View source for Finnish Civil War

{{short description|1918 civil war in Finland}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=February 2021}}
{{Use British English|date=January 2018}}
{{Use shortened footnotes|date=January 2018}}
{{Infobox military conflict
| conflict          = Finnish Civil War
| partof            = [[World War I]]
| image             = Tampereen taistelun aikana tuhoutunutta Tammelan kaupunginosaa (26696844330).jpg
| image_size        = 360px
| caption           = [[Tampere]]'s civilian buildings destroyed during the [[Battle of Tampere]]
| date              = {{plainlist|
*27 January – 15 May 1918
*({{Age in years, months, weeks and days|month1=01|day1=27|year1=1918|month2=05|day2=15|year2=1918}})
}}
| place             = [[Finland]]
| result            = Finnish Whites victory
*German [[hegemony]] until November 1918
*Division in Finnish society deepens
*Collapse of the Finnish Reds
| units1            = [[Order of battle of the Finnish Civil War#Finnish whites and allies|Order of battle]]
| units2            = [[Order of battle of the Finnish Civil War#Finnish reds and allies|Order of battle]]
| combatant1        = {{plainlist|
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Finland 1918 (state).svg}} '''[[Finnish Whites]]'''
*{{flag|German Empire}}<ref>Including conspirative co-operation between Germany and Russian Bolsheviks 1914–1918, {{Harvnb|Pipes|1996|pp=113–149}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2009|pp=48–57}}, {{Harvnb|McMeekin|2017|pp=125–136}}</ref>
*'''Foreign volunteers:'''
** {{flagicon image|Flag of the Swedish Brigade (Ruotsalainen prikaati).svg}} [[Swedish Brigade]]
** {{flagdeco|Estonia}} [[Estonia]]n volunteers
** {{flagicon|Second_Polish_Republic|1919}} [[Polish Legion in Finland|Polish Legion]]
** {{flagicon|Russian_Empire}} [[White Army]]
}}
| combatant2        = {{plainlist|
* {{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} '''[[Finnish Reds]]'''
*{{Flagicon|Soviet Russia|1918}} [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|Soviet Russia]]
}}|
| commander1        = {{plainlist|
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Finland 1918 (state).svg}} '''[[Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim|C. G. E. Mannerheim]]'''
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Finland 1918 (state).svg}} '''[[Pehr Evind Svinhufvud|Pehr E. Svinhufvud]]'''
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Finland 1918 (state).svg}} [[Hannes Ignatius]]
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Finland 1918 (state).svg}} [[Ernst Linder]]
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Finland 1918 (state).svg}} [[Ernst Löfström]]
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Finland 1918 (state).svg}} [[Martin Wetzer]]
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Finland 1918 (state).svg}} [[Karl Fredrik Wilkama|Karl Wilkman]]
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Finland 1918 (state).svg}} [[Hans Kalm]]
*{{flagicon|Second_Polish_Republic|1919}} [[Stanisław Robert Bogusławski|Stanislaw Boguslawski]]<!--See [[:pl:Stanisław Bogusławski]]-->
*{{nowrap|{{flagicon|German Empire}} [[Rüdiger von der Goltz]]}}
*{{flagicon|German Empire}} [[Konrad Wolf (officer)|Konrad Wolf]]
*{{flagicon|German Empire}} {{ill|Hans von Tschirsky und von Bögendorff|de|Hans von Tschirschky und Bögendorff|lt=Hans von Tschirsky}}
*{{nowrap|{{flagicon|German Empire}} [[Otto von Brandenstein]]}}
*{{flagicon|German Empire}} [[Hugo Meurer]]
* {{flagicon image|Flag of the Swedish Brigade (Ruotsalainen prikaati).svg}} [[Harald Hjalmarson]]
* {{flagicon image|Flag of the Swedish Brigade (Ruotsalainen prikaati).svg}} [[Hjalmar Frisell]]
}}
| commander2        = {{plainlist|
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} '''[[Kullervo Manner]]'''
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} [[Ali Aaltonen]]{{Executed}}
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} [[Eero Haapalainen]]
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} [[Eino Rahja]]
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} [[Adolf Taimi]]
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} [[Evert Eloranta]]
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} [[August Wesley]]
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} [[Hugo Salmela]]{{KIA}}
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} {{ill|Heikki Kaljunen|fi|Heikki Kaljunen}}
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} [[Fredrik Edvard Johansson|Fredrik Johansson]]{{Executed}}
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} {{ill|Matti Autio|fi|Matti Autio (agitaattori)}}{{Executed}}
*{{flagicon image|Red flag.svg}} [[Verner Lehtimäki]]
*{{nowrap|{{Flagicon|Soviet Russia|1918}} [[Konstantin Eremeev]]}}
*{{Flagicon|Soviet Russia|1918}} [[Mikhail Svechnikov]]
*{{Flagicon|Soviet Russia|1918}} [[Georgy Bulatsel]]{{Executed}}
}}
| strength1         = {{plainlist|
*White Guards 80,000–90,000
*[[Jäger Movement|Jägers]] 1,450
*[[Imperial German Army]] 14,000
*[[Swedish Brigade]] 1,000<ref name="Strength">{{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=19–24}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993a|pp=24–93}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993b|pp=96–177}}, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=107, 267–273, 377–391}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2017|pp=269–274}}</ref>
*[[Estonians|Estonian]] volunteers<ref>{{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1993a|pp=55–63}}</ref>
*[[Polish Legion in Finland|Polish Legion]] 1,737<ref>{{Harvnb|Muilu|2010|pp=87–90}}</ref>
}}
| strength2         = {{plainlist|
*Red Guards 80,000–90,000 ([[Female Red Guards of the Finnish Civil War|2,600 women]])
*Former [[Russian Imperial Army]] 4,000–5,000<ref name="Strength"/>
}}
| casualties1       = {{plainlist|
*'''Whites'''
**3,300 killed in action
**1,500 executed
**26 missing
**4 prisoner deaths
**30 accidental deaths
*'''Swedish volunteers'''
**55 killed in action
**'''Germans'''
**450–500 killed in action<ref name="Casualties">A battle field casualty issue is permanently pending: how many Reds were killed in action and how many Reds captured by the Whites were executed straight away. Tukkinen estimates: around 1/3 of the missing Reds were executed and around 2/3 died in battles and in prison camps. {{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1966|pp=92–148}}, {{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1967|pp=162–194}}, {{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1971|pp=316-362}}, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=191–200, 453–460}}, {{Harvnb|Eerola|Eerola|1998|pp=36–45, 57–64, 90–100, 119–127, 157–160}}, [http://vesta.narc.fi/cgi-bin/db2www/sotasurmaetusivu/stat2 National Archive of Finland 2004] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150310022523/http://vesta.narc.fi/cgi-bin/db2www/sotasurmaetusivu/stat2 |date=10 March 2015 }}, {{Harvnb|Roselius|2004|pp=165–176}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|Kalleinen|2004|pp=267–271}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|2004a|pp=53–72}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}},  {{Harvnb|Hoppu|Nieminen|Tukkinen|2018|pp=9, 163, 254, 279}}</ref>
*'''Total'''
**5,600–5,700 casualties (100–150 neutral/White civilians)
}}
| casualties2       = {{plainlist|
*'''Reds'''
**6,200 killed in action
**8,500–9,000 executed
**1,600 missing
**12,500 prisoners deceased, 600 acute deaths after release
**150–200 accidental deaths
*'''Russians'''
**800–900 killed in action
**1,500 executed<ref name="Casualties"/>
*'''Total'''
**32,000–32,500 casualties (100–150 neutral/Red civilians)
}}
| notes             = 
| campaignbox       = {{Campaignbox Finnish Civil War}} {{Campaignbox Revolutions of 1917–1923}}
| alt               = Ruinous buildings, with only the parts made out of concrete left standing, after the Battle in Tampere
| territory         = Dissolution of the [[Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic]]
}}
{{Anti-communism|History}}

The '''Finnish Civil War'''{{efn|{{Langx|fi|Suomen sisällissota}}; {{Langx|sv|Finska inbördeskriget}}; {{langx|ru|Гражданская война в Финляндии|Grazhdanskaya voyna v Finlyandii}}; {{Langx|de|Finnischer Bürgerkrieg}}}}{{efn|The term "civil war" has come to be commonly used for the conflict in English. For other names, see [[#Names]]}} was a [[civil war]] in [[Finland]] in 1918 fought for the leadership and control of the country between [[Whites (Finland)|White Finland]] and the [[Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic]] (Red Finland) during the country's transition from a [[Grand Duchy of Finland|grand duchy]] ruled by the [[Russian Empire]] to a fully independent state. The clashes took place in the context of [[Aftermath of World War I|the national, political, and social turmoil]] caused by [[World War I]] ([[Eastern Front (World War I)|Eastern Front]]) in Europe. The war was fought between the [[paramilitary]] [[Red Guards (Finland)|Red Guards]], led by a section of the [[Social Democratic Party of Finland|Social Democratic Party]] with backup of the Russian [[bolsheviks]] and the paramilitary [[White Guard (Finland)|White Guards]] of the [[Senate of Finland|senate]]. General [[C. G. E. Mannerheim]] led the White Guards with major assistance by both the Finnish [[Jäger Movement|Jäger]] Battalion trained in [[Germany]] and the [[German Army (German Empire)|German Imperial Army]], along the German goal to control [[Fennoscandia]] and [[Petrograd]] of [[Russia]]. The Reds composed of industrial and agrarian [[working class]] people controlled the cities and industrial centres of southern Finland. The Whites composed of land owners and the middle and upper class people controlled the rural central and northern Finland. 

In the years before the conflict, Finland had experienced rapid population growth, [[industrialisation]], gradually increasing urbanisation and the rise of a comprehensive [[labour movement]]. The country's political and governmental systems were in an unstable phase of [[democratisation]] and modernisation. The socio-economic condition and education of the population had gradually improved, and national awareness and culture had progressed. World War I led to [[Russian Revolution|the collapse of the Russian Empire]], causing a [[power vacuum]] in Finland, and the subsequent struggle for dominance led to militarisation and an escalating crisis between the left-leaning labour movement and the conservatives. 

The Reds carried out an unsuccessful general offensive in February 1918, supplied with weapons by [[Soviet Russia]]. A counteroffensive by the Whites began in March, reinforced by the [[German Empire]]'s military detachments in April. The decisive engagements were the [[Battle of Tampere|Battles of Tampere]] and [[Battle of Viipuri|Viipuri]], won by the Whites, and the [[Battle of Helsinki|Battles of Helsinki]] and [[Battle of Lahti|Lahti]], won by German troops, leading to overall victory for the Whites and the German forces. [[Political violence]] became a part of this warfare with around 12,000 casualties - most of them were Reds. Moreover, about 12,500 Red prisoners died of malnutrition and disease in [[Finnish Civil War prison camps|camps]]. In total around 38,000 people perished in the conflict.

In the immediate aftermath, the Finns passed from Russian governance to the German [[sphere of influence]] with a plan to establish a German-led [[Kingdom of Finland (1918)|Finnish monarchy]]. The scheme ended with Germany's defeat in World War I, and Finland instead emerged as an independent, democratic republic. The civil war divided the nation for decades. Finnish society was reunited through social compromises based on a long-term culture of moderate politics, religion, and a post-war economic recovery.

{{TOC limit|3}}

==Names==
The war has been assigned several designations according to different political and ideological viewpoints. '''War of Independence''' ({{langx|fi|vapaussota}}) was used during the war by both sides to express the fight for liberation from capitalism for the Reds and freedom from Soviet Russian influence by the Whites; '''Civil War''' is the term increasingly employed by the reconstituted [[Social Democratic Party of Finland|social democrats]] after their defeat in the war.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Kinnunen |first1=Tiina |last2=Niinistö |first2=Jussi |title=Vuoden 1918 sodan eri nimet |trans-title=The different names of the 1918 war |url=https://perinne.fi/lotta-svard-jarjesto/lisatietoa/vuoden-1918-sodan-eri-nimet/ |website=Suojeluskunnat ja Lotta Svärd |access-date=5 March 2023 |language=fi |date=8 October 2014}}</ref> The general terms for the conflict, '''Civil War''' ({{langx|fi|sisällissota}}) and '''Citizen War''' ({{langx|fi|kansalaissota}}), are synonymous and appeared mostly after the war. More ideologic names were also used including '''Class War''' ({{langx|fi|luokkasota}}) and '''Revolution''' ({{langx|fi|vallankumous}}) by the Reds and their supporters while '''Red Rebellion''' ({{langx|fi|punakapina}}) was used by the Whites and their supporters.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Manninen |first1=Ohto |title=Vapaussota |url=https://webpages.tuni.fi/koskivoimaa/valta/1918-40/vapaussota.html |website=Koskesta Voimaa |access-date=5 March 2023 |language=fi |date=1993}}</ref> Another designation, '''Brethren War''' ({{langx|fi|veljessota}}), is applied in some poetic settings.{{sfn|Tepora|Roselius|2014b|pp=1–16}} According to a 2008 interview of 1,005 people done by the newspaper ''[[Aamulehti]]'', the most popular names were as follows: Civil War: 29%, Citizen War: 25%, Class War: 13%, War of Independence: 11%, Red Rebellion: 5%, Revolution: 1%, other name: 2% and no answer: 14%.{{sfn|Aamulehti|2008|p=16}}

==Background==
[[File:General Map of the Grand Duchy of Finland. Indicating Postal Roads, Stations and the Distance in Versts Between Them- According to the Latest Verified Data in St. Petersburg in 1825 WDL353.png|alt=A map from 1825 illustrates the Grand Duchy of Finland, then part of the Russian Empire. The map has several creases from folding. Place names and legend are written in Russian Cyrillic script and Swedish.|thumb|A map of Russia's Grand Duchy of Finland from 1825. The map texts are in Russian and Swedish.]]

=== Finland as grand duchy: 1809–1917 ===
{{anchor|PaxRussica|Pax Russica}}From 1809 to 1898, a period called the ''Pax Russica'',<ref>{{cite journal|author=Haapala, P. |year=2008 |title=Pax Russica |journal=Historiallinen Aikakauskirja |issue=4 |pages=389–390}}</ref> the peripheral authority of the Finns gradually increased, and  relations between Russian Empire and Grand Duchy of Finland were exceptionally peaceful for a many years. Russia's defeat in the [[Crimean War]] in the 1850s led to attempts to speed up the modernisation of the country. This caused more than 50 years of economic, industrial, cultural and educational progress in the Grand Duchy of Finland, including an improvement in the status of the Finnish language. All this encouraged Finnish nationalism and cultural unity through the birth of the [[Fennoman movement]], which bound the Finns to the domestic administration and led to the idea that the Grand Duchy was an increasingly autonomous state ruled by the Russian Empire.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=13–15, 30–32}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=110–114, 150–196}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=49–73}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2000}}, {{Harvnb|Jutikkala|Pirinen|2003|p=397}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=81–148, 264–282}}, {{Harvnb|Meinander|2010|pp=108–165}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

In contrast, in 1899, the Russian Empire had begun to initiate a policy of integration through the [[Russification of Finland]].
The strengthened, [[Pan-Slavism|pan-slavist]] central power tried to unite the "Russian Multinational Dynastic Union" as the military and strategic situation of Russia became more perilous due to the rise of Germany and [[Japan]]. Finns called the increased military and [[Administration (government)|administrative]] control, the "{{ill|First Period of Oppression|fi|Ensimmäinen sortokausi}}", and for the first time Finnish politicians drew up plans for disengagement from Russia or full sovereignty for Finland. In the struggle against integration, activists drawn from sections of the working class and the Swedish-speaking intelligentsia carried out terrorist acts. During World War I and the rise of Germanism, the pro-Swedish [[Svecoman movement|Svecomans]] began their covert collaboration with Imperial Germany and, from 1915 to 1917, a [[Jäger Movement|Jäger]] ({{Langx|fi|jääkäri}}; {{Langx|sv|jägare}}) battalion consisting of 1,900 Finnish volunteers was trained in Germany.<ref>{{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=483–524}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|Hentilä|Nevakivi|1999|pp=}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2000|pp=13–85}}, {{Harvnb|Jutikkala|Pirinen|2003|pp=397}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=81–150, 264–282}}, {{Harvnb|Soikkanen|2008|pp=45–94}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2009|pp=48–57}}, {{Harvnb|Ahlbäck|2014|pp=254–293}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2014|pp=216–250}}</ref>

===Domestic politics===
The major reasons for rising political tensions among Finns were the autocratic rule of the [[Russian tsar]] and the undemocratic class system of the [[estates of the realm]]. The latter system originated in the regime of the [[Swedish Empire]] that preceded Russian governance and divided the Finnish people economically, socially and politically. Finland's population grew rapidly in the nineteenth century (from 860,000 in 1810 to 3,130,000 in 1917), and a class of agrarian and industrial workers, as well as [[croft (land)|crofters]], emerged over the period. The [[Industrial Revolution]] was rapid in Finland, though it started later than in the rest of [[Western Europe]]. Industrialisation was financed by the state and some of the social problems associated with the industrial process were diminished by the administration's actions. Among urban workers, socio-economic problems steepened during periods of industrial depression. The position of rural workers worsened after the end of the nineteenth century, as farming became more efficient and market-oriented, and the development of industry was insufficiently vigorous to fully utilise the rapid population growth of the countryside.<ref>For centuries, the geographical area of the Finns (part of the [[Finno-Ugric peoples]]) had been a firm part of Sweden's development to a major Nordic Empire. With the exception of language (the Finnish ground became bilingual), the culture of the people did not differ substantially between the western and eastern part of Sweden, dominated by the Swedish administration and the common Lutheran Church, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=29–35, 40–51}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=49–69, 90–97}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008a|pp=15–30}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008b|pp=31–44}}, {{Harvnb|Engman|2009|pp=9–43}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

The difference between Scandinavian-Finnish and Russian-[[Slavic people|Slavic]] culture affected the nature of Finnish national integration. The upper social strata took the lead and gained domestic authority from the Russian tsar in 1809. The estates planned to build an increasingly autonomous Finnish state, led by the elite and the intelligentsia. The Fennoman movement aimed to include the common people in a non-political role; the labour movement, youth associations and the temperance movement were initially led "from above".<ref>In contrast to developments in Central Europe and mainland Russia, the policies of the Swedish regime did not result in the economic, political and social authority of the upper-class being based on feudal land property and capital. The peasantry existed in relative freedom, with no tradition of serfdom, and the might of the pre-eminent estates was bound up with an interaction between state formation and industrialisation. Forest industry was a vital sector for Finland and peasants owned a major part of the forest land. These economic considerations gave rise to the birth of Fennomania among a Swedish-speaking upper-class social layer. {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=19–39, 85–100}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=40–46}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008a|pp=15–30}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008b|pp=31–44}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

Between 1870 and 1916 industrialisation gradually improved social conditions and the self-confidence of workers, but while the standard of living of the common people rose in absolute terms, the rift between rich and poor deepened markedly. The commoners' rising awareness of socio-economic and political questions interacted with the ideas of [[socialism]], [[social liberalism]] and [[nationalism]]. The workers' initiatives and the corresponding responses of the dominant authorities intensified social conflict in Finland.<ref>Socialism was the antithesis of the class system of the estates. {{Harvnb|Apunen|1987|pp=73–133}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=49–69, 245–250}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=250–288, 416–449}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008a|pp=15–30}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008b|pp=31–44}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

The Finnish labour movement, which emerged at the end of the nineteenth century from [[temperance movement in Finland|temperance]], [[Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland#History|religious movements]] and Fennomania, had a Finnish nationalist, [[working-class]] character. From 1899 to 1906, the movement became conclusively independent, shedding the paternalistic thinking of the Fennoman estates, and it was represented by the Finnish Social Democratic Party, established in 1899. Workers' activism was directed both toward opposing [[Russification]] and in developing a domestic policy that tackled social problems and responded to the demand for [[democracy]]. This was a reaction to the domestic dispute, ongoing since the 1880s, between the Finnish nobility-[[bourgeoisie]] and the labour movement concerning voting rights for the common people.<ref>The power struggle for voting rights was two-fold. There was a dispute over Swedish or Finnish language dominance between a peasant-clergy alliance and nobility-burghers, and a struggle for parliamentary democracy between the labour movement and the elite. The peasant-clergy had supported voting rights for the common people in the class system, in order to increase the political power of the Finnish-speaking population within the estates, but the nobility-burghers had stalled the plan, {{Harvnb|Upton|1980b|pp=3–25}}, {{Harvnb|Apunen|1987|pp=242–250}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=85–127, 150–151}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1992|pp=227–249}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=218–225}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=289–309, 416–449}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|1998|pp=38–55}}, {{Harvnb|Olkkonen|2003|pp=517–521}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008a|pp=15–30}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008b|pp=31–44}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2009|pp=12–75}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|Tikka|2013|pp=72–84}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}.</ref> Despite their obligations as obedient, peaceful subservients and non-political inhabitants of the Grand Duchy (who had, only a few decades earlier, accepted the class system as the natural order of their life), the commoners began to demand their [[civil rights]] and [[citizenship]] in Finnish society. The power struggle between the Finnish estates and the Russian administration gave a concrete role model and free space for the labour movement. On the other side, due to an at-least century-long tradition and experience of administrative authority, the Finnish elite saw itself as the inherent natural leader of the nation.<ref>{{Harvnb|Haapala|1992|pp=227–249}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=218–225}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008a|pp=15–30}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008b|pp=31–44}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref> The political struggle for democracy was solved outside Finland, in international politics: the Russian Empire's failed [[Russo-Japanese War|1904–1905 war against Japan]] led to the [[Russian Revolution of 1905|1905 Revolution]] in Russia and to [[Russian Revolution of 1905#Finland|a general strike in Finland]]. In an attempt to quell the general unrest, the system of estates was abolished in the [[Parliament of Finland#History|Parliamentary Reform of 1906]]. The general strike increased support for the [[Social Democratic Party of Finland|social democrats]] substantially. The party encompassed a higher proportion of the population than any other socialist movement in the world.<ref>The increasing political power of the left drew a part of the Finnish intelligentsia behind it, mainly Fennomans from the Old Finnish party: Julius Ailio, Edvard Gylling, Martti Kovero, Otto-Ville Kuusinen, Kullervo Manner, Hilja Pärssinen, Hannes Ryömä, Yrjö Sirola, Väinö Tanner, Karl H. Wiik, Elvira Willman, Väinö Voionmaa, Sulo Wuolijoki, Wäinö Wuolijoki (called the "November 1905 socialists"). {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=62–69, 90–97}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=250–288, 428–439}}, {{Harvnb|Nygård|2003|pp=553–565}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008a|pp=15–30}}, {{Harvnb|Payne|2011|pp=25–32}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

The Reform of 1906 was a giant leap towards the political and social liberalisation of the common Finnish people because the Russian [[House of Romanov]] had been the most autocratic and conservative ruler in Europe. The Finns adopted a unicameral parliamentary system, the [[Parliament of Finland]] ({{Langx|fi|eduskunta}}; {{Langx|sv|riksdag}}) with [[universal suffrage]]. The number of voters increased from 126,000 to 1,273,000. The reform included female citizens with both voting rights and eligibility for candidacy in political elections. The reform led to the social democrats obtaining about fifty per cent of the popular vote, but the Tsar regained his authority after the crisis of 1905. Subsequently, during the more severe programme of Russification, called the "{{ill|Second Period of Oppression|fi|Toinen sortokausi}}" by the Finns, the Tsar neutralised the power of the Finnish Parliament between 1908 and 1917. He dissolved the assembly, ordered parliamentary elections almost annually, and determined the composition of the Finnish Senate, which did not correlate with the Parliament.<ref>{{Harvnb|Apunen|1987|pp=242–250}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=85–100, 101–127, 150–151}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1992|pp=251–267}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=230–232}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=450–482}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|1998|pp=62–78}}, {{Harvnb|Jutikkala|Pirinen|2003|pp=372–373, 377}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=244–263}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

The capacity of the Finnish Parliament to solve socio-economic problems was stymied by confrontations between the largely uneducated commoners and the former estates. Another conflict festered as employers denied [[collective bargaining]] and the right of the labour unions to represent workers. The parliamentary process disappointed the labour movement, but as dominance in the Parliament and legislation was the workers' most likely way to obtain a more balanced society, they identified themselves with the state. Overall domestic politics led to a contest for leadership of the Finnish state during the ten years before the collapse of the Russian Empire.<ref>{{Harvnb|Apunen|1987|pp=242–250}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=85–100, 101–127, 150–151}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1992|pp=251–267}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=230–232}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|1998|pp=62–78}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=244–263}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008b|pp=31–44}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

===International politics===
The main factor behind the Finnish Civil War was a political crisis arising out of World War I. Under the pressures of the Great War, the Russian Empire collapsed, leading to the [[February Revolution|February]] and [[October Revolution]]s in 1917. This breakdown caused a [[power vacuum]] and a subsequent struggle for power in [[Eastern Europe]]. The Grand Duchy of Finland became embroiled in the turmoil. [[Geopolitically]] less important than the continental [[Moscow]]–[[Warsaw]] gateway, Finland, isolated by the [[Baltic Sea]], was relatively peaceful until early 1918. The war between the German Empire and Russia had only indirect effects on the [[Finns]]. Since the end of the 19th century, the Grand Duchy had become a vital source of [[raw materials]], industrial products, food and labour for the growing Imperial Russian capital [[Petrograd]] (modern Saint Petersburg), and World War I emphasised that role. Strategically, the Finnish territory was the less important northern section of the Estonian–Finnish gateway and a buffer zone to and from Petrograd through the [[Narva]] area, the [[Gulf of Finland]] and the [[Karelian Isthmus]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=62–144}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=11–13, 152–156}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=483–524}}, {{Harvnb|Meinander|2012|pp=7–47}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

The German Empire saw Eastern Europe – particularly Russia – as a major source of vital products and raw materials, both during World War I and for the future. Germany's resources overstretched by the two-front war, the Germans attempted to breakdown Russia by providing financial support to revolutionary groups, such as the [[Bolsheviks]] and the [[Socialist Revolutionary Party]], and to radical, separatist factions, such as the Finnish national activist movement leaning toward [[Pan-Germanism|Germanism]]. Between 30 and 40 million [[German Papiermark|Reichsmark]] were spent on this endeavour. Controlling the Finnish area would allow the [[Imperial German Army]] to penetrate Petrograd and the [[Kola Peninsula]], an area rich in raw materials for the mining industry. Finland possessed large ore reserves and a well-developed forest industry.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=62–144}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=11–13, 152–156}}, {{Harvnb|Pipes|1996|pp=113–149}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=483–524}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2000|pp=54–64}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2009|pp=48–57}}, {{Harvnb|Meinander|2012|pp=7–47}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}, {{Harvnb|Hentilä|Hentilä|2016|pp=15–40}},{{Harvnb|McMeekin|2017|pp=125–136}}</ref>

===February Revolution===
{{See also|February Revolution}}

====Build-up====
[[File:Demonstration at Helsinki Senate Square.jpg|thumb|A demonstration at [[Helsinki Senate Square]]. |alt=Hundreds of demonstrators at the Helsinki Senate Square with the Helsinki Cathedral high in the background. The demonstrations were a prelude to the later local and general strikes.]]

The February Revolution removed Tsar [[Nicholas II of Russia|Nicholas II]]. The collapse of the Russian Empire was caused by military defeats, [[war-weariness]] against the duration and hardships of the Great War, and the collision between the most conservative regime in Europe and a Russian people desiring modernisation. The Tsar's power was transferred to the [[State Duma (Russian Empire)|State Duma]] (Russian Parliament) and the left-leaning [[Russian Provisional Government|Provisional Government]], but this new authority was challenged by the [[Petrograd Soviet]] (city council), leading to [[dual power]] in the country.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=51–54}}, {{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1986|pp=163–164}}, {{Harvnb|Pipes|1996|pp=75–97}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=230–243}}</ref>

In Finland, mass meetings and local strikes of early 1917 escalated to a [[general strike]] in support of the Finnish state's power struggle and for increased availability of foodstuffs. The Second Period of Russification was stopped and the autonomous status of 1809–1899 was returned to the Finns by the 15th March 1917 manifesto of the Russian Provisional Government. For the first time in history, ''de facto'' political power existed in the Parliament of Finland. The political left, consisting mainly of social democrats, covered a wide spectrum from moderate to revolutionary socialists. The political right was even more diverse, ranging from social liberals and moderate conservatives to rightist conservative elements. The four main parties were:
* The conservative [[Finnish Party]];
* the [[Young Finnish Party]], which included both [[liberalism|liberals]] and conservatives, with the liberals divided between [[social liberals]] and [[economic liberals]];
* the social reformist, centrist [[Centre Party (Finland)|Agrarian League]], which drew its support mainly from peasants with small or mid-sized farms; and
* the conservative [[Swedish People's Party (Finland)|Swedish People's Party]], which sought to retain the rights of the former nobility and the [[Swedish-speaking population of Finland|Swedish-speaking minority of Finland]].<ref>There were few [[Bolsheviks]] in Finland. Bolshevism became more popular among Finnish industrial workers who emigrated to [[Petrograd]] at the end of the nineteenth century. The Finnish Party and Young Finnish Party were descendants of the old Fennoman parties, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=85–132}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=56–59, 142–147}}, {{Harvnb|Nygård|2003|pp=553–565}}</ref>

During 1917, a power struggle and social disintegration interacted. The collapse of Russia induced a chain reaction of disintegration, starting from the government, military and economy, and spreading to all fields of society, such as local administration, workplaces and to individual citizens. The social democrats wanted to retain the civil rights already achieved and to increase the socialists' power over society. The conservatives feared the loss of their long-held socio-economic dominance. Both factions collaborated with their equivalents in Russia, deepening the split in the nation.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=109, 195–263}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=143–149}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=11–14}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2008|pp=255–261}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|Tikka|2013|pp=72–84}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

The Social Democratic Party gained an [[absolute majority]] in the [[1916 Finnish parliamentary election|parliamentary elections of 1916]]. A new Senate was formed in March 1917 by [[Oskari Tokoi]], but it did not reflect the socialists' large parliamentary majority: it comprised six social democrats and six non-socialists. In theory, the Senate consisted of a broad national coalition, but in practice (with the main political groups unwilling to [[compromise]] and top politicians remaining outside of it), it proved unable to solve any major Finnish problem. After the February Revolution, political authority descended to the street level: mass meetings, strike organisations and worker-soldier councils on the left and to active organisations of employers on the right, all serving to undermine the authority of the state.<ref>{{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=221, 232–235}}, {{Harvnb|Kirby|2006|p=150}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2008|pp=255–261}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

The February Revolution halted the Finnish economic boom caused by the Russian war-economy. The collapse in business led to unemployment and high [[inflation]], but the employed workers gained an opportunity to resolve workplace problems. The commoners' call for the [[eight-hour day|eight-hour working day]], better working conditions and higher wages led to demonstrations and large-scale strikes in industry and agriculture.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=95–98, 109–114}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=155–159, 197, 203–225}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

While the Finns had specialised in [[milk]] and [[butter]] production, the bulk of the food supply for the country depended on cereals produced in southern Russia. The cessation of cereal imports from disintegrating Russia led to food shortages in Finland. The Senate responded by introducing [[rationing]] and [[price controls]]. The farmers resisted the state control and thus a [[black market]], accompanied by sharply rising food prices, formed. As a consequence, export to the free market of the Petrograd area increased. Food supply, prices and, in the end, the fear of [[starvation]] became emotional political issues between farmers and urban workers, especially those who were unemployed. Common people, their fears exploited by politicians and an incendiary, polarised political media, took to the streets. Despite the food shortages, no actual large-scale starvation hit southern Finland before the civil war and the food market remained a secondary stimulator in the power struggle of the Finnish state.<ref>In 1917–1918, Finns were still under the shadow of the trauma of the 1867–1868 famine, in which around 200,000 people had died due to malnutrition and epidemic diseases, caused by a sudden climate change with decreased air temperatures during the growing season. {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=95–98, 109–114}}, {{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1986|pp=163–172}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=163–164, 192}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=155–159, 203–225}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}, {{Harvnb|Häggman|2017|pp=157–217}}, {{Harvnb|Keskisarja|2017|pp=13–74}}, {{Harvnb|Voutilainen|2017|pp=25–44}}, {{Harvnb|Pilke|2025|pp=323–328}}</ref>

====Contest for leadership====
[[File:Russian sailors celebrating February Revolution in Helsinki.jpg|thumb|Russian soldiers in Helsinki. Prior to 1917, they sustained Finland's stability, after the [[February Revolution]], the Russian troops became a source of social unrest.|alt=A formation of Russian soldiers are pictured at the Helsinki Railway Square as a part of a parade celebrating the October Revolution. Prior to 1917, the Russian Army sustained Finland's stability, but later became a source of social unrest.|left]]

The passing of the {{ill|Tokoi Senate|fi|Tokoin senaatti}} bill called the "{{ill|Law of Supreme Power|fi|Valtalaki}}" ({{Langx|fi|laki Suomen korkeimman valtiovallan käyttämisestä}}, more commonly known as ''valtalaki''; {{Langx|sv|maktlagen}}) in July 1917, triggered one of the key crises in the power struggle between the social democrats and the conservatives. The fall of the Russian Empire opened the question of who would hold sovereign political authority in the former Grand Duchy. After decades of political disappointment, the February Revolution offered the Finnish social democrats an opportunity to govern; they held the absolute majority in Parliament. The conservatives were alarmed by the continuous increase of the socialists' influence since 1899, which reached a climax in 1917.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=163–194}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=158–162, 195–196}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=35, 37, 39, 40, 50, 52}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=229–245}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=487–524}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008b|pp=31–44}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008c|pp=95–109}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2014|pp=51–89}}</ref>

The "Law of Supreme Power" incorporated a plan by the socialists to substantially increase the authority of Parliament, as a reaction to the non-parliamentary and conservative leadership of the Finnish Senate between 1906 and 1916. The bill furthered Finnish autonomy in domestic affairs: the Russian Provisional Government was only allowed the right to control Finnish foreign and military policies. The Act was adopted with the support of the Social Democratic Party, the Agrarian League, part of the Young Finnish Party and some activists eager for Finnish sovereignty. The conservatives opposed the bill and some of the most right-wing representatives resigned from Parliament.<ref>{{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=50}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=229–245}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=502–524}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008b|pp=31–44}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008c|pp=95–109}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}, {{Harvnb|Jyränki|2014|pp=18–38}}</ref>

In Petrograd, the social democrats' plan had the backing of the Bolsheviks. They had been plotting a revolt against the Provisional Government since April 1917, and pro-Soviet demonstrations during the [[July Days]] brought matters to a head. The Helsinki Soviet and the Regional Committee of the Finnish Soviets, led by the Bolshevik [[Ivar Smilga]], both pledged to defend the Finnish Parliament, were it threatened with attack.<ref>{{Harvnb|Trotsky|1934|p=785}}</ref> However, the Provisional Government still had sufficient support in the Russian army to survive and as the street movement waned, [[Vladimir Lenin]] fled to Karelia. In the aftermath of these events, the "Law of Supreme Power" was overruled and the social democrats eventually backed down; more Russian troops were sent to Finland and, with the co-operation and insistence of the Finnish conservatives, Parliament was dissolved and new elections announced.<ref>The weakness of Russia emphasised the significance of the Finnish area as a buffer zone protecting [[Petrograd]]. {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=163–194}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=158–162, 195–196}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1992|pp=251–267}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=35, 37, 39, 40, 50, 52}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=229–245}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=502–524}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2008|pp=255–261}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008c|pp=95–109}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2014|pp=51–89}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

In the [[1917 Finnish parliamentary election|October 1917 elections]], the social democrats lost their absolute majority, which radicalised the [[labor movement|labour movement]] and decreased support for moderate politics. The crisis of July 1917 did not bring about the Red Revolution of January 1918 on its own, but together with political developments based on the commoners' interpretation of the ideas of [[Fennomania]] and socialism, the events favoured a Finnish revolution. In order to win power, the socialists had to overcome Parliament.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=163–194}}, {{Harvnb|Kettunen|1986|pp=9–89}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=158–162, 195–196}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1992|pp=251–267}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=35, 37, 39, 40, 50, 52}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=229–245}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=502–524}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2008|pp=255–261}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008b|pp=31–44}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008c|pp=95–109}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2014|pp=51–89}}</ref>

The February Revolution resulted in a loss of institutional authority in Finland and the dissolution of the [[police]] force, creating fear and uncertainty. In response, both the right and left assembled their own security groups, which were initially local and largely unarmed. By late 1917, following the dissolution of Parliament, in the absence of a strong government and national armed forces, the security groups began assuming a broader and more paramilitary character. The Civil Guards ({{Langx|fi|suojeluskunnat}}; {{Langx|sv|skyddskåren}}; {{Literal translation|protection corps}}) and the later White Guards ({{Langx|fi|valkokaartit}}; {{Langx|sv|vita gardet}}) were organised by local men of influence: conservative academics, industrialists, major landowners, and activists. The Workers' Order Guards ({{Langx|fi|työväen järjestyskaartit}}; {{Langx|sv|arbetarnas ordningsgardet}}) and the Red Guards ({{Langx|fi|punakaartit}}; {{Langx|sv|röda gardet}}) were recruited through the local social democratic party sections and from the labour unions.<ref>The role of the Swedish-speaking upper-class was significant, due to their long-term influence over the economy, industry, administration and the military. A battle for power arose between the most left-wing [[socialists]] and the most right-wing elements of the [[Swedish language|Swedish-speaking]] conservatives. The language issue was not as fundamental as social differences, since many Swedish-speaking workers joined the Reds. {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=195–230}}, {{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1986|pp=166–167}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=151–167}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993c}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen*|1993a|pp=324–343}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=123–127, 237–243}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2009b|pp=112–143}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|Tikka|2013|pp=72–84}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

===October Revolution===
{{See also|October Revolution}}
The Bolsheviks' and Vladimir Lenin's October Revolution of 7 November 1917 transferred political power in Petrograd to the radical, left-wing socialists. The German government's decision to arrange safe-conduct for Lenin and his comrades from exile in Switzerland to Petrograd in April 1917, and to financially support the Bolsheviks was a success. An [[Armistice between Russia and the Central Powers|armistice between Germany and the Bolshevik regime]] came into force on 6 December and peace negotiations began on 22 December 1917 at [[Brest, Belarus|Brest-Litovsk]].<ref>The Bolsheviks received 15 million marks from Berlin after the October Revolution, but Lenin's authority was weak and Russia became embroiled in a civil war which turned the focus of all the major Russian military, political and economic activities inwards. {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=36}}, {{Harvnb|Pipes|1996|pp=113–149}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2000|pp=86–95}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2009|pp=48–57}}, {{Harvnb|McMeekin|2017|pp=125–136}}</ref>

November 1917 became another watershed in the 1917–1918 rivalry for the leadership of Finland. After the dissolution of the Finnish Parliament, [[Polarization (politics)|polarisation]] between the social democrats and the conservatives increased markedly and the period witnessed the appearance of political violence. An agricultural worker was shot during a local strike on 9 August 1917 at [[Ypäjä]] and a Civil Guard member was killed in a local political crisis at Malmi on 24 September.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=195–263}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=52, 59}}</ref> The October Revolution disrupted the informal truce between the Finnish non-socialists and the Russian Provisional Government. After political wrangling over how to react to the revolt, the majority of the politicians accepted a compromise proposal by [[Santeri Alkio]], the leader of the Agrarian League. Parliament seized the sovereign power in Finland on 15 November 1917 based on the socialists' "Law of Supreme Power" and ratified their proposals of an [[eight-hour working day]] and universal suffrage in [[local election]]s, from July 1917.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=264–342}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=67, 70}}, {{Harvnb|Jyränki|2014|pp=18–38}}</ref>

[[File:Valkoisten konekiväärikomppania Leinolassa Tampereen valtauksen jälkeen 19.4.1918 (26970230675).jpg|thumb|Soldiers of the paramilitary [[White Guard (Finland)|White Guard]] in [[Leinola]], a suburb of [[Tampere]]|alt=Around 30 soldiers of the paramilitary White Guard pose for the camera together with four Maxim heavy machine guns.|left]]
The purely non-socialist, conservative-led government of [[Pehr Evind Svinhufvud]] was appointed on 27 November. This nomination was both a long-term aim of the conservatives and a response to the challenges of the labour movement during November 1917. Svinhufvud's main aspirations were to separate Finland from Russian rule, to strengthen the Civil Guards, and to return a part of Parliament's new authority to the Senate.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=264–342}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=70}}, {{Harvnb|Jyränki|2014|pp=18–38}}</ref> There were 149 Civil Guards on 31 August 1917 in Finland, counting local units and subsidiary White Guards in towns and rural communes; 251 on 30 September; 315 on 31 October; 380 on 30 November and 408 on 26 January 1918. The first attempt at serious military training among the Guards was the establishment of a 200-strong cavalry school at the Saksanniemi estate in the vicinity of the town of [[Porvoo]], in September 1917. The [[vanguard]] of the Finnish Jägers and German weaponry arrived in Finland during October–November 1917 on the ''{{Ship|SS|Equity||2}}'' freighter and the German U-boat ''{{Ship|SM|UC-57||2}}''; around 50 Jägers had returned by the end of 1917.<ref>Despite German-Russian peace negotiations, the Germans agreed to sell 70,000 [[rifle]]s and 70 [[machine guns]] as well as artillery to the Whites and arrange the safe return of the Jäger battalion to Finland. The German arms were transported to Finland in February–March 1918, {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=195–263}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=59, 63, 66, 68, 98}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993b|pp=96–177}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen*|1993b|pp=393–395}}</ref>

After political defeats in July and October 1917, the social democrats put forward an uncompromising program called "{{ill|We Demand (Finland)|fi|Me vaadimme|lt=We Demand}}" ({{Langx|fi|Me vaadimme}}; {{Langx|sv|Vi kräver}}) on 1 November, in order to push for [[concession (politics)|political concessions]]. They insisted upon a return to the political status before the dissolution of Parliament in July 1917, disbandment of the Civil Guards and elections to establish a Finnish Constituent Assembly. The demands of the program were not accepted and the socialists initiated a general strike during 14–19 November to increase political pressure on the conservatives, who had opposed the "Law of Supreme Power" and the parliamentary proclamation of sovereign power on 15 November.<ref>The socialists planned to ask the Bolsheviks for acceptance of Finland's sovereignty with a manifesto, but the uncertain situation in Petrograd stalled this plan. {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=256–342}}, {{Harvnb|Ketola|1987|pp=368–384}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=66}}, {{Harvnb|Jyränki|2014|pp=18–38}}</ref>

[[Revolution]] became the goal of the radicalised socialists after the loss of political control, and events in November 1917 offered momentum for a socialist uprising. In this phase, Lenin and [[Joseph Stalin]], under threat in Petrograd, urged the social democrats to take power in Finland. The majority of Finnish socialists were moderate and preferred parliamentary methods, prompting the Bolsheviks to label them "reluctant revolutionaries". The reluctance diminished as the general strike appeared to offer a major channel of influence for the workers in southern Finland. The strike leadership voted by a narrow majority to start a revolution on 16 November, but the uprising had to be called off the same day due to the lack of active revolutionaries to execute it.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=264–342}}, {{Harvnb|Ketola|1987|pp=368–384}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=64}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=152–156}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2014|pp=51–89}}</ref>

[[File:Tampereen punakaartin komppania rintamalla (26936605946).jpg|thumb|Troops of the paramilitary [[Red Guard (Finland)|Red Guard]]'s Tampere company pictured in 1918|alt=Around 40 troops of the paramilitary Red Guard pose to the camera next to a farmer's house on a field. One of them, their apparent commander, is on a horse.]]
At the end of November 1917, the moderate socialists among the social democrats won a second vote over the radicals in a debate over revolutionary versus parliamentary means, but when they tried to pass a resolution to completely abandon the idea of a socialist revolution, the party representatives and several influential leaders voted it down. The Finnish labour movement wanted to sustain a military force of its own and to keep the revolutionary road open, too. The wavering Finnish socialists disappointed V. I. Lenin and in turn, he began to encourage the Finnish Bolsheviks in Petrograd.<ref>At the beginning of the October revolt, the Russian District Committee in Finland had been the first to reject the authority of the Provisional Government. Lenin's pessimistic comment on 27 January 1918 to Finnish Bolshevik Eino Rahja is well known: "No comrade Rahja, this time you will not win your campaign, because you have the power of the Finnish Social Democrats in Finland." {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=264–342}}, {{Harvnb|Ketola|1987|pp=368–384}}, {{Harvnb|Rinta-Tassi|1989|pp=83–161}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=70}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2014|pp=51–89}}</ref>

Among the labour movement, a more marked consequence of the events of 1917 was the rise of the Workers' Order Guards. There were 20–60 separate guards between 31 August and 30 September 1917, but on 20 October, after defeat in parliamentary elections, the Finnish labour movement proclaimed the need to establish more worker units. The announcement led to a rush of recruits: on 31 October the number of guards was 100–150; 342 on 30 November 1917 and 375 on 26 January 1918. Since May 1917, the paramilitary organisations of the left had grown in two phases, the majority of them as Workers' Order Guards. The minority were Red Guards, these were partly underground groups formed in industrialised towns and industrial centres, such as [[Helsinki]], [[Kotka]] and Tampere, based on the original Red Guards that had been formed during 1905–1906 in Finland.<ref>{{Harvnb|Manninen*|1993a|pp=324–343}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen*|1993b|pp=393–395}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=282–291}}</ref>

The presence of the two opposing armed forces created a state of dual power and divided sovereignty on Finnish society. The decisive rift between the guards broke out during the general strike: the Reds executed several political opponents in southern Finland and the first armed clashes between the Whites and Reds took place. In total, 34 casualties were reported. Eventually, the political rivalries of 1917 led to an [[arms race]] and an [[Conflict escalation|escalation]] towards civil war.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=317–342}}, {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|pp=15–65}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=151–171}}</ref>

===Independence of Finland===
{{Main|Independence of Finland}}

The disintegration of Russia offered Finns a historic opportunity to gain national independence. After the October Revolution, the conservatives were eager for secession from Russia in order to control the left and minimise the influence of the Bolsheviks. The socialists were skeptical about sovereignty under conservative rule, but they feared a loss of support among nationalistic workers, particularly after having promised increased national liberty through the "Law of Supreme Power". Eventually, both political factions supported an independent Finland, despite strong disagreement over the composition of the nation's leadership.<ref>{{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=67, 70}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=235–237}}</ref>

Nationalism had become a "civic religion" in Finland by the end of nineteenth century, but the goal during the general strike of 1905 had been a return to the autonomy of 1809–1898, not full independence. In contrast to their status under the unitary Swedish regime, the domestic power of Finns had increased under the less uniform Russian rule. Economically, the Grand Duchy of Finland benefited from having an independent domestic state budget, a central bank with national currency, the [[Finnish markka|markka]] (deployed 1860), and customs organisation and the industrial progress of 1860–1916. The economy was dependent on the huge Russian market and separation would disrupt the profitable Finnish financial zone. The economic collapse of Russia and the power struggle of the Finnish state in 1917 were among the key factors that brought sovereignty to the fore in Finland.<ref>The activists aimed also at a Finnish Grand Duchy ruled either by Germany or Sweden. Until 1914, Finland exported refined forest and metal products to Russia and sawmill and bulk wood products to Western Europe. World War I cut off the exports to the West and directed most of the beneficial war trade to Russia. In 1917, exports to Russia collapsed and, after 1919, Finns reorientated to the western market due to the high demand for products following the Great War. {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=89–100}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=49–73, 156–159, 243–245}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=483–524}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=9–10, 181–182, 203–204, 264–276}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008a|pp=15–30}}, {{Harvnb|Kuisma|2010|pp=13–81}}, {{Harvnb|Meinander|2010|pp=108–173}}, {{Harvnb|Ahlbäck|2014|pp=254–293}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2014|pp=216–250}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2014|pp=51–89}}, {{Harvnb|Hentilä|Hentilä|2016|pp=15–40}}, {{Harvnb|Keskisarja|2017|pp=13–74}}</ref>

[[Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's first senate|Svinhufvud's Senate]] introduced [[Finland's declaration of independence|Finland's Declaration of Independence]] on 4 December 1917 and Parliament adopted it on 6 December. The social democrats voted against the Senate's proposal, while presenting an alternative declaration of sovereignty. The establishment of an independent state was not a guaranteed conclusion for the small Finnish nation. Recognition by Russia and other [[great power]]s was essential; Svinhufvud accepted that he had to negotiate with Lenin for the acknowledgement. The socialists, having been reluctant to enter talks with the Russian leadership in July 1917, sent two delegations to Petrograd to request that Lenin approve Finnish sovereignty.<ref>Svinhufvud's initial vision was that the Senate would lead Finland and the independence process with a call for a [[Regent]]; there would be no talks with the Bolsheviks, who it was believed would not set a non-socialist Finland free. The vision of the socialists was that Parliament should lead Finland and that independence would be achieved more easily through negotiations with a weak Bolshevik government than with other parties of the [[Russian Constituent Assembly]], {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=343–382}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=73, 78}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993c}}, {{Harvnb|Jutikkala|1995|pp=11–20}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}, {{Harvnb|Jyränki|2014|pp=18–38}}</ref>

In December 1917, Lenin was under intense pressure from the Germans to conclude [[Treaty of Brest-Litovsk|peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk]], and the Bolsheviks' rule was in crisis, with an inexperienced administration and the demoralised army facing powerful political and military opponents. Lenin calculated that the Bolsheviks could fight for central parts of Russia but had to give up some peripheral territories, including Finland in the geopolitically less important north-western corner. As a result, Svinhufvud's delegation won Lenin's concession of sovereignty on 31 December 1917.<ref>The [[Bolshevist]] [[Council of People's Commissars]] ratified the recognition on 4 January 1918. {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=343–382}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=79, 81}}, {{Harvnb|Keskisarja|2017|pp=13–74}}</ref>

By the beginning of the Civil War, [[Austria-Hungary]], Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland had recognised Finnish independence. The United Kingdom and United States did not approve it; they waited and monitored the relations between Finland and Germany (the main enemy of the [[Allies of World War I|Allies]]), hoping to override Lenin's regime and to get Russia back into the war against the German Empire. In turn, the Germans hastened Finland's separation from Russian rule so as to move the country to within their sphere of influence.<ref>France broke off diplomatic relations to the White government later in 1918, due to the Whites' co-operation with Germany, {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=343–382}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=80, 81}}, {{Harvnb|Pietiäinen|1992|pp=252–403}}</ref>

==Warfare==
[[File:Kenraali C. G. E. Mannerheim (26936604946).jpg|thumb|upright|General [[Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim|C. G. E. Mannerheim]] in 1918, with a white armband showing the [[coat of arms of Finland]]|alt=A studio-style picture of General Mannerheim, commander-in-chief of the White Army. He is looking away with his left shoulder turned towards the camera. On his left arm, a white armband shows the coat of arms of Finland.|left]]

===Escalation===
The final escalation towards war began in early January 1918, as each military or political action of the Reds or the Whites resulted in a corresponding counteraction by the other. Both sides justified their activities as defensive measures, particularly to their own supporters. On the left, the vanguard of the movement was the urban Red Guards from [[Helsinki]], [[Kotka]] and [[Turku]]; they led the rural Reds and convinced the socialist leaders who wavered between peace and war to support the revolution. On the right, the vanguard was the Jägers, who had transferred to Finland, and the volunteer Civil Guards of southwestern Finland, southern [[Ostrobothnia (historical province)|Ostrobothnia]] and [[Viipuri province]] in the southeastern corner of Finland. The first local battles were fought during 9–21 January 1918 in southern and southeastern Finland, mainly to win the arms race and to control [[Viipuri]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=390–515}}, {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|pp=15–65, 177–182}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen*|1993c|pp=398–432}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2009a|pp=92–111}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2014|pp=51–89}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

[[File:Kullervo Manner.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Kullervo Manner]], chairman of the [[Finnish People's Delegation]], and last commander-in-chief and also only prime minister of the [[Red Finland|Finnish Reds]], pictured {{circa|1913–1915}}|alt=A picture of Kullervo Manner, chairman of the Finnish People's Delegation and last commander-in-chief of the Reds, looking straight at the camera with a suit and a hat on.]]
On 12 January 1918, Parliament authorised the Svinhufvud Senate to establish internal order and discipline on behalf of the state. On 15 January, [[Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim]], a former Finnish general of the [[Imperial Russian Army]], was appointed the commander-in-chief of the Civil Guards. The Senate appointed the Guards, henceforth called the White Guards, as the White Army of Finland. Mannerheim placed his [[Defence Command (Finland)|Headquarters of the White Army]] in the [[Vaasa]]–[[Seinäjoki]] area. The White Order to engage was issued on 25 January. The Whites gained weaponry by disarming Russian garrisons during 21–28 January, in particular in southern Ostrobothnia.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=390–515}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=80–89}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993b|pp=96–177}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen*|1993c|pp=398–432}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|2004b|pp=175–188}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

The Red Guards, led by [[Ali Aaltonen]], refused to recognise the Whites' hegemony and established a military authority of their own. Aaltonen installed his headquarters in Helsinki and nicknamed it [[Smolna, Helsinki|Smolna]] echoing the [[Smolny Institute]], the Bolsheviks' headquarters in Petrograd. The Red Order of Revolution was issued on 26 January, and a red lantern, a symbolic indicator of the uprising, was lit in the tower of the [[Paasitorni|Helsinki Workers' House]]. A large-scale mobilisation of the Reds began late in the evening of 27 January, with the Helsinki Red Guard and some of the Guards located along the Viipuri-Tampere railway having been activated between 23 and 26 January, in order to safeguard vital positions and escort a heavy railroad shipment of Bolshevik weapons from Petrograd to Finland. White troops tried to capture the shipment: 20–30 Finns, Red and White, died in the [[Battle of Kämärä]] at the Karelian Isthmus on 27 January 1918.<ref>The Reds won the battle and gained 20,000 rifles, 30 machine guns, 10 cannons and 2 armoured vehicles. In total, the Russians delivered 20,000 rifles from the Helsinki and Tampere depots to the Reds. The Whites captured 14,500 rifles, 90 machine guns, 40 cannons and 4 mortars from the Russian garrisons. Some Russian army officers sold their unit's weapons both to the Reds and the Whites. {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=390–515}}, {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|pp=15–65, 177–182}}, {{Harvnb|Klemettilä|1989|pp=163–203}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=80–89}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993b|pp=96–177}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen*|1993c|pp=398–432}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref> The Finnish rivalry for power had culminated.<ref>Attempts at sustaining peace and neutrality between socialist and non-socialists were made in January 1918 by agreements at a local level, e.g. in [[Muurame]], [[Savonlinna]] and [[Teuva]], {{Harvnb|Kallioinen|2009|pp=1–146}}</ref>

===Opposing parties===

====Red Finland and White Finland====
[[File:FinnishCivilWarMapBegin.svg|thumb|upright=1.75|The frontlines and initial offensives at the beginning of the war.{{legend|white|Areas controlled by the Whites and their offensive}}{{legend|red|Areas controlled by the Reds and their offensive}}{{Legend-line|blackwhite|Railroad network}}|alt=A map illustrating the frontlines and initial offensives of both sides at the beginning of the war. The Whites control most of Central and Northern Finland, excluding minor Red enclaves; the Whites assault these enclaves. The Reds control Southern Finland and commence attacks along the main frontline.]]At the beginning of the war, a discontinuous [[front line]] ran through southern Finland from west to east, dividing the country into [[White Finland]] and [[Red Finland]]. The Red Guards controlled the area to the south, including nearly all the major towns and industrial centres, along with the largest estates and farms with the highest numbers of crofters and [[tenant farmer]]s. The White Army controlled the area to the north, which was predominantly agrarian and contained small or medium-sized farms and tenant farmers. The number of crofters was lower and they held a better social status than those in the south. Enclaves of the opposing forces existed on both sides of the front line: within the White area lay the industrial towns of [[Varkaus]], [[Kuopio]], [[Oulu]], [[Raahe]], [[Kemi]] and [[Tornio]]; within the Red area lay Porvoo, [[Kirkkonummi]] and [[Uusikaupunki]]. The elimination of these strongholds was a priority for both armies in February 1918.<ref>{{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=91–101}}</ref>

Red Finland was led by the [[Finnish People's Delegation]] ({{Langx|fi|kansanvaltuuskunta}}; {{Langx|sv|folkdelegationen}}), established on 28 January 1918 in Helsinki, which was supervised by the [[Central Workers' Council of Finland|Central Workers' Council]]. The delegation sought democratic socialism based on the Finnish Social Democratic Party's ethos; their visions differed from Lenin's [[dictatorship of the proletariat]]. [[Otto Ville Kuusinen]] formulated a proposal for a new constitution, influenced by those of Switzerland and the United States. With it, political power was to be concentrated to Parliament, with a lesser role for a government. The proposal included a multi-party system; freedom of assembly, speech and press; and the use of [[referendum]]s in political decision-making. In order to ensure the authority of the labour movement, the common people would have a right to [[permanent revolution]]. The socialists planned to transfer a substantial part of [[property rights (economics)|property rights]] to the state and local administrations.<ref>The "ideological father" of the socialists, [[Karl Kautsky]], disapproved of the Finnish Red Revolution. Kautsky, an opponent of Lenin, supported a reformist policy. {{Harvnb|Rinta-Tassi|1986|pp=417–429}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=88, 102}}, {{Harvnb|Piilonen|1993|pp=486–627}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|Hentilä|Nevakivi|1999|pp=108}}, {{Harvnb|Suodenjoki|2009a|pp=246–269}}, {{Harvnb|Payne|2011|pp=25–32}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2014|pp=51–89}}</ref>

In foreign policy, Red Finland leaned on [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|Bolshevist Russia]]. A Red-initiated Finno–Russian treaty and peace agreement was signed on 1 March 1918, where Red Finland was called the [[Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic]] ({{Langx|fi|Suomen sosialistinen työväentasavalta}}; {{Langx|sv|Finlands socialistiska arbetarrepublik}}). The negotiations for the treaty implied that – as in World War I in general – nationalism was more important for both sides than the principles of [[international socialism]]. The Red Finns did not simply accept an alliance with the Bolsheviks and major disputes appeared, for example, over the demarcation of the border between Red Finland and Soviet Russia. The significance of the Russo–Finnish Treaty evaporated quickly due to the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between the Bolsheviks and the German Empire on 3 March 1918.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=262–265}}, {{Harvnb|Pietiäinen|1992|pp=252–403}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1995|pp=21–32}}</ref>

Lenin's policy on the right of nations to [[self-determination]] aimed at preventing the disintegration of Russia during the period of military weakness. He assumed that in war-torn, splintering Europe, the [[proletariat]] of free nations would carry out socialist revolutions and unite with Soviet Russia later. The majority of the Finnish labour movement supported Finland's independence. The Finnish Bolsheviks, influential, though few in number, favoured annexation of Finland by Russia.<ref>After the [[Russian Civil War]], a gradually resurgent Russia recaptured many of the nations that had become independent in 1918. {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=255–278}}, {{Harvnb|Klemettilä|1989|pp=163–203}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=94, 106}}, {{Harvnb|Pietiäinen|1992|pp=252–403}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993c}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1995|pp=21–32}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=276–282}}</ref>

The government of White Finland, [[Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's first senate]], was called the Vaasa Senate after its relocation to the safer west-coast city of Vaasa, which acted as the capital of the Whites from 29 January to 3 May 1918. In domestic policy, the White Senate's main goal was to return the political right to power in Finland. The conservatives planned a monarchist political system, with a lesser role for Parliament. A section of the conservatives had always supported [[monarchy]] and opposed democracy; others had approved of [[parliamentary system|parliamentarianism]] since the revolutionary reform of 1906, but after the crisis of 1917–1918, concluded that empowering the common people would not work. Social liberals and reformist non-socialists opposed any restriction of parliamentarianism. They initially resisted German military help, but the prolonged warfare changed their stance.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=62–68}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|1998|pp=38–46, 56–115}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|2009|pp=376–394}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

In foreign policy, the Vaasa Senate relied on the German Empire for military and political aid. Their objective was to defeat the Finnish Reds; end the influence of Bolshevist Russia in Finland and expand Finnish territory to [[East Karelia]], a geopolitically significant home to people speaking [[Finnic languages]]. The weakness of Russia inspired an idea of [[Greater Finland]] among the expansionist factions of both the right and left: the Reds had claims concerning the same areas. General Mannerheim agreed on the need to take over East Karelia and to request German weapons, but opposed actual German intervention in Finland. Mannerheim recognised the Red Guards' lack of combat skill and trusted in the abilities of the German-trained Finnish Jägers. As a former Russian army officer, Mannerheim was well aware of the demoralisation of the Russian army. He co-operated with White-aligned Russian officers in Finland and Russia.<ref>The fall of the Russian Empire, the October revolt and Finnish Germanism had placed Gustaf Mannerheim in a controversial position. He opposed the Finnish and Russian Reds, as well as Germany, through alliance with Russian White officers who, in turn, did not support independence of Finland. {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=102, 142}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1995|pp=21–32}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=516–524}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2000}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|2004b|pp=175–188}}, {{Harvnb|Meinander|2012|pp=7–47}}, {{Harvnb|Roselius|2014|pp=119–155}}</ref>

[[File:FinnishCivilWarMapMiddle.svg|upright=1.75|thumb|The main offensives until 6 April 1918. The Whites take [[Tampere]] and defeat the Finnish-Russian Reds at the [[Battle of Rautu (1918)|Battle of Rautu]], the Karelian Isthmus.{{legend|white|Areas controlled by the Whites and their offensive}}{{legend|red|Areas controlled by the Reds and their offensive}}{{Legend-line|blackwhite|Railroad network}}|alt=A map illustrating the main offensives until April 1918. The Whites conquer the Red stronghold of Tampere in a decisive battle and defeat the Finnish-Russian Reds at the Battle of Rautu on the Karelian Isthmus.]]

====Aviation====
During the war, the Red Guard utilized aircraft, however, little information regarding their activities and the organisation of detachments was preserved.{{sfn|Bremer|1934|pp=203}} Its various operations included bombings, reconnaissance, spreading of propaganda literature, and connection flights.{{sfn|Bremer|1934|pp=225}} Since the Reds had no Finnish pilots, they solely relied on foreign pilots, most of whom were Russian.{{sfn|Bremer|1934|pp=203}} The Reds had four main operational flight detachments located in Helsinki, Tampere, [[Kouvola]] and [[Vyborg|Viipuri]]. They divided their detachments into three fronts. The northern front, which was overseen by the detachment in Tampere, consisted of the red troops between the [[Gulf of Bothnia]] and [[Lake Päijänne]]. The central front was between the Lake Päijänne and [[Lake Saimaa]] that was operated by the Kouvola detachment. The base in Viipuri acted as the base for the eastern front, which was located between Lake Saimaa and the national border.{{sfn|Bremer|1934|pp=204}} Due to poor central command, inadequate fuel quality, low training experience, and poor maintenance, the aerial activity of the Reds was scattered and ineffective.{{sfn|Bremer|1934|pp=225}}

[[File:Finland roundel WW2 border.svg|thumb|left|100px|The insignia of the Finnish Air Force, 1918–1945]] The White Guard also had aircraft during the course of the war, which would later evolve into the [[Finnish Air Force]]. In February 1918, the Whites would have received an aircraft donation of a reconnaissance and training plane from Sweden, the [[Albatros B.II|NAB Type 9 Albatros]], however its transport to Vaasa was stopped when the ferry's engine failed at [[Jakobstad]]. Therefore, the first plane to officially arrive to the Whites was the license manufactured [[Morane-Saulnier Type L|Morane-Saulnier MS Parasol/Thulin D]] donated on 6 March 1918 by Swedish Count [[Eric von Rosen]].<ref name="ilmavoimat.fi">{{cite web |title=The history of the Finnish Air Force |url=https://ilmavoimat.fi/en/history |website=Ilmavoimat |access-date=4 March 2023}}</ref> The aircraft carried Rosen's personal symbol of luck, a right-facing, blue [[swastika]]. The symbol was further adopted as the official insignia of the Finnish Air Force till the end of [[World War II]]. During the war, the Whites obtained seven additional aircraft which included four [[Friedrichshafen G.III|Friedrichshafens]], two [[DFW C.V|DFWs]], and one [[Rumpler 6B|Rumpler]], all of which were bought from Germany. Like the Reds, the Whites also had no domestic pilots and relied on Swedish, Danish, and Russian pilots.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Jokinen |first1=Pertti |title=The Finnish Air Force |journal=Aerospace Historian |date=1979 |volume=26 |issue=4 |pages=222|jstor=44523325 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/44523325 |access-date=4 March 2023 |issn=0001-9364}}</ref> The White Guard had two flight detachments during the war; one based at [[Kolho]] in northern [[Pirkanmaa]] and the other at [[Antrea]] in the [[Viipuri Province]]. They carried out rather small operations of reconnaissance, leaflet drops, and bombings.<ref name="ilmavoimat.fi"/>

====Soldiers and weapons====
The number of Finnish troops on each side varied from 70,000 to 90,000 and both had around 100,000 rifles, 300–400 machine guns and a few hundred cannons. While the Red Guards consisted mostly of [[Military volunteer|volunteers]], with wages paid at the beginning of the war, the White Army consisted predominantly of [[conscription|conscripts]] with 11,000–15,000 volunteers. The main motives for volunteering were socio-economic factors, such as salary and food, as well as idealism and peer pressure. The Red Guards [[Female Red Guards of the Finnish Civil War|included 2,600 women]], mostly recruited from the industrial centres and cities of southern Finland. Urban and agricultural workers constituted the majority of the Red Guards, whereas land-owning farmers and well-educated people formed the backbone of the White Army.<ref>White-supporting women demanded the establishment of female White Guards. Mannerheim stalled the plan, but some women were drafted as soldiers. {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|pp=154–176}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1993|pp=}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993b|pp=96–177}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1995|pp=21–32}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|1998|pp=85–106}}, {{Harvnb|Lintunen|2014|pp=201–229}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2017|pp=17-33, 269–274}}</ref> Both armies used [[child soldiers]], mainly between 14 and 17 years of age. The use of juvenile soldiers was not rare in World War I; children of the time were under the absolute authority of adults and were not shielded against exploitation.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tikka|2006|pp=25–30, 141–152}}</ref>

Rifles and machine guns from Imperial Russia were the main armaments of the Reds and the Whites. The most commonly used rifle was the Russian
7.62mm (.30 cal) [[Mosin–Nagant]] Model 1891. In total, around ten different rifle models were in service, causing problems for ammunition supply. The [[Maxim gun]] was the most-used machine gun, along with the less-used [[M1895 Colt-Browning machine gun|M1895 Colt–Browning]], [[Lewis gun|Lewis]] and [[Madsen machine gun|Madsen]] guns. The machine guns caused a substantial part of the casualties in combat. Russian [[field gun]]s were mostly used with [[direct fire]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|p=182}}</ref>

The Civil War was fought primarily along [[railways]]; vital means for transporting troops and supplies, as well for using armoured trains, equipped with light cannons and [[heavy machine gun]]s. The strategically most important railway junction was [[Haapamäki]], approximately {{Convert|100|km|mi}} northeast of Tampere, connecting eastern and western Finland and as well as southern and northern Finland. Other critical junctions included [[Kouvola]], [[Riihimäki]], Tampere, [[Toijala]] and Viipuri. The Whites captured Haapamäki at the end of January 1918, leading to the [[Battle of Vilppula]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|pp=177–205}}, {{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1993a|pp=15–21}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1995|pp=21–32}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>[[File:FinnishCivilWarMapEnd.svg|upright=1.75|thumb|The German Army's landings on the south coast and their operations. The Whites' decisive offensives in Karelia.{{legend|white|Areas controlled by the Whites and their offensive}}{{legend|grey|German offensive}}{{legend|red|Areas controlled by the Reds}}{{Legend-line|blackwhite|Railroad network}}|alt=A map illustrates the final battles of the war. The Reds do not mount any more offensives, while the Imperial German Army lands from the Gulf of Finland behind the Reds and captures the capital of Helsinki. The Whites attack all along the front southwards.]]

====Red Guards and Soviet troops====
The Finnish Red Guards seized the early initiative in the war by taking control of Helsinki on 28 January 1918 and by undertaking a general offensive lasting from February till early March 1918. The Reds were relatively well-armed, but a chronic shortage of skilled leaders, both at the command level and in the field, left them unable to capitalise on this momentum, and most of the offensives came to nothing. The military [[Command hierarchy|chain of command]] functioned relatively well at company and platoon level, but leadership and authority remained weak as most of the field commanders were chosen by the vote of the troops. The common troops were more or less armed civilians, whose military training, discipline and combat morale were both inadequate and low.<ref>{{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|pp=177–205}}, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=227–255}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

Ali Aaltonen was replaced on 28 January 1918 by [[Eero Haapalainen]] as commander-in-chief. He, in turn, was displaced by the Bolshevik triumvirate of [[Eino Rahja]], [[Adolf Taimi]] and [[Evert Eloranta]] on 20 March. The last commander-in-chief of the Red Guard was [[Kullervo Manner]], from 10 April until the last period of the war when the Reds no longer had a named leader. Some talented local commanders, such as [[Hugo Salmela]] in the Battle of Tampere, provided successful leadership, but could not change the course of the war. The Reds achieved some local victories as they retreated from southern Finland toward Russia, such as against German troops in the [[Battle of Syrjäntaka]] on 28–29 April in Tuulos.<ref>Some [[Female Red Guards of the Finnish Civil War|Female Red Guard]] platoons were active in combat along the Alvettula–[[Hauho]]–Syrjäntaka–[[Lahti]] line. {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=227–255}}, {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|pp=130–135}} {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981b|pp=233–236}}, {{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=70–81}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2017|pp=181–202}}</ref>

Around 50,000 of the former tsar's army troops were stationed in Finland in January 1918. The soldiers were demoralised and war-weary, and the former [[serfs]] were thirsty for [[farmland]] set free by the revolutions. The majority of the troops returned to Russia by the end of March 1918. In total, 4,000 to 5,000 Red Russian soldiers supported the Finnish Reds, but only around 2,000, in separate, smaller units of 100–1,000 soldiers, could be persuaded to fight in the front line.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980b|pp=415–422}}, {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|pp=154–176}}, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=265–278}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=89}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1995|pp=21–32}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|2004b|pp=175–188}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=276–291}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2009b|pp=112–143}},{{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

The revolutions in Russia divided the Soviet army officers politically and their attitude towards the Finnish Civil War varied. [[Mikhail Svechnikov]] led Finnish Red troops in western Finland in February and [[Konstantin Yeremejev]] Soviet forces on the Karelian Isthmus, while other officers were mistrustful of their revolutionary peers and instead co-operated with General Mannerheim, in disarming Soviet garrisons in Finland. On 30 January 1918, Mannerheim proclaimed to Russian soldiers in Finland that the White Army did not fight against Russia, but that the objective of the White campaign was to beat the Finnish Reds and the Soviet troops supporting them.<ref>Mannerheim promised those officers who co-operated their personal freedom, while many of those opposing the Whites were executed. Some Red Russian officers were executed by the Finnish Reds after the bitter defeat in the Battle for Tampere. {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981a|pp=154–176}}, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=265–278}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=89}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1995|pp=21–32}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|2004b|pp=175–188}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2008a|pp=188–199}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2009b|pp=112–143}}, {{Harvnb|Muilu|2010|pp=9–86}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

The number of Soviet soldiers active in the civil war declined markedly once Germany attacked Russia on 18 February 1918. The German-Soviet Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of 3 March restricted the Bolsheviks' support for the Finnish Reds to weapons and supplies. The Soviets remained active on the south-eastern front, mainly in the Battle of Rautu on the Karelian Isthmus between February and April 1918, where they defended the approaches to Petrograd.<ref>The Russian Bolsheviks declared war against White Finland after the Whites attacked Soviet garrisons in Finland. {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=259–262}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993c|pp=}}, {{Harvnb|Aunesluoma|Häikiö|1995|p=98}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1995|pp=21–32}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

====White Guards and Sweden's role====
[[File:Jääkärien paraati Vaasan torilla 26.2.1918 (26970229625).jpg|thumb|Finnish Jägers in Vaasa, Finland, on 26 February 1918. The battalion is being inspected by White Commander-in-Chief [[Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim|C. G. E. Mannerheim]].|alt=A parade of Finnish Jägers at the Vaasa town square. Spectators are gathered around the soldiers in the background. General Mannerheim is inspecting the formation in the foreground.]]
While the conflict has been called by some, "The War of Amateurs", the White Army had two major advantages over the Red Guards: the professional military leadership of Gustaf Mannerheim and his staff, which included 84 Swedish volunteer officers and former Finnish officers of the tsar's army; and 1,450 soldiers of the 1,900-strong, Jäger battalion. The majority of the unit arrived in Vaasa on 25 February 1918.<ref name="Upton 1981 62–144">{{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=62–144}}, {{Harvnb|Roselius|2006|pp=151–160}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2009|pp=48–57}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref> On the battlefield, the Jägers, battle-hardened on the Eastern Front, provided strong leadership that made disciplined combat of the common White troopers possible. The soldiers were similar to those of the Reds, having brief and inadequate training. At the beginning of the war, the White Guards' top leadership had little authority over volunteer White units, which obeyed only their local leaders. At the end of February, the Jägers started a rapid training of six conscript regiments.<ref name="Upton 1981 62–144" />

The Jäger battalion was politically divided, too. Four-hundred-and-fifty – mostly socialist – Jägers remained stationed in Germany, as it was feared they were likely to side with the Reds. White Guard leaders faced a similar problem when drafting young men to the army in February 1918: 30,000 obvious supporters of the Finnish labour movement never showed up. It was also uncertain whether common troops drafted from the small-sized and poor farms of central and northern Finland had strong enough motivation to fight the Finnish Reds. The Whites' propaganda promoted the idea that they were fighting a defensive war against [[Bolshevist]] Russians, and belittled the role of the Red Finns among their enemies.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=9–50}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=40–51, 74–77}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1993|pp=}}, {{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1993b|pp=}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=90–92}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=264–291}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2009|pp=48–57}}</ref> Social divisions appeared both between southern and northern Finland and within rural Finland. The economy and society of the north had modernised more slowly than that of the south. There was a more pronounced conflict between [[Christianity]] and [[socialism]] in the north, and the ownership of farmland conferred major [[social status]], motivating the farmers to fight against the Reds.<ref>The economy of Ostrobothnia declined, due to weak industrialisation after the ending of commercial [[tar]] production and grain exports to Sweden. The fall led to political and religious conservatism, and emigration to the United States in the wake of rapid population growth. {{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=9–50}}, {{Harvnb|Alapuro|1988|pp=40–51, 74–77}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1993|pp=}}, {{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1993b|pp=}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=90–92}}</ref>

Sweden declared neutrality both during World War I and the Finnish Civil War. General opinion, in particular among the Swedish elite, was divided between supporters of the Allies and the [[Central powers]], Germanism being somewhat more popular. Three war-time priorities determined the pragmatic policy of the Swedish liberal-social democratic government: sound economics, with export of [[iron-ore]] and foodstuff to Germany; sustaining the tranquility of Swedish society; and geopolitics. The government accepted the participation of Swedish volunteer officers and soldiers in the Finnish White Army in order to block expansion of revolutionary unrest to [[Scandinavia]].<ref>Swedish Germanism included an idea of "Greater Sweden", with plans to take over the Finnish area. {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=483–524}}, {{Harvnb|Lindqvist|2003|pp=705–719}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2014|pp=216–250}}</ref>

A 1,000-strong paramilitary [[Swedish Brigade]], led by [[Hjalmar Frisell]], took part in the Battle of Tampere and in the fighting south of the town.<ref name="pesonen"/> In February 1918, the [[Swedish Navy]] escorted the German naval squadron transporting Finnish Jägers and German weapons and allowed it to pass through Swedish territorial waters. The Swedish socialists tried to open peace negotiations between the Whites and the Reds. The weakness of Finland offered Sweden a chance to take over the geopolitically vital Finnish [[Åland|Åland Islands]], east of [[Stockholm]], but the German army's Finland operation stalled this plan.<ref>On 31 December 1917, the people of Åland proclaimed by a 57% majority their will to integrate the islands with the [[Kingdom of Sweden]]. The question of controlling Åland became a dispute between Sweden and Finland after World War I.{{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=990–120}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=79, 97}}, {{Harvnb|Klinge|1997|pp=483–524}}, {{Harvnb|Lindqvist|2003|pp=705–719}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2009b|p=130}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2014|pp=216–250}}</ref>

====German intervention====
[[File:SaksalaisiaHelsingissa.jpg|thumb|German soldiers with an [[Maschinengewehr 08|MG 08]] machine gun in Helsinki after the surrender of the Red Guard headquarters in [[Smolna, Helsinki|Smolna]]. Photograph by [[Gunnar Lönnqvist]] |alt=Seven soldiers of the German Army are stationed at a street corner in Helsinki after the surrender of the Red Guard headquarters Smolna. One of them is on his knee while two are relaxing against a railing or on a chair. MG 08, a heavy machine gun, rests in front of them. |left]]
In March 1918, the German Empire intervened in the Finnish Civil War on the side of the White Army. Finnish activists leaning on Germanism had been seeking German aid in freeing Finland from Soviet hegemony since late 1917, but because of the pressure they were facing at the [[Western Front (World War I)|Western Front]], the Germans did not want to jeopardise their armistice and [[Treaty of Brest-Litovsk#Peace negotiations|peace negotiations]] with the Soviet Union. The German stance changed after 10 February when [[Leon Trotsky]], despite the weakness of the Bolsheviks' position, broke off negotiations, hoping revolutions would break out in the German Empire and change everything. On 13 February, the German leadership decided to retaliate and send military detachments to Finland too. As a pretext for aggression, the Germans invited "requests for help" from the western neighbouring countries of Russia. Representatives of White Finland in [[Berlin]] duly requested help on 14 February.<ref>On 7 March, the representatives E. Hjelt and R. Erich signed disadvantageous German-Finnish agreements and promised to pay costs of the German military assistance. {{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=8–18, 87–92}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=108}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|Hentilä|Nevakivi|1999|p=117}}, {{Harvnb|Meinander|2012|pp=7–47}}, {{Harvnb|Hentilä|Hentilä|2016|pp=41–70}}</ref>

The [[German Army (German Empire)|Imperial German Army]] attacked Russia on 18 February. [[Operation Faustschlag|The offensive]] led to a rapid collapse of the Soviet forces and to the signing of the first Treaty of Brest-Litovsk by the Bolsheviks on 3 March 1918. Finland, the Baltic countries, [[Poland]] and [[Ukraine]] were transferred to the German sphere of influence. The Finnish Civil War opened a low-cost access route to [[Fennoscandia]], where the [[geopolitical]] status was altered as a [[Royal Navy]] squadron [[North Russia Intervention|occupied]] the Soviet harbour of [[Murmansk]] by the [[Arctic Ocean]] on 9 March 1918. The leader of the German war effort, General [[Erich Ludendorff]], wanted to keep Petrograd under threat of attack via the Viipuri-Narva area and to install a German-led monarchy in Finland.<ref>The Murmansk–Petrograd [[Kirov Railway]] was deployed in 1916. {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=62–144}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=108}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2009|pp=48–57}}, {{Harvnb|Roselius|2014|pp=119–155}}, {{Harvnb|Hentilä|Hentilä|2016|pp=41–70}}</ref>

On 5 March 1918, a German naval squadron landed on the Åland Islands (in mid-February 1918, the islands had been occupied by a Swedish military expedition, which departed from there in May). On 3 April 1918, the 10,000-strong [[Baltic Sea Division]] ({{Langx|de|Ostsee-Division}}), led by General [[Rüdiger von der Goltz]], launched the main attack at [[Hanko, Finland|Hanko]], west of Helsinki. It was followed on 7 April by Colonel [[Otto von Brandenstein|Otto von Brandenstein's]] 3,000-strong [[Detachment Brandenstein]] ({{Langx|de|Abteilung Brandenstein}}) taking the town of [[Loviisa]] east of Helsinki. The larger German formations advanced eastwards from Hanko and took Helsinki on 12–13 April, while Detachment Brandenstein overran the town of [[Lahti]] on 19 April. The main German detachment proceeded northwards from Helsinki and took [[Hyvinkää]] and [[Riihimäki]] on 21–22 April, followed by [[Hämeenlinna]] on 26 April. The final blow to the cause of the Finnish Reds was dealt when the Bolsheviks broke off the peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk, leading to the German eastern offensive in February 1918.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=369–424}}, {{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=41–44}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=97}}, {{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=180–445}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|Hentilä|Nevakivi|1999|p=117}}, {{Harvnb|Lackman|2009|pp=48–57}}, {{Harvnb|Hentilä|Hentilä|2016|pp=117–196}}</ref>

===Decisive engagements===

====Battle of Tampere====
{{Main|Battle of Tampere}}

[[File:Punaisten ruumiita Kalevankankaan hautausmaalla Tampereen taistelun jälkeen (26365985413).jpg|thumb|Unburied bodies of the Reds at [[Kalevankangas Cemetery|Kalevankangas cemetery]] after the [[Battle of Tampere]]|alt=Unburied and unclothed bodies of the Reds lie in the foreground at the Kalevankangas cemetery after the Battle of Tampere. On the right, around five crosses can be seen, while black silhouettes of people are visible against the sky in the background.]]
In February 1918, General Mannerheim deliberated on where to focus the general offensive of the Whites. There were two strategically vital enemy strongholds: Tampere, Finland's major industrial town in the south-west, and Viipuri, Karelia's main city. Although seizing Viipuri offered many advantages, his army's lack of combat skills and the potential for a major counterattack by the Reds in the area or in the south-west made it too risky.<ref>{{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=180–445}}</ref>

Mannerheim decided to strike first at Tampere, despite the fact that the town, mostly known for its [[working class]], housed nearly 15,000 heavily armed Red Guards.<ref name="pesonen"/> He launched the main assault on 16 March 1918, at [[Längelmäki]] {{Convert|65|km|mi|abbr=on}} north-east of the town, through the right flank of the Reds' defence. At the same time, the Whites attacked through the north-western frontline [[Vilppula]]–[[Kuru, Finland|Kuru]]–{{ill|Kyröskoski|fi}}–[[Suodenniemi]]. Although the Whites were unaccustomed to offensive warfare, some Red Guard units collapsed and retreated in panic under the weight of the offensive, while other Red detachments defended their posts to the last and were able to slow the advance of the White troops. Eventually, the Whites lay siege to Tampere. They cut off the Reds' southward connection at [[Lempäälä]] on 24 March and westward ones at [[Siuro]], [[Nokia, Finland|Nokia]], and [[Ylöjärvi]] on 25 March.<ref>{{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=180–445}}, {{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1993a|pp=103–295, 429–443}}, {{Harvnb|Aunesluoma|Häikiö|1995|pp=92–97}}</ref>

[[File:LeafletToTampere1918.jpg|thumb|left|A [[propaganda]] leaflet signed by [[General Mannerheim]] circulated by the Whites urging the Red defenders to surrender. [{{langx|en|To the residents and troops of Tampere! Resistance is hopeless. Raise the white flag and surrender. The blood of the citizen has been shed enough. We will not kill like the Reds kill their prisoners. Send your representative with a white flag.]}}]]
The Battle for Tampere was fought between 16,000 White and 14,000 Red soldiers. It was Finland's first large-scale [[urban warfare|urban battle]] and one of the four most decisive military engagements of the war.<ref>[https://yle.fi/uutiset/3-7397991 YLE: Suomalaiset kuvaavat sotien jälkiä kaupungeissa – katso kuvat ja tarinat tutuilta kulmilta] (in Finnish)</ref> The fight for the area of Tampere began on 28 March, on the eve of Easter 1918, later called "Bloody [[Maundy Thursday]]", in the [[Kalevankangas Cemetery]].<ref name="pesonen">{{Harvnb|Pesonen|2021}}</ref> The White Army did not achieve a decisive victory in the fierce combat, suffering more than 50 per cent losses in some of their units. The Whites had to re-organise their troops and battle plans, managing to raid the town centre in the early hours of 3 April.<ref name="Ahto 1993 180–445">{{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981b|pp=144–148, 156–170}}, {{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=180–445}}, {{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1993a|pp=103–295, 429–443}}, {{Harvnb|Aunesluoma|Häikiö|1995|pp=92–97}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2008b|pp=96–161}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

After a heavy, concentrated [[Barrage (artillery)|artillery barrage]], the White Guards advanced from house to house and street to street, as the Red Guards retreated. In the late evening of 3 April, the Whites reached the eastern banks of the [[Tammerkoski]] rapids. The Reds' attempts to break the siege of Tampere from the outside along the Helsinki-Tampere railway failed. The Red Guards lost the western parts of the town between 4 and 5 April. The [[Tampere City Hall]] was among the last strongholds of the Reds. The battle ended 6 April 1918 with the surrender of Red forces in the [[Pyynikki]] and [[Pispala]] sections of Tampere.<ref name="Ahto 1993 180–445" />

The Reds, now on the defensive, showed increased motivation to fight during the battle. General Mannerheim was compelled to deploy some of the best-trained Jäger detachments, initially meant to be conserved for later use in the Viipuri area. The Battle of Tampere was the bloodiest action of the Civil War. The White Army lost 700–900 men, including 50 Jägers, the highest number of deaths the Jäger battalion suffered in a single battle of the 1918 war. The Red Guards lost 1,000–1,500 soldiers, with a further 11,000–12,000 captured. Seventy-one civilians died, mainly due to artillery fire. The eastern parts of the city, consisting mostly of wooden buildings, were completely destroyed.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=317–368}}, {{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=180–445}}, {{Harvnb|Ylikangas|1993a|pp=103–295, 429–443}}, {{Harvnb|Aunesluoma|Häikiö|1995|pp=92–97}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2008b|pp=96–161}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

====Battle of Helsinki====
[[File:Valkoisen armeijan paraati Senaatintorilla Helsingin valtauksen jälkeen 16.5.1918 (hkm.HKMS000005-km002qnb).jpg|thumb|right|The White Army parade on Senate Square after the conquest of Helsinki on May 16, 1918]]
{{Main|Battle of Helsinki}}

After peace talks between Germans and the Finnish Reds were broken off on 11 April 1918, the battle for the capital of Finland began. At 05:00 on 12 April, around 2,000–3,000 German Baltic Sea Division soldiers, led by Colonel {{ill|Hans von Tschirsky und von Bögendorff|de|Hans von Tschirschky und Bögendorff}}, attacked the city from the north-west, supported via the [[Rantarata|Helsinki-Turku railway]]. The Germans broke through the area between [[Munkkiniemi]] and [[Pasila]], and advanced on the central-western parts of the town. The German naval squadron led by Vice Admiral [[Hugo Meurer]] blocked the city harbour, bombarded the southern town area, and landed ''[[Seebataillon]]'' marines at [[Katajanokka]].<ref>The Russian Navy in Helsinki harbour remained neutral during the battle and the fleet sailed to Kronstadt during 10–13 April as a consequence of 5 April German-Russian Hanko agreement. Initially, the Reds agreed to surrender and Colonel von Tshirsky intended to send a minor unit with a marching band and film-making group to Helsinki. {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981b|pp=174–184}}, {{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=44–61}}, {{Harvnb|Pietiäinen|1992|pp=252–403}}, {{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=384–399}}, {{Harvnb|Meinander|2012|pp=7–47}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2013|pp=124–392}}</ref>

Around 7,000 Finnish Reds defended Helsinki, but their best troops fought on other fronts of the war. The main strongholds of the Red defence were the [[Helsinki Workers' Hall|Workers' Hall]], the [[Helsinki railway station]], the Red Headquarters at [[Smolna, Helsinki|Smolna]], the [[Government Palace (Finland)|Senate Palace]]–[[Helsinki University]] area and the former Russian garrisons. By the late evening of 12 April, most of the southern parts and all of the western area of the city had been occupied by the Germans. Local Helsinki White Guards, having hidden in the city during the war, joined the battle as the Germans advanced through the town.<ref>{{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981b|pp=174–184}}, {{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=44–61}}, {{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=384–399}}, {{Harvnb|Aunesluoma|Häikiö|1995|pp=100–102}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2013|pp=124–392}}</ref>

On 13 April, German troops took over the [[Market Square, Helsinki|Market Square]], the Smolna, the [[Presidential Palace, Helsinki|Presidential Palace]] and the Senate-[[Ritarihuone]] area. Toward the end, a German brigade with 2,000–3,000 soldiers, led by Colonel [[Konrad Wolf (officer)|Konrad Wolf]] joined the battle. The unit rushed from north to the eastern parts of Helsinki, pushing into the working-class neighbourhoods of [[Hermanni (Helsinki)|Hermanni]], [[Kallio]] and [[Sörnäinen]]. German artillery bombarded and destroyed the Workers' Hall and put out the red lantern of the Finnish revolution. The eastern parts of the town surrendered around 14:00 on 13 April, when a white flag was raised in the tower of the [[Kallio Church]]. Sporadic fighting lasted until the evening. In total, 60 Germans, 300–400 Reds and 23 White Guard troopers were killed in the battle. Around 7,000 Reds were captured. The German army celebrated the victory with a military parade in the centre of Helsinki on 14 April 1918.<ref>{{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981b|pp=174–184}}, {{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=44–61}},{{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=384–399}}, {{Harvnb|Aunesluoma|Häikiö|1995|pp=100–102}}, {{Harvnb|Kolbe|Nyström|2008|pp=76–94}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2013|pp=124–392}}</ref>

====Battle of Hyvinkää====
{{Main|Battle of Hyvinkää}}

[[File:Koivula & Ylen.jpg|thumb|{{ill|Oskari Koivula|fi|Oskari Koivula}} (front), commander of the Red Guards of [[Hyvinkää]], and Emil Ylén (left)]]
After losing Helsinki, the Red Defense Command moved to [[Riihimäki]],<ref name="kronlund">{{Harvnb|Kronlund|1986|p=}}</ref> where it was headed by [[painter]] and former [[Member of Parliament]] [[Efraim Kronqvist]]. German troops, led by Wolf, attacked north from Helsinki on April 15 and conquered [[Klaukkala]] four days later.<ref>{{Harvnb|Korjus|2014|p=}}</ref> Over April 19–21, the Germans [[Battle of Hyvinkää|captured the town of Hyvinkää]]; 21 Germans and about 50 Red Guards were killed there. After the battle, at least 150 of the Reds were executed by the Whites.<ref name="kronlund" /> The Germans continued from there through Riihimäki to [[Hämeenlinna]].

====Battle of Lahti====
{{Main|Battle of Lahti}}

On 19 April 1918, Detachment Brandenstein took over the town of Lahti. The German troops advanced from the east-southeast via [[Nastola]], through the Mustankallio graveyard in [[Salpausselkä]] and the Russian garrisons at [[Hennala]]. The battle was minor but strategically important as it cut the connection between the western and eastern Red Guards. Local engagements broke out in the town and the surrounding area between 22 April and 1 May 1918 as several thousand western Red Guards and Red civilian refugees tried to push through on their way to Russia. The German troops were able to hold major parts of the town and halt the Red advance. In total, 600 Reds and 80 German soldiers perished, and 30,000 Reds were captured in and around Lahti.<ref>{{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981b|pp=194–201}}, {{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=61–70}}, {{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=399–410}}, {{Harvnb|Aunesluoma|Häikiö|1995|pp=104–105}}, {{Harvnb|Roselius|2004|pp=165–176}}, {{Harvnb|Roselius|2006|pp=89–91}}</ref>

====Battle of Viipuri====
{{Main|Battle of Viipuri}}

After the defeat in Tampere, the Red Guards began a slow retreat eastwards. As the German army seized Helsinki, the White Army shifted the military focus to Viipuri area, where 18,500 Whites advanced against 15,000 defending Reds. General Mannerheim's war plan had been revised as a result of the Battle for Tampere, a civilian, industrial town. He aimed to avoid new, complex city combat in Viipuri, an old military fortress. The Jäger detachments tried to tie down and destroy the Red force outside the town. The Whites were able to cut the Reds' connection to Petrograd and weaken the troops on the Karelian Isthmus on 20–26 April, but the decisive blow remained to be dealt in Viipuri. The final attack began on late 27 April with a heavy Jäger artillery barrage. The Reds' defence collapsed gradually, and eventually the Whites conquered {{ill|Patterinmäki|fi|Patterinmäki (Viipuri)}}—the Reds' symbolic last stand of the 1918 uprising—in the early hours of 29 April 1918. In total, 400 Whites died, and 500–600 Reds perished and 12,000–15,000 were captured.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980b|pp=486–512}}, {{Harvnb|Lappalainen|1981b|pp=201–226}}, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=391–400, 424–442}}, {{Harvnb|Ahto|1993|pp=411–437}}, {{Harvnb|Aunesluoma|Häikiö|1995|p=112}}, {{Harvnb|Roselius|2006|pp=139–147}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2009c|pp=199–223}}, {{Harvnb|Keskisarja|2013|pp=232–309}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

===Red and White terror===

[[File:Rättvisa skipas.jpg|left|225px|thumb|Two Reds being executed by Whites in [[Varkaus]] in 1918<ref>{{cite news |last1=Vironen |first1=Petri |title=Varkaudessa sisällissota johti 21.2.1918 järkyttäviin teloituksiin – Yli 200 miestä ammuttiin taisteluiden tauottua |url=https://yle.fi/a/3-10085663 |access-date=5 March 2023 |work=Yle Uutiset |agency=Yle |date=21 February 2018 |language=fi}}</ref>]] Both Whites and Reds carried out political violence through executions, respectively termed White Terror ({{Langx|fi|valkoinen terrori}}; {{Langx|sv|vit terror}}) and Red Terror ({{Langx|fi|punainen terrori}}; {{Langx|sv|röd terror}}). The threshold of political violence had been crossed by the militant Finnish activists from both the elite and the working class during the First Period of Russification in the Finnish Grand Duchy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Uola|1998|pp=11–30}}</ref> Large-scale terror operations were born and bred in Europe during World War I, the first [[total war]]. The February and October Revolutions initiated similar violence in Finland: at first by Russian army troops executing their officers, and then later between the Finnish Whites and Reds.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1980|pp=219–243}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=52}}, {{Harvnb|Uola|1998|pp=11–30}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|Tikka|2013|pp=72–84}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

The terror consisted of a calculated aspect of general warfare and, on the other hand, the local, personal murders and corresponding acts of revenge. In the former, the commanding staff planned and organised the actions and gave orders to the lower ranks. At least a third of the Red terror and most of the White terror was centrally led. In February 1918, a ''Desk of Securing Occupied Areas'' was implemented by the highest-ranking White staff, and the White troops were given ''Instructions for Wartime Judicature'', later called the [[Shoot on the Spot Declaration]]. This order authorised field commanders to execute essentially anyone they saw fit. No order by the less-organised, highest Red Guard leadership authorising Red Terror has been found.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tikka|2006|pp=71–85}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|Tikka|2013|pp=72–84}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

The main goals of the terror were to destroy the command structure of the enemy; to clear and secure the areas governed and occupied by armies; and to create shock and fear among the civil population and the enemy soldiers. Additionally, the common troops' paramilitary nature and their lack of combat skills drove them to use political violence as a military weapon. Most of the executions were carried out by cavalry units called Flying Patrols, consisting of 10 to 80 soldiers aged 15 to 20 and led by an experienced, adult leader with absolute authority. The patrols, specialised in [[search and destroy]] operations and [[Death Squad|death squad]] tactics, were similar to German Sturmbattalions and Russian Assault units organized during World War I. The terror achieved some of its objectives but also gave additional motivation to fight against an enemy perceived to be inhuman and cruel. Both Red and White propaganda made effective use of their opponents' actions, increasing the spiral of revenge.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tikka|2006|pp=19–38, 69–138, 141–158}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|Tikka|2013|pp=72–84}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

[[File:Viipurin lääninvankila 1918.jpg|thumb|Red Terror in April 1918: the Viipuri county jail massacre, where 30 White prisoners were killed<ref>{{Harvnb|Keskisarja|2013|pp=290–301}}</ref>|alt=Around eight bodies are lying around a hallway after the Viipuri county jail massacre, an example of Red Terror. Thirty White prisoners were killed by the Reds.]]
The Red Guards executed influential Whites, including politicians, major landowners, industrialists, police officers, civil servants and teachers as well as White Guards. Ten priests of the [[Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland|Evangelical Lutheran Church]] and 90 moderate socialists were killed. The number of executions varied over the war months, peaking in February as the Reds secured power, but March saw low counts because the Reds could not seize new areas outside of the original frontlines. The numbers rose again in April as the Reds aimed to leave Finland. The two major centres for Red Terror were Toijala and Kouvola, where 300–350 Whites were executed between February and April 1918.<ref>{{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1966|pp=183–208}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=105}}, {{Harvnb|Eerola|Eerola|1998|pp=59, 91}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|2004a|p=15}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2006|pp=25–32, 69–100, 141–146, 157–158}}, {{Harvnb|Huhta|2009|pp=7–14}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

The White Guards executed Red Guard and party leaders, Red troops, socialist members of the Finnish Parliament and local Red administrators, and workers. The numbers varied over the months as the Whites conquered southern Finland. Comprehensive White Terror started with their general offensive in March 1918 and increased constantly. It peaked at the end of the war and declined and ceased after the enemy troops had been transferred to prison camps. During the high point of the executions, between the end of April and the beginning of May, 200 Reds were shot per day. White Terror was decisive against Russian soldiers who assisted the Finnish Reds, and several Russian non-socialist civilians were killed in the [[Viipuri massacre]], the aftermath of the Battle of Viipuri.<ref>Around 400 Red women – mainly troops – were executed, 200 of them in Lahti. 56 Red Guard children, including eleven girls and other five boys and two girls, were executed outside battles. {{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1967|pp=}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=121, 138}}, {{Harvnb|Eerola|Eerola|1998|pp=59, 91}}, {{Harvnb|Peltonen|2003|pp=137–164}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|2004a|p=15}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2006|pp=25–32, 69–81, 103–138, 141–146, 157–158}}, {{Harvnb|Tukkinen|2008|pp=9–78}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|Tikka|2013|pp=72–84}}, {{Harvnb|Keskisarja|2013|pp=312–386}}, {{Harvnb|Lintunen|2014|pp=201–229}}, {{Harvnb|Pekkalainen|2014|pp=49–68}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|2017|pp=269–274}},</ref>

In total, 1,500 Whites died as a result of Red Terror, while around 8,750 Reds perished by White Terror, which turned into [[Political cleansing of population|political cleansing]]. White victims have been recorded exactly, while the number of Red troops executed immediately after battles remains unclear. Together with the harsh prison-camp treatment of the Reds during 1918, the executions inflicted the deepest mental scars on the Finns, regardless of their political allegiance. Some of those who carried out the killings were traumatised, a phenomenon that was later documented.<ref>After 1918, a historical myth was created: the victors' overall acts were legal, while those of the defeated faction were illegal.{{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1966|pp=183–208}}, {{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1967|pp=}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=121, 138}}, {{Harvnb|Eerola|Eerola|1998|pp=59, 91}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|2004a|p=15}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2006|pp=19–30}}, {{Harvnb|Jyränki|2014|pp=150–188}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}, {{Harvnb|Kekkonen|2016|pp=106–166, 287–356}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|Nieminen|Tukkinen|2018|pp=9, 163, 254, 279}}</ref>
{{see also|Political terror in Finland and Baltic States after World War I}}

===End===
On 8 April 1918, after the defeat in Tampere and the German army intervention, the People's Delegation retreated from Helsinki to Viipuri. The loss of Helsinki pushed them to Petrograd on 25 April. The escape of the leadership embittered many Reds, and thousands of them tried to flee to Russia, but most of the refugees were encircled by White and German troops. In the Lahti area they surrendered on 1–2 May.<ref name="Keränen et al. 1992 123–137">{{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=123–137}}</ref> The long Red caravans included women and children, who experienced a desperate, chaotic escape with severe losses due to White attacks. The scene was described as a "road of tears" for the Reds, but for the Whites, the sight of long, enemy caravans heading east was a victorious moment. The Red Guards' last strongholds between the Kouvola and Kotka area fell by 5 May, after the [[Battle of Ahvenkoski]]. The war of 1918 ended on 15 May 1918, when the Whites took over [[Fort Ino]], a Russian [[coastal artillery]] base on the Karelian Isthmus, from the Russian troops. White Finland and General Mannerheim celebrated the victory with a large military parade in Helsinki on 16 May 1918.<ref name="Keränen et al. 1992 123–137" />

The Red Guards had been defeated. The Finnish labour movement had lost the Civil War, several military leaders committed suicide and a majority of the Reds were sent to prison camps. The Vaasa Senate returned to Helsinki on 4 May 1918, but the capital was under the control of the German Army. White Finland had become a protectorate of the German Empire and [[Rüdiger von der Goltz|General Rüdiger von der Goltz]] was called "the true Regent of Finland". No armistice or peace negotiations were carried out between the Whites and Reds and an official peace treaty to end the Finnish Civil War was never signed.<ref>{{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=123–137}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=190–191}}, {{Harvnb|Kolbe|Nyström|2008|pp=144–155}}, {{Harvnb|Hentilä|Hentilä|2016|pp=11–14, 197–203}}</ref>

==Aftermath and impact==

===Prison camps for the Red Prisoners===
{{Main|Finnish Civil War prison camps}}

[[File:Civil War Prison Camp in Helsinki.png|thumb|A prison camp for Red prisoners in [[Suomenlinna]], Helsinki. Around 12,500 Red prisoners died in such camps due to malnutrition and disease.|alt=A vantage-point picture of a prison camp at the Suomenlinna Fortress in Helsinki. Around 25 Red prisoners are present in the courtyard, surrounded by a shack and a garrison building.|left]]
The White Army and German troops captured around 80,000 Red prisoners, including 5,000 women, 1,500 children and 8,000 Russians. The largest [[List of concentration and internment camps#Finland|prison camps]] were Suomenlinna (an island facing Helsinki), Hämeenlinna, Lahti, Riihimäki, [[Ekenäs, Finland|Tammisaari]], Tampere and Viipuri. The Senate decided to keep the prisoners detained until each individual's role in the Civil War had been investigated. Legislation making provision for a {{ill|Treason Court|fi|Valtiorikosoikeus}} ({{Langx|fi|valtiorikosoikeus}}; {{Langx|sv|domstolen för statsförbrytelser}}) was enacted on 29 May 1918. The judicature of the 145 inferior courts led by the {{ill|Supreme Treason Court|fi|Valtiorikosylioikeus}} ({{Langx|fi|valtiorikosylioikeus}}; {{Langx|sv|överdomstolen för statsförbrytelser}}) did not meet the standards of [[impartiality]], due to the condemnatory atmosphere of White Finland. In total 76,000 cases were examined and 68,000 Reds were convicted, primarily for [[treason]]; 39,000 were released on [[parole]] while the mean-length of punishment for the rest was two to four years in jail. 555 people were sentenced to [[death]], of whom 113 were executed. The trials revealed that some innocent adults had been imprisoned.<ref>Some of the innocent persons were White supporters or neutral Finns, taken by force to serve in the Red Guards, but who were unable to prove immediately their motivations in the conflict. {{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1971}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=140, 142}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|Hentilä|Nevakivi|1999|pp=112}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2006|pp=161–178}}, {{Harvnb|Suodenjoki|2009b|pp=335–355}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|Tikka|2013|pp=72–84}}, {{Harvnb|Jyränki|2014|pp=177–188}}, {{Harvnb|Pekkalainen|2014|pp=84–244}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref>

Combined with the severe food shortages caused by the Civil War, mass imprisonment led to high mortality rates in the prison camps, and the catastrophe was compounded by the angry, punitive and uncaring mentality of the victors. [[Sexual violence]] against women, Red women in particular, is a long-term [[taboo]] subject. The number of reliable literary sources is low, while the number of oral sources with varying level of reliability is high. The rape tales of the Hämeenlinna and the Lahti prison camps dominate the reminiscences.<ref>{{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1967|pp=200–207}}, {{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1971|pp=148–168}}, {{Harvnb|Peltonen|2003|pp=137–164, 228–232}}, {{Harvnb|Elomaa|Kemppainen|2007|pp=60–67}}, {{Harvnb|Lintunen|2014|pp=201–229}}, {{cite web |last=Ghodsee|first=Kristen R. |author-link=Kristen Ghodsee |date=January 10, 2018 |title=Finland's Red Women|url=https://jacobin.com/2018/01/finland-women-red-guards-civil-war|website=[[Jacobin (magazine)|Jacobin]] |location= |publisher= |access-date=February 13, 2025}}</ref> Many prisoners felt that they had been abandoned by their own leaders, who had fled to Russia. The physical and mental condition of the prisoners declined in May 1918. Numerous prisoners had been sent to the camps in Tampere and Helsinki in the first half of April and food supplies were disrupted during the Reds' eastward retreat. Consequently, in June 2,900 prisoners starved to death, or died as a result of diseases caused by malnutrition or the [[Spanish flu]]: 5,000 in July; 2,200 in August; and 1,000 in September. The mortality rate was highest in the [[Tammisaari prison camp|Tammisaari camp]] at 34 per cent, while the rate varied between 5 per cent and 20 per cent in the others. In total, around 12,500 Finns perished (3,000–4,000 due to the Spanish flu) while detained. Moreover, 600 severely weakened prisoners died soon after release from the camps.<ref>{{Harvnb|Paavolainen|1971}}, {{Harvnb|Eerola|Eerola|1998|pp=114, 121, 123}}, {{Harvnb|Westerlund|2004a|pp=115–150}}, {{Harvnb|Suodenjoki|2009b|pp=335–355}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}, {{Harvnb|Hoppu|Nieminen|Tukkinen|2018|pp=9, 163, 254, 279}}</ref> In the prisons the dead  were buried in [[mass graves]] near the camps, e.g. the large grave located in the [[Kalevankangas Cemetery]] with around 2,500 victims.<ref>[https://yle.fi/uutiset/3-12191163 YLE: 2 500 tuntematonta suomalaista vainajaa on levännyt joukkohaudassa yli sata vuotta – tämä heistä tiedetään nyt] (in Finnish)</ref>

Most prisoners were paroled or pardoned by the end of 1918, after a shift in the political situation. There were 6,100 Red prisoners left at the end of the year and 4,000 at the end of 1919. In January 1920, 3,000 prisoners were pardoned and civil rights were returned to 40,000 former Reds. In 1927, the Social Democratic Party government led by [[Väinö Tanner]] pardoned the last 50 prisoners. The Finnish government paid [[Reparation (legal)|reparations]] to 11,600 prisoners in 1973. The traumatic hardships of the prison camps increased support for communism in Finland.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1973|pp=105–142}}, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=447–481}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|Hentilä|Nevakivi|1999|p=112}}, {{Harvnb|Suodenjoki|2009b|pp=335–355}}, {{Harvnb|Saarela|2014|pp=331–363}}</ref>

===War-torn nation===
[[File:Kuollut poika kadulla Tampereen taistelun jälkeen (26936607506).jpg|thumb|right|upright|The body of a young boy on Suvantokatu near the intersection of [[Aleksanterinkatu (Tampere)|Aleksanterinkatu]] after the [[Battle of Tampere]].]]
The Civil War was a catastrophe for Finland: around 35,000 people – 1.2 per cent of the population – perished. The war left approximately 15,000 children orphaned. Most of the casualties occurred outside the battlefields: in the prison camps and the terror campaigns. Many Reds fled to Russia at the end of the war and during the period that followed. The fear, bitterness and trauma caused by the war deepened the divisions within Finnish society and many moderate Finns identified themselves as "citizens of two nations."<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=447–481}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=9–13, 212–217}}, {{Harvnb|Peltonen|2003|pp=9–24, 214–220, 307–325}}, [http://vesta.narc.fi/cgi-bin/db2www/sotasurmaetusivu/stat2 National Archive of Finland 2004] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150310022523/http://vesta.narc.fi/cgi-bin/db2www/sotasurmaetusivu/stat2 |date=10 March 2015 }},{{Harvnb|Tikka|2006|pp=32–38, 209–223}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|Tikka|2013|pp=72–84}}, {{Harvnb|Tikka|2014|pp=90–118}}</ref> During the war and after that, the warring sides have been derogatively referred to as "[[butcher]]s" (for Whites; {{langx|fi|lahtari}}) and "red russkies" (for Reds; {{langx|fi|punikki}} or ''punaryssä'') or just "commies".<ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/339511181_Public_memory_National_Heritage_and_memorialization_of_the_1918_Finnish_Civil_War Oula Seitsonen, Paul R. Mullins & Timo Ylimaunu: ''Public memory, National Heritage, and memorialization of the 1918 Finnish Civil War'']. ''World Archaeology'', Routledge Taylor & Francis Group.</ref>

Together with the Great Famines of 1695-1697 and 1867-1868 the civil war is among the most devastating internal events in the Finns’ history. Although the [[human dignity]] of a single dead victim and the amount of family's sorrow and longing do not depend on the total scale of a catastrophy, the victim numbers, both as absolute values and proportion of the population in the historical time were higher in the Famines. Yet, the mental burden of the civil war was heavy due to the traumas caused by the political terror and the prison camps for the Reds, and the serious breakdown of social cohesion in the society.<ref>{{Harvnb|Lappalainen|2012|pp=191-202}}, {{Harvnb|Voutilainen|2017|pp=25–44}}</ref>

In international comparisons the war was the most deadly civil conflict in the world relative to population per month until the [[Rwandan genocide|Rwandan genocide of 1994]], and is the most deadly to have happened in Europe.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Kidd |first=Colin |date=2019-05-01 |title=Upheaval by Jared Diamond review – how nations cope with crisis |url=https://www.theguardian.com/books/2019/may/01/upheaval-by-jared-diamond-review |access-date=2025-07-26 |work=The Guardian |language=en-GB |issn=0261-3077}}</ref>

Among the Reds in particular, the loss of the war caused such bitterness that some of those who fled behind the eastern border tried to carry out the [[Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim#The 1920 assassination attempt|assassination of General Mannerheim]] during a White Guard's victory parade of Tampere in 1920, with poor results.<ref>[http://www.mikkoporvali.fi/index.php?page=1038&lang=1 Mikko Porvali : Murhayritys joka jäi tekemättä] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231030132313/http://www.mikkoporvali.fi/index.php?page=1038&lang=1 |date=30 October 2023 }} (in Finnish)</ref><ref>[https://walkhelsinki.fi/mannerheimin-murhayrityksen-jalkinaytos-kaytiin-vallilassa/ Mannerheimin murhayrityksen jälkinäytös käytiin Vallilassa] (in Finnish)</ref>

The conflict caused disintegration within both socialist and non-socialist factions. The rightward shift of power caused a dispute between conservatives and liberals on the best system of government for Finland to adopt: the former demanded monarchy and restricted parliamentarianism; the latter demanded a democratic republic. Both sides justified their views on political and legal grounds. The monarchists leaned on the Swedish regime's 1772 monarchist constitution (accepted by Russia in 1809), belittled the Declaration of Independence of 1917, and proposed a modernised, monarchist constitution for Finland. The republicans argued that the 1772 law lost validity in the February Revolution, that the authority of the Russian tsar was assumed by the Finnish Parliament on 15 November 1917, and that the Republic of Finland had been adopted on 6 December that year. The republicans were able to halt the passage of the monarchists' proposal in Parliament. The royalists responded by applying the 1772 law to select a new monarch for the country without reference to Parliament.<ref>{{Harvnb|Vares|1998|pp=38–115, 199–261}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|2009|pp=376–394}}</ref>

The Finnish labour movement was divided into three parts: moderate social democrats in Finland; radical socialists in Finland; and communists in Soviet Russia. The [[Social Democratic Party of Finland|Social Democratic Party]] had its first official party meeting after the Civil War on 25 December 1918, at which the party proclaimed a commitment to parliamentary means and disavowed Bolshevism and communism. The leaders of Red Finland, who had fled to Russia, established the [[Communist Party of Finland]] (SKP) ({{langx|fi|Suomen kommunistinen puolue}}) in Moscow on 29 August 1918. After the power struggle of 1917 and the bloody civil war, the former Fennomans and the social democrats who had supported "ultra-democratic" means in Red Finland declared a commitment to revolutionary Bolshevism–communism and to the dictatorship of the proletariat, under the control of Lenin.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1973|pp=105–142}}, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=447–481}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=136, 149, 152, 159}}, {{Harvnb|Saarela|2014|pp=331–363}}</ref> Between the party's creation in 1918 and its official banning in 1930, the Social Democracy Party opposed the activity of the SKP while the Communists influenced socialist and agrarian parliamentary groups.<ref>{{Harvnb|Hodgson|1970|pp=74}}</ref> In January 1922, the [[Socialist Workers' Party of Finland]] (SSTP), a group of communists and other far-left socialists, had members of its executive committee arrested and later several hundred other members, including members of Parliament arrested in August 1923. In 1925, those arrested were convicted of plotting and assisting treason against the state.<ref>{{Harvnb|Hodgson|1970|pp=72–73}}</ref> In December 1929, Parliament passed bills that further deprived the party of political rights and by November 1930, the party was officially illegal,<ref>{{Harvnb|Hodgson|1970|pp=75}}</ref> a policy that would remain until the [[Moscow Armistice|1944 Moscow Armistice]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Hodgson|1970|pp=79}}</ref>

[[File:Rump Parliament.jpg|thumb|The [[Rump legislature|Rump Parliament]] of Finland, Helsinki 1918. German army officers stand in the left corner. Social Democrat [[Matti Paasivuori]] is on the right, representing Finnish socialists alone.|alt= Parliament is convening for the first time after the war. White and German soldiers dominate the picture while only one person from the opposition social democrats is present. Thus, it was sarcastically called a Rump Parliament.]]

In May 1918, a conservative-monarchist Senate was formed by [[Juho Kusti Paasikivi|J. K. Paasikivi]], and the Senate asked the German troops to remain in Finland. 3 March 1918 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and 7 March [[Finno-German peace treaty|German-Finnish agreements]] bound White Finland to the German Empire's sphere of influence. General Mannerheim resigned his post on 25 May after disagreements with the Senate about German hegemony over Finland, and about his planned attack on Petrograd to repulse the Bolsheviks and capture Russian Karelia. The Germans opposed these plans due to their peace treaties with Lenin. The Civil War weakened the Finnish Parliament; it became a Rump Parliament that included only three socialist representatives.<ref>An additional German–Russian treaty was signed on 27 August 1918: the Germans promised to keep the Finnish troops out of Petrograd and Russian Karelia but planned an attack of a joint Bolshevik-White Finnish military formation against the British troops. At the same time, the anticipated collapse of the weak Bolsheviks in the Russian Civil War led to the German ''Schlussstein'' plan to seize Petrograd. {{Harvnb|Rautkallio|1977|pp=377–390}}, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=460–481}}, {{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=8–18, 87–92}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=136}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|1998|pp=122–129}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|Hentilä|Nevakivi|1999|pp=121}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=190–191}}, {{Harvnb|Kolbe|Nyström|2008|pp=144–147}}, {{Harvnb|Roselius|2014|pp=119–155}}, {{Harvnb|Hentilä|Hentilä|2016|pp=210–215, 300–310}}</ref>

On 9 October 1918, under pressure from Germany, the Senate and Parliament elected a German prince, [[Prince Frederick Charles of Hesse|Friedrich Karl]], the brother-in-law of German Emperor [[William II, German Emperor|William II]], to become the King of Finland. The German leadership was able to utilise the breakdown of Russia for the geopolitical benefit of the German Empire in Fennoscandia also. The Civil War and the aftermath diminished independence of Finland, compared to the status it had held at the turn of the year 1917–1918.<ref>{{Harvnb|Rautkallio|1977|pp=377–390}}, {{Harvnb|Arimo|1991|pp=8–18, 87–92}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=152}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|1998|pp=199–261}}, {{Harvnb|Jussila|2007|pp=190–191, 276–291}}, {{Harvnb|Hentilä|Hentilä|2016|pp=197–203, 287–300}}</ref>

The economic condition of Finland deteriorated drastically from 1918; recovery to pre-conflict levels was achieved only in 1925. The most acute crisis was in food supply, already deficient in 1917, though large-scale starvation had been avoided that year. The Civil War caused marked starvation in southern Finland. Late in 1918, Finnish politician [[Rudolf Holsti]] appealed for relief to [[Herbert Hoover]], the American chairman of the [[Committee for Relief in Belgium]]. Hoover arranged for the delivery of food shipments and persuaded the Allies to relax their blockade of the [[Baltic Sea]], which had obstructed food supplies to Finland, and to allow food into the country.<ref>The Finnish economy grew exceptionally fast between 1924 and 1939 despite a slow-down during the depression of 1929–1931, substantially enhancing the standard of living of the majority of Finns, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|p=157}}, {{Harvnb|Pietiäinen|1992|pp=252–403}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=9–13, 212–217}}, {{Harvnb|Saarikoski|2008|pp=115–131}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2014|pp=51–89}}</ref>

===Compromise===
[[File:Avtäckning av frihetsstatyn 1938-07-09.jpg|thumb|Unveiling of [[Statue of Liberty (Finland)|Finland's Statue of Liberty]] in [[Vaasa]] on 9 July 1938, 20 years after the Civil War.]]
On 15 March 1917, the fate of Finns had been decided outside Finland, in Petrograd. On 11 November 1918, the future of the nation was determined in Berlin, as a result of Germany's surrender to end World War I. The German Empire collapsed in the [[German Revolution of 1918–1919]], caused by lack of food, war-weariness and defeat in the battles of the Western Front. General Rüdiger von der Goltz and his division left Helsinki on 16 December 1918, and Prince Friedrich Karl, who had not yet been crowned, abandoned his role four days later. Finland's status shifted from a monarchist protectorate of the German Empire to an independent republic. The new system of government was confirmed by the [[Constitution of Finland|Constitution Act]] ({{Langx|fi|Suomen hallitusmuoto}}; {{Langx|sv|regeringsform för Finland}}) on 17 July 1919.<ref>In terms of dates in history, Finnish independence symbolically formed a triangle composed of 15 November 1917, 6 December 1917 and 11 November 1918, {{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=447–481}}, {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=67, 73, 154, 171}}, {{Harvnb|Jyränki|2014|pp=18–38}}, {{Harvnb|Hentilä|Hentilä|2016|pp=11–14, 323–344}}</ref>

The first local elections based on universal suffrage in Finland were held during 17–28 December 1918, and the first free parliamentary election took place after the Civil War on 3 March 1919. The United States and the United Kingdom recognised Finnish sovereignty on 6–7 May 1919. The Western powers demanded the establishment of democratic republics in post-war Europe, to lure the masses away from widespread revolutionary movements. The Finno–Russian [[Treaty of Tartu (Russian-Finnish)|Treaty of Tartu]] was signed on 14 October 1920, with the aim of stabilizing political relations between Finland and Russia and settling the border question.<ref>From the 1920s onwards, Finland gradually became a subject in international politics, instead of merely being an object. {{Harvnb|Keränen|Tiainen|Ahola|Ahola|1992|pp=154, 171}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=243–256}}, {{Harvnb|Kalela|2008c|pp=95–109}}, {{Harvnb|Kuisma|2010|pp=231–250}}</ref>

In April 1918, the leading Finnish social liberal and the eventual first President of Finland, [[Kaarlo Juho Ståhlberg]] wrote: "It is urgent to get the life and development in this country back on the path that we had already reached in 1906 and which the turmoil of war turned us away from." Moderate social democrat [[Väinö Voionmaa]] agonised in 1919: "Those who still trust in the future of this nation must have an exceptionally strong faith. This young independent country has lost almost everything due to the war." Voionmaa was a vital companion for the leader of the reformed Social Democratic Party, Väinö Tanner.<ref>{{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=223–225, 243, 249}}</ref>

[[Santeri Alkio]] supported moderate politics. His party colleague, [[Kyösti Kallio]] urged in his [[Nivala]] address of 5 May 1918: "We must rebuild a Finnish nation, which is not divided into the Reds and Whites. We have to establish a democratic Finnish republic, where all the Finns can feel that we are true citizens and members of this society." In the end, many of the moderate Finnish conservatives followed the thinking of [[National Coalition Party]] member [[Lauri Ingman]], who wrote in early 1918: "A political turn more to the right will not help us now, instead it would strengthen the support of socialism in this country."<ref>Ståhlberg, Ingman, Tokoi and [[Heikki Ritavuori]] as well as Matti Paasivuori and [[Miina Sillanpää]], along with other moderate female politicians, had tried to avoid civil war in January 1918, with a proposal for a new Senate, including both non-socialist and socialist members, but were overruled. {{Harvnb|Hokkanen|1986}}, {{Harvnb|Rinta-Tassi|1986|pp=121–141}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=223–225, 243, 249}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|1998|pp=58, 96–99}}, {{Harvnb|Korppi-Tommola|2016|pp=99–102}}</ref>

Together with other broad-minded Finns, the new partnership constructed a Finnish compromise which eventually delivered a stable and broad parliamentary democracy. The compromise was based both on the defeat of the Reds in the Civil War and the fact that most of the Whites' political goals had not been achieved. After foreign forces left Finland, the militant factions of the Reds and the Whites lost their backing, while the pre-1918 cultural and national integrity and the legacy of Fennomania stood out among the Finns. Furthermore, it has been estimated, that around one million Finns of the total population of three million had been more or less involved in the civil war. Thus, probably the "silent" majority of the nation had supported peacefull means to solve the political problems raised in 1917. After the conflict this may have been among the important factors in terms of reaching the social compromises and the return to peace in the society.<ref>{{Harvnb|Upton|1981|pp=480–481}}, {{Harvnb|Piilonen|1992|pp=228–249}}, {{Harvnb|Manninen|1993b|pp=96–177}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=97–99, 243–256}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2008|pp=255–261}},{{Harvnb|Haapala|2009a|pp=395–404}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2009b|pp=17–23}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|2009|pp=376–394}}, {{Harvnb|Meinander|2010|pp=174–182}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

The crucial foreign political factor was the weakness of both Germany and Russia after World War I. It empowered Finland and made a more balanced domestic Finnish social and political settlement possible. A reconciliation process led to a slow and painful, but steady, national unification. In the end, the power vacuum and [[interregnum]] of 1917–1919 gave way to the Finnish compromise. From 1919 to the present, the democracy and sovereignty of the Finns withstood challenges from right-wing and left-wing political radicalism, the [[Winter War|Soviet invasion of 1939]] and the other crisis of World War II (originated from the [[Molotov-Ribbentrop pact]] 1939), [[Finlandization|pressure from the Soviet Union]] during the [[Cold War]] and threat of Russia in ''Bellum Russica'' since 2014.<ref>The Civil War slowed down and interfered with the Finnish modernisation process, which had been ongoing since the end of the nineteenth century as an interaction between industrialisation, [[constitutional state]] formation and democratisation, as well as in the formation of civil society and national independence. The process did not follow any long-term grand plan made by the Finns. Instead, it was the result of reactions and short-term solutions to domestic and international economic, political and social questions and problems, in the context of the long-term history, structure and the way of life of the northern society formed between western and eastern Europe. {{Harvnb|Piilonen|1992|pp=228–249}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|1995|pp=97–99, 243–256}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2008|pp=255–261}}, {{Harvnb|Saarikoski|2008|pp=115–131}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2009a|pp=395–404}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2009b|pp=17–23}}, {{Harvnb|Siltala|2009|pp=523–535}}, {{Harvnb|Vares|2009|pp=376–394}}, {{Harvnb|Haapala|2014|pp=21–50}}</ref>

==In popular culture==
[[File:German Finnish Civil War memorial - Old Church Park - Helsinki - DSC03783.JPG|thumb|Memorial to German troops who died in [[Battle of Helsinki]], located near [[Helsinki Old Church]].<ref>{{Cite web |title=Saksalaisten sotilaiden hauta / German soldiers' grave |url=https://www.hamhelsinki.fi/en/sculptures/saksalaisten-sotilaiden-hauta-german-soldiers-grave/ |access-date=2024-12-26 |website=HAM |language=en-US}}</ref>]]
[[File:Pohjois-Haagan veljeshauta.jpg|thumb|A mass grave for Red soldiers and civilians in [[Pohjois-Haaga|North Haaga]], Helsinki<ref>According to a tale that is probably incorrect, Estonian Vice-Prime Minister [[Jüri Vilms]] was executed by the Germans in Helsinki and buried in the tomb. {{Harvnb|Kuusela|2015|pp=42–43}}</ref>|alt=A modest tombstone, with flowers in front of it and an iron fence surrounding it is the gravesite for Red soldiers and civilians in Helsinki.]]
[[File:Rauma Red Guard Memorial (02).jpg|thumb|Memorial at mass grave of Red Guards who died in the Finnish Civil War, in [[Rauma, Finland|Rauma]]. The monument was erected in 1946.]]
[[File:Vakaumuksensa puolesta kuolleitten muistomerkki Näsinmäki 2.jpg|thumb|Memorial at mass grave of Red Guards who died in the Finnish Civil War, in [[Porvoo]].]]

===Literature===
Despite the fact that the Civil War was one of the most sensitive and controversial topics more than a hundred years later in Finland,<ref>[https://www.is.fi/paakirjoitus/art-2000005492424.html Pääkirjoitus: Kansalaissota on arka muistettava] (in Finnish)</ref><ref>[https://yle.fi/uutiset/3-8831374 Punaisten ja valkoisten perintöä vaalitaan yhä – Suomalaiset lähettivät yli 400 muistoa vuoden 1918 sisällissodasta] (in Finnish)</ref> still between 1918 and the 1950s, mainstream literature and poetry presented the 1918 war from the White victors' point of view, with works such as the "Psalm of the Cannons" ({{langx|fi|Tykkien virsi}}) by {{ill|Arvi Järventaus|fi|Arvi Järventaus}} in 1918. In poetry, [[Bertel Gripenberg]], who had volunteered for the White Army, celebrated its cause in "The Great Age" ({{Langx|sv|Den stora tiden}}) in 1928 and [[V. A. Koskenniemi]] in "Young Anthony" ({{Langx|fi|Nuori Anssi}}) in 1918. The war tales of the Reds were kept silent.<ref>{{Harvnb|Varpio|2009|pp=441–463}}, {{Harvnb|Tepora|2014|pp=390–400}}</ref>

The first neutrally critical books were written soon after the war, notably, "{{ill|Devout Misery|fi|Hurskas kurjuus}}" ({{Langx|fi|Hurskas kurjuus}}) written by the [[Nobel Prize in Literature|Nobel Prize laureate]] [[Frans Emil Sillanpää]] in 1919; "Dead Apple Trees" ({{Langx|fi|Kuolleet omenapuut}}) by [[Joel Lehtonen]] in 1918; and "Homecoming" ({{Langx|sv|Hemkomsten}}) by [[Runar Schildt]] in 1919. These were followed by [[Jarl Hemmer]] in 1931 with the book "A Man and His Conscience" ({{Langx|sv|En man och hans samvete}}) and [[Oiva Paloheimo]] in 1942 with "Restless Childhood" ({{Langx|fi|Levoton lapsuus}}). [[Lauri Viita|Lauri Viita's]] book "{{ill|Scrambled Ground|fi|Moreeni (kirja)}}" ({{Langx|fi|Moreeni}}) from 1950 presented the life and experiences of a worker family in the Tampere of 1918, including a point of view from outsiders to the Civil War.<ref>Runar Schildt committed suicide in 1925, partly due to the Civil War. In 1920, he wrote: "The bugle will not call me and the people of my kind to assemble. We have no place in the White and Red Guards of this life. No fanatic war-cry, no place in the column, no permanent place to stay, no peace of mind. Not for us", {{Harvnb|von Bagh|2007|pp=15–55}}, {{Harvnb|Varpio|2009|pp=441–463}}, {{Harvnb|Tepora|2014|pp=390–400}}, {{Harvnb|Häggman|2017|pp=157–217}}</ref>

Between 1959 and 1962, [[Väinö Linna]] described in his trilogy "[[Under the North Star]]" ({{Langx|fi|Täällä Pohjantähden alla}}) the Civil War and World War II from the viewpoint of the common people. Part II of Linna's work opened a larger view of these events and included tales of the Reds in the 1918 war. At the same time, a new outlook on the war was opened by [[Paavo Haavikko|Paavo Haavikko's]] book "Private Matters" ({{Langx|fi|Yksityisiä asioita}}), [[Veijo Meri]]'s "The Events of 1918" ({{Langx|fi|Vuoden 1918 tapahtumat}}) and [[Paavo Rintala]]'s "My Grandmother and Mannerheim" ({{Langx|fi|Mummoni ja Mannerheim}}), all published in 1960. In poetry, [[Viljo Kajava]], who had experienced the Battle of Tampere at the age of nine, presented a pacifist view of the Civil War in his "Poems of Tampere" ({{Langx|fi|Tampereen runot}}) in 1966. The same battle is described in the novel "Corpse Bearer" ({{Langx|fi|Kylmien kyytimies}}) by [[Antti Tuuri]] from 2007. The multilayered "Malmi 1917" (2013) by {{ill|Jenni Linturi|fi|Jenni Linturi}} describes contradictory emotions and attitudes in a village drifting towards civil war.<ref>The trilogy by Väinö Linna affected history research. While many Finns accepted Part II as "the historical truth" for the events of 1918, historians identified the book's distortions: the role of crofters is overemphasised and the role of social liberals and other moderate non-socialists is neglected, but this has not diminished the high value of the trilogy in Finnish literature. {{Harvnb|von Bagh|2007|pp=15–55}}, {{Harvnb|Varpio|2009|pp=441–463}}, {{Harvnb|Tepora|2014|pp=390–400}}, {{Harvnb|Helsingin Sanomat|2017|p=B6}}, {{Harvnb|Häggman|2017|pp=157–217}}</ref>

Väinö Linna's trilogy turned the general tide, and after it, several books were written mainly from the Red viewpoint: The Tampere-trilogy by {{ill|Erkki Lepokorpi|fi|Erkki Lepokorpi}} in 1977; "Juho 18" by {{ill|Juhani Syrjä|fi|Juhani Syrjä}} in 1998; "The Command" ({{Langx|fi|Käsky}}) by [[Leena Lander]] in 2003; and "Sandra" by {{ill|Heidi Köngäs|fi|Heidi Köngäs}} in 2017. [[Kjell Westö]]'s epic novel "[[Where We Once Went]]" ({{Langx|sv|Där vi en gång gått}}), published in 2006, deals with the period of 1915–1930 from both the Red and the White sides. Westö's book "Mirage 38" ({{Langx|sv|Hägring 38}}) from 2013, describes post-war traumas of the 1918 war and Finnish mentality in the 1930s. Many of the stories have been utilised in motion pictures and in theatre.<ref>{{Harvnb|von Bagh|2007|pp=15–55}}, {{Harvnb|Varpio|2009|pp=441–463}}, {{Harvnb|Tepora|2014|pp=390–400}}, {{Harvnb|Helsingin Sanomat|2017|p=B6}}</ref>

===Cinema and television===
The Civil War and the literature about it has inspired many Finnish filmmakers to take it the subject for the film and television adaptations. As early as 1957, ''[[1918 (1957 film)|1918]]'', a film directed by [[Toivo Särkkä]] and based on Jarl Hemmer's play and novel ''A Man and His Conscience'', was screened at the [[7th Berlin International Film Festival]].<ref>{{citation|url=https://www.filmaffinity.com/us/film949377.html |title=1918 |work=Film Affinity |access-date=5 May 2020}}</ref> The most recent films about the civil war include the 2007 film ''[[The Border (2007 film)|The Border]]'', directed by [[Lauri Törhönen]],<ref>{{Harvnb|Aro|2007}}, {{cite web|mode=cs2 |url=http://www.finland.org.ua/public/default.aspx?contentid=194231&nodeid=31712&contentlan=1&culture=fi-FI |title=Raja 1918-elokuva eurooppalaisilla elokuvafestivaaleilla |publisher=Embassy of Finland, Kiev |date=2010-06-08 |language=fi |access-date=3 September 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140315042151/http://www.finland.org.ua/public/default.aspx?contentid=194231&nodeid=31712&contentlan=1&culture=fi-FI |archive-date=2014-03-15}}</ref> and the 2008 film ''[[Tears of April]]'', directed by [[Aku Louhimies]] and based on Leena Lander's novel ''The Command''.<ref>{{citation |url=http://www.mtv3.fi/viihde/uutiset/elokuvat.shtml/686892/lehti-kasky-elokuvassa-miesten-valista-seksia |title=Lehti: Käsky-elokuvassa miesten välistä seksiä |date=13 August 2008 |work=MTV3.fi |language=fi |access-date=23 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110916225732/http://www.mtv3.fi/viihde/uutiset/elokuvat.shtml/686892/lehti-kasky-elokuvassa-miesten-valista-seksia |archive-date=2011-09-16}}</ref> However, perhaps the most famous film about the Finnish Civil War is the 1968 film ''[[Here, Beneath the North Star]]'', directed by [[Edvin Laine]] and based on the first two books of Väinö Linna's ''Under the North Star'' trilogy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Larsen|2020|p=}}</ref>

In 2012, the [[dramatized]] [[documentary]] ''{{ill|Dead or Alive 1918|fi|Taistelu Näsilinnasta 1918}}'' (or ''The Battle of Näsilinna 1918''; {{langx|fi|Taistelu Näsilinnasta 1918}}) was made, which tells the story of the [[Battle of Tampere]] during the Civil War.<ref>{{citation| url =http://www.dvdcompare.net/comparisons/film.php?fid=51990| title=Dead or Alive 1918 AKA Taistelu Näsilinnasta 1918 AKA The Battle of Näsilinna 1918 (2012)|work=Rewind DVDCompare|date=2019-10-24}}</ref> Other noteworthy documentary-styled films about the Finnish Civil War include ''{{ill|The Mommila Murders|fi|Mommilan veriteot 1917}}'' from 1973, ''[[Trust (1976 film)|Trust]]'' from 1976, and ''[[Flame Top]]'' from 1980.<ref>{{Harvnb|Laitamo|1997}}</ref>

===Games===
In 2020, [[GMT Games]] released a [[wargame|strategy-based board game]] entitled ''All Bridges Burning: Red Revolt and White Guard in Finland, 1917-18'' in the tenth volume of their [[COIN (board game)|COIN]] series, which emulated the conflict of the civil war.<ref>{{cite web |last1=L. |first1=Bertrand |title=All Bridges Burning |url=https://www.wargamer.fr/all-bridges-burning/ |website=Gazette du wargamer |access-date=4 March 2023 |language=fr |date=15 November 2020}}</ref>

==See also==
{{Portal|Finland|History}}
{{div col|colwidth=}}
* [[Åland War]]
* [[Aarne Arvonen]]
* [[Estonian War of Independence]]
* [[Finnish War]]
* [[History of Finland]]
* [[Kagal (Finnish resistance movement)]]
* [[List of Finnish wars]]
* [[Lotta Svärd]]
* [[Mensheviks]]
* [[Ukrainian War of Independence]]
* [[Winter War]]
{{div col end}}

==References==
===Notes===
{{notelist}}

===Citations===
{{reflist|30em}}

==Bibliography==
{{Refbegin|colwidth=30em}}

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===Finnish===
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{{Refend}}

==External links==
{{Commons category|Civil war of Finland}}
* Tepora, Tuomas: [https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/article/finnish_civil_war_1918 Finnish Civil War 1918], in: [https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/home/ 1914-1918-online. ''International Encyclopedia of the First World War''].
* Jalonen, Jussi: [https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/article/tampere_battle_of Tampere, Battle of], in: [https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/home/ 1914-1918-online. ''International Encyclopedia of the First World War''].
* [https://www.flickr.com/photos/vapriikki/albums/72157668009883972 1918] (pictures of the Civil War on [[Flickr]] uploaded by the [[Vapriikki Museum Centre]] under [[CC-BY 2.0]])
* [https://finna.fi/?lng=en-gb Finna.fi] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201021125732/https://finna.fi/?lng=en-gb |date=21 October 2020 }} (search service for information from Finnish archives, libraries and museums)
* [https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/article/finnish_civil_war_1918 Finnish Civil War 1918] (part of the 1914–1918 online International Encyclopedia of the First World War)
* [http://www.ethesis.net/finland/swf/start_here.html The Representation of Violence in the Finnish (press-) Photography of the Civil War] (requires an [[Adobe Flash]] player)
* [https://sotasurmat.narc.fi/fi/victims/faceted-search/table?page=0 Finnish War Victims 1914–22]
* [https://finlanddivided.wordpress.com/ Finland Divided: The Finnish Civil War 1918]

{{World War I}}
{{Finland topics}}
{{Finnish Defence Forces}}
{{Revolutions of 1917–1923}}
{{Russian Revolution 1917}}
{{Russian Conflicts}}
{{Authority control}}

[[Category:Finnish Civil War| ]]
[[Category:1918 in Finland]]
[[Category:Civil wars involving the states and peoples of Europe]]
[[Category:Civil wars of the 20th century]]
[[Category:Conflicts in 1918]]
[[Category:Democratization]]
[[Category:Finland–Russia relations]]
[[Category:Finland–Soviet Union relations]]
[[Category:Proxy wars]]
[[Category:Revolutions of 1917–1923]]
[[Category:Revolution-based civil wars]]
[[Category:Socialism in Finland]]
[[Category:Separatist rebellion-based civil wars]]
[[Category:Subsidiary conflicts of World War I]]
[[Category:Wars involving Finland]]
[[Category:Wars involving Germany]]
[[Category:Wars involving the United Kingdom]]