|pages=244–321 at 299–303}}.
*{{citation|last=Tan|first=Eugene K[heng] B[oon]|title=Multiracialism Engineered: The Limits of Electoral and Spatial Integration in Singapore|journal=[[Ethnopolitics]]|date=November 2005|volume=4|issue=4|pages=413–428|doi=10.1080/17449050500348659|s2cid=144805907|url=https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/sol_research/878}}, also published in {{citation|editor-last=Bieber|editor-first=Florian|editor2-last=Wolff|editor2-first=Stefan|editor2-link=Stefan Wolff|title=The Ethnopolitics of Elections|location=London; New York, N.Y.|publisher=[[Routledge]]|year=2007|pages=53–68|isbn=978-0-415-40047-3}}.
*{{citation|last1=Tan|first1=Eugene|last2=Chan|first2=Gary|contribution=The Legislature|title=The Singapore Legal System|url=http://www.singaporelaw.sg/content/LegalSyst1.html#Section5|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080119150318/http://www.singaporelaw.sg/content/LegalSyst1.html|archive-date=19 January 2008|publisher=SingaporeLaw.sg, [[Singapore Academy of Law]]|date=13 April 2009|access-date=1 December 2010|url-status=dead|df=dmy}}.
*{{citation|last=Tan|first=Kevin Yew Lee|title=Constitutional Implications of the 1991 Singapore General Election|journal=Singapore Law Review|year=1992|volume=13|pages=26–59}}.
*{{citation|last=Tan|first=Kevin Y[ew] L[ee]|title=Is Singapore's Electoral System in Need of Reform?|journal=Commentary|year=1997|volume=14|pages=109–117}}.
*{{citation|last=Tey|first=Tsun Hang|title=Singapore's Electoral System: Government by the People?|journal=Legal Studies|date=December 2008|volume=28|issue=4|pages=610–628|doi=10.1111/j.1748-121X.2008.00106.x|s2cid=143965283}}.
*{{citation|last=Thio|first=Li-ann|author-link=Thio Li-ann|title=The Right to Political Participation in Singapore: Tailor-making a Westminster-modelled Constitution to Fit the Imperatives of 'Asian' Democracy|journal=Singapore Journal of International and Comparative Law|year=2002|volume=6|pages=181–243}}.

===Books===
*{{citation|last=Chan|first=Helena H[ui-]M[eng]|chapter=Parliament and Law Making|title=The Legal System of Singapore|location=Singapore|publisher=[[LexisNexis Butterworths|Butterworths Asia]]|year=1995|pages=41–68|isbn=978-0-409-99789-7}}.
*{{citation|last=Chua|first=Beng Huat|title=Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=1995|isbn=978-0-415-16465-8}}.
*{{citation|author=Hussin Mutalib|title=Parties and Politics: A Study of Opposition Parties and the PAP in Singapore|location=Singapore|publisher=Eastern Universities Press|year=2003|id=  (pbk.)|isbn=978-981-210-211-9}}.
*{{citation|title=Report of the Select Committee on the Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Bill (Bill No. 23/87) and the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill (Bill No. 24/87) [Parl. 3 of 1988]|location=Singapore|publisher=Printed for the [[Government of Singapore]] by Singapore National Printers|year=1988|oclc=30875454}}.
*{{citation|editor-last=Rodan|editor-first=Garry|editor-link=Garry Rodan|title=Singapore Changes Guard: Social, Political and Economic Directions in the 1990s|location=New York, N.Y.|publisher=[[St. Martin's Press]]|year=1993|isbn=978-0-312-09687-8|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/singaporechanges00roda}}.
*{{citation|last=Tan|first=Kevin Y[ew] L[ee]|chapter=Making Law: Parliament|title=An Introduction to Singapore's Constitution|edition=rev.|location=Singapore|publisher=Talisman Publishing|year=2011|pages=33–60 at 53–55|isbn=978-981-08-6456-9}}.
*{{citation|last1=Tan|first1=Kevin Y[ew] L[ee]|last2=Thio|first2=Li-ann|author2-link=Thio Li-ann|chapter=The Legislature|title=Constitutional Law in Malaysia and Singapore|edition=3rd|location=Singapore|publisher=[[LexisNexis]]|year=2010|pages=299–360 at 310|isbn=978-981-236-795-2}}.
*{{citation|last=Thio|first=Li-ann|chapter=The Legislature and the Electoral System|title=A Treatise on Singapore Constitutional Law|location=Singapore|publisher=[[Singapore Academy of Law|Academy Publishing]]|year=2012|pages=285–359 at 332–355|isbn=978-981-07-1515-1}}.

==External links==
*[http://www.elections.gov.sg Official website of the Elections Department]
*[http://www.parliament.gov.sg Official website of the Parliament of Singapore]
*[https://sg-elections.com/ Singapore Elections]

{{Constitution of Singapore}}
{{Law of Singapore}}
{{Constituencies of Singapore}}
{{Good article}}
{{Use Oxford spelling|date=April 2014}} {{use dmy dates|date=April 2014}}
{{Short description|Type of electoral division in Singapore}}


[[Category:1988 in Singapore]]
[[Category:1988 establishments in Singapore]]
[[Category:Constituencies established in 1988]]
[[Category:Multi-winner electoral systems]]
[[Category:Parliament of Singapore]]
[[Category:Singapore government policies]]
[[Category:Singaporean electoral divisions| Group Representation Constituency]]