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'''Canadian identity''' refers to the unique culture, characteristics and condition of being Canadian, as well as the many symbols and expressions that set [[Canada]] and Canadians apart from other peoples and cultures of the world. Changes in demographics, history, and social interactions have led to alterations in the Canadian identity over time. This identity is not fixed; as [[Canadian values]] evolve they impact Canadians' social integration, civic engagement, and connections with one another.<ref name="l552">{{cite web | title=Canadian Identity, 2013 | website=Statistics Canada | date=2015-10-01 | url=https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-652-x/89-652-x2015005-eng.htm#a2 | access-date=2025-01-19}}</ref> 

The question of Canadian identity was traditionally dominated by two fundamental themes: first, the often conflicted relationship between [[English Canadians]] and [[French Canadians]], stemming from the [[Francophone]] imperative for cultural and linguistic survival; secondly, the close ties between English Canadians and the [[British Empire]], and the gradual political process towards complete independence from the "[[mother country]]". As political ties between Canada and the British Empire weakened, immigrants from various regions shaped Canadian identity.<ref>John Ralston Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin: Canada at the End of the 20th Century,'' Toronto: Viking Canada, 1997, p. 439</ref><ref>[[Philip Resnick]], ''The European Roots of Canadian Identity'', Peterborough: Broadview Press Ltd, 2005 p. 63</ref><ref>Roy McGregor, ''Canadians: A Portrait of a Country and Its People'', Toronto: Viking Canada, 2007</ref>

Despite efforts, Canadians have never been able to agree on a cohesive image of their country. The notions of Canadian identity have oscillated between oneness and plurality, emphasizing either a single Canada or multiple nations. Modern Canadian identity is characterized by both unity and plurality. This pluralist approach is to find common ground and evaluate identity through regional, ethnic (including immigrants), religious and political debate.<ref name="h751">{{cite web | title=Canadian Identity | website=The Canadian Encyclopedia | date=1981-11-16 | url=https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/canadian-identity | access-date=2025-01-19}}</ref> [[Richard Gwyn (Canadian writer)|Richard Gwyn]] has suggested that "tolerance" has replaced "loyalty" as the touchstone of Canadian identity.<ref name="Gwyn2008b">{{cite book|first=Richard J.|last=Gwyn|title=John A: The Man Who Made Us|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xN7jXe0H5FwC&pg=PA265|year= 2008|publisher=Random House Digital, Inc.|isbn=978-0-679-31476-9|page=265}}</ref> Canadian Prime Ministers and journalists have defined the country as a [[Postnationalism|postnational state]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Foran |first=Charles |date=2017-01-04 |title=The Canada experiment: is this the world's first 'postnational' country?|work=The Guardian |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jan/04/the-canada-experiment-is-this-the-worlds-first-postnational-country |access-date=2023-12-04 |issn=0261-3077}}</ref><ref name="MobleyLi2012a">{{cite book |author1=William H. Mobley |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cagqsahg1c8C&pg=PA307 |title=Advances in Global Leadership |author2=Ming Li |author3=Ying Wang |publisher=Emerald Group Publishing |year=2012 |isbn=978-1-78052-003-2 |page=307}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/the-death-of-the-laurentian-consensus-and-what-it-says-about-canada/article4403773/|title=The death of the Laurentian consensus and what it says about Canada|access-date=2019-12-08}}</ref>

Today, Canada is a [[Multiculturalism in Canada|multicultural society]]  and has [[Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|constitutional protection]] for policies that promote multiculturalism in lieu of a monolithic national myth based on any single ethnicity or language.<ref>Saul,''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'' p. 8.</ref> In 2015, nearly nine in ten (87%) Canadians were proud to identify as Canadian, with over half (61%) expressing they were very proud.<ref name="d680"/> Canadians identify with the country's [[Healthcare in Canada|institutions of health care]], [[Canadian peacekeeping|military peacekeeping]],  the [[National Parks of Canada|national park system]],  and the ''[[Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms]]''.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.queensu.ca/cora/_files/fc2010report.pdf |title=Focus Canada (Final Report) |publisher=Queen's University |date=2010 |author=The Environics Institute |page=4 (PDF page 8) |access-date=December 12, 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160204231952/http://www.queensu.ca/cora/_files/fc2010report.pdf |archive-date=February 4, 2016 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.nanosresearch.com/sites/default/files/POLNAT-S15-T705.pdf |title=Exploring Canadian values |date=October 2016 |publisher=Nanos Research |access-date=February 1, 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170405113447/http://nanosresearch.com/sites/default/files/POLNAT-S15-T705.pdf |archive-date=April 5, 2017 |url-status=dead }}</ref>  More than 90 per cent of polled Canadians believed that the ''Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms''  and the [[Flag of Canada|national flag]] were the top symbols of Canadian identity. Next highest were the [[O Canada|national anthem]],  the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police]], and [[ice hockey]].<ref>{{cite web|title = The Daily — Canadian identity, 2013|url = http://www.statcan.gc.ca/daily-quotidien/151001/dq151001a-eng.htm|website = www.statcan.gc.ca|date = October 2015|access-date = 2015-10-01}}</ref>

==Surveys== 
{{See|Canadian values#Surveys}}
===Statistics Canada===

The national identity has changed over time due to demographic shifts, historical events, and social relationships. It is not fixed but evolves, influencing social integration, civic engagement, and relationships among Canadians. The General Social Survey (GSS) in 2013 by [[Statistics Canada]] collected data on national identity, including perceptions of [[National symbols of Canada|national symbols]], shared values, and pride in Canadian achievements. The findings reveal that views on Canadian identity vary significantly across [[List of regions of Canada|different regions]] and [[demographics of Canada |demographics]].<ref name="j676">{{cite web | title=Canadian Identity, 2013 | website=Statistics Canada | date=2015-10-01 | url=https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-652-x/89-652-x2015005-eng.htm | access-date=2025-03-02}}</ref> 

National symbols are important representations of identity, positively affecting emotional attachment to the country. In the GSS, Canadians rated the [[Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Charter of Rights and Freedoms]] and the [[Flag of Canada|national flag]] as the top symbols, with over 90% recognizing their importance. Other symbols included the national anthem and the RCMP, while [[Ice hockey|hockey]] was considered less significant. Perceptions of these symbols differed by age, gender, region, and [[education in Canada |education level]]. For instance, seniors believed in the importance of the national anthem and flag more strongly than younger people, who rated the Charter higher. Women were generally more likely to view national symbols as important, except for hockey, which men valued more.<ref name="j676"/> 

Regional differences were also notable. Residents in [[Newfoundland and Labrador]] placed high importance on national symbols, while [[Québécois people|Quebecers]] had lower perceptions of their significance, with only a third considering them very important. Among different demographic groups, [[Higher education in Canada|university-educated Canadian]]s saw the Charter as the most crucial symbol, while overall, Canadians with lower education levels appreciated the Charter and the national flag equally. Household income had little effect on views about national symbols, though higher-income individuals valued hockey more.<ref name="j676"/> 

Immigrants and [[Visible minority|visible minorities]] held national symbols in high regard, particularly the national anthem. [[Indigenous peoples in Canada|Indigenous people's]] perceptions of national symbols were more favorable compared to non-Indigenous Canadians, and they particularly valued the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] and hockey.<ref name="j676"/>

The GSS also explored shared values as essential components of Canada's identity. Most Canadians believed that values like [[human rights in Canada |human rights]], respect [[Law of Canada|for the law]], and [[Women and Gender Equality Canada|gender equality]] were widely shared in the community. However, respect for Indigenous culture and [[Official bilingualism in Canada|linguistic duality]] received less strong collective belief. Regional variances showed that [[Ontario|Ontarians]] were most likely to assert that Canadians shared these values, while residents of [[Saskatchewan]] and Quebec were less likely to express such views.<ref name="j676"/> 

Nearly nine in ten (87%) Canadians were proud to identify as Canadian, with over half (61%) expressing they were very proud. The highest pride levels were for [[History of Canada|Canadian history]] (70%), the [[Canadian Armed Forces|armed forces]] (64%), the [[Healthcare in Canada|health care system]] (64%), and the [[Constitution of Canada|Constitution]] (63%). However, pride in Canada’s political influence was lower at 46%. Outside Quebec, pride ranged from 91% in British Columbia to 94% in Prince Edward Island, while 70% of Quebec residents felt proud. Seniors and women showed the most pride, especially among first- and second-generation immigrants, who valued both Canadian identity and achievements.<ref name="d680">{{cite web | title=Highlights | website=Statistics Canada | date=2015-10-01 | url=https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-652-x/2015005/hl-fs-eng.htm | access-date=2025-03-02}} Text was copied from this source, which is available under the [https://www.statcan.gc.ca/en/reference/copyright Statistics Canada Open Licence]</ref>

===Brian Mulroney Institute of Government===
According to the  "Confederation of Tomorrow 2024 Survey of Canadians" by [[St. Francis Xavier University]], most Canadians experience a bond with both Canada and their respective province or territory. Indigenous Peoples in Canada similarly exhibit a connection to their communities and Canada, with these affiliations frequently intertwined. In Quebec, Newfoundland and Labrador, along with the [[Provinces and territories of Canada|three territories]], the populace generally demonstrates a stronger allegiance to their province or territory compared to Canada. Older Canadians typically exhibit a greater bond with Canada than their younger counterparts, a trend that is also observed regarding attachments to provinces, particularly in Quebec and the [[Canadian Prairies|Prairie regions]].<ref name="b409">{{cite web | title=The Confederation of Tomorrow 2024 Survey of Canadians: Attachment and Identity in the Canadian Federation | website=The Brian Mulroney Institute of Government | date=2024-07-05 | url=https://www.mulroneyinstitute.ca/special-publications/confederation-of-tomorrow-2024-survey-of-canadians-attachment-dentity-in-canadian-federation | access-date=2025-03-02}}</ref>

Across the nation, a majority identify as both Canadian and as residents of their province. In Quebec and Newfoundland and Labrador, a greater number of individuals primarily associate with their province rather than Canada. Since 2019, there has been a decline in those identifying mainly with their province in most regions, notably in Newfoundland and Labrador, where identification as Canadian has markedly increased. The majority of Indigenous Peoples convey a composite identity.<ref name="b409"/>

Half of [[First Nations in Canada|First Nations]] individuals residing on reserves identify exclusively as Indigenous. Numerous Canadians esteem the expression of their cultural identity and believe they have sufficient opportunities to do so, although some feel compelled to suppress it. [[Geographical distribution of French speakers|Francophones]] in Quebec and Indigenous Peoples are especially inclined to emphasize the significance of cultural expression for their well-being, yet they perceive themselves as less respected. Recent immigrants and Indigenous Peoples report heightened pressure to minimize their identities, with younger Canadians experiencing this coercion more acutely than older individuals, particularly among immigrant and Indigenous communities.<ref name="b409"/>

===Angus Reid Institute===
A 2016 opinion poll carried out by the [[Angus Reid (entrepreneur)|Angus Reid Institute]] and the [[Canadian Broadcasting Corporation]] indicates there is transformations in values, beliefs, and identity among Canadians. The research also uncovers divisions on crucial issues such as respect, fairness, national pride, and aspirations for the future, indicating a shift in the demographics of those who feel marginalized.<ref name="c909">{{cite web | last=Reid | first=Angus | title=What makes us Canadian? A study of values, beliefs, priorities and identity | website=ARI | date=2016-10-04 | url=https://angusreid.org/canada-values/ | access-date=2025-03-02}}</ref>
 
While 73% of individuals aged over 65 report a strong connection to the country, this percentage declines to merely 45% among those aged 18-24. Moreover, despite celebrating diversity, 68% of Canadians are of the view that minorities ought to take greater steps towards assimilating into the dominant culture. Residents of Quebec generally maintain that their province will remain a part of Canada, although there exists some friction with other areas, particularly [[Alberta]]. <ref name="c909"/>
 
Approximately 64% of Canadians express satisfaction with the nation’s current status, a percentage that surpasses those of many other countries. While 62% declare a profound emotional connection to Canada, this sentiment is considerably less pronounced among participants from Quebec. Overall, 79% of Canadians report feelings of pride in their nationality, although individuals from Quebec demonstrate somewhat lower levels of pride.<ref name="c909"/>
 
Concerning Canada’s global standing, Canadians predominantly hold a positive view, with nearly 80% believing that the country enjoys a favorable international reputation. The change in governmental leadership in Canada has also influenced national sentiment, fostering a more optimistic atmosphere alongside significant initiatives such as the acceptance of [[Refugees of the Syrian civil war|Syrian refugees]].<ref name="c909"/> 
 
Regarding quality of life, approximately 80% of Canadians express satisfaction. Nevertheless, their perceptions regarding the prospects for future generations are less optimistic. Canadians express a strong sense of collective identity, with 89% indicating they feel as Canadian as anyone else. There is also a broad agreement that values are waning, with many expressing the belief that influencing political decisions is increasingly challenging.<ref name="c909"/>
 
On social and economic matters, Canadians concur on several issues; however, divergent opinions emerge concerning immigration and multiculturalism. While approximately two-thirds are pleased with the integration process of newcomers into communities, many insist that minorities ought to conform more closely to mainstream cultural practices instead of preserving their own traditions and languages.<ref name="c909"/> 
 
Economic inequalities catalyze varying opinions among provinces regarding contributions to national revenue. Satisfaction with job availability varies; regions affected by the downturn in oil markets, such as Alberta and [[Atlantic Canada|Atlantic Canad]]a, display lower satisfaction levels in comparison to Quebec and [[Manitoba]]. Canadians are divided on the role of government in the economy, with an equal number supporting [[free market]] policies as those advocating for increased regulation.<ref name="c909"/>
 
Significant discussions revolve around the balance between [[environmental issues in Canada |environmental issues]] and [[economic expansion]], particularly as they relate to sectors like [[Oil sands of Canada|oil sands in Alberta]]. Although many Canadians regard the [[Petroleum industry in Canada|oil industry]] as essential for economic prosperity, local perspectives on its environmental ramifications differ by region, resulting in polarized views across the nation.<ref name="c909"/>

==Basic models==
{{See|Monarchy of Canada#Significance to Canadian identity}}
[[File:United Empire Loyalist statue and plaque in Hamilton, Ontario.jpg|thumb|[[Sydney March|Sydney March's]] monument to the United Empire Loyalists in [[Hamilton, Ontario]]]]
In defining a Canadian identity, some distinctive characteristics that have been emphasized are:

#The [[biculturalism|bicultural]] nature of Canada; the important ways in which English–French and Protestant-Catholic relations have shaped the Canadian experience since the 1760s.<ref>"Biculturalism", [http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/biculturalism/ ''The Canadian Encyclopedia'' (2010) online]</ref>
#Canada's distinctive historical experience in resisting revolution and republicanism (in contrast to the United States) leading to a lesser societal emphasis on individualism and more support for [[communitarianism]] and government activism, such as [[wheat pools]] and the [[health care in Canada|health care system]].<ref name="Lipset 1990">Lipset (1990)</ref>
#The relationship to the [[Westminster parliamentary system]] and the [[United Kingdom law|British legal system]], the [[conservatism in Canada|toryism]] associated with the [[United Empire Loyalist|Loyalists]], and the pre-1960 French Canadians have given Canada its ongoing collective commitment to "[[peace, order, and good government]]".<ref name="Lipset 1990"/>
#The social structure of multiple ethnic groups living amongst each other whilst maintaining their identities, producing a "[[cultural mosaic]]" as opposed to a "[[melting pot]]".<ref>Magocsi, (1999)</ref>
#The influence of [[geography of Canada|geographical factors]] (vast area, coldness, [[nordicity|northness]]; [[Saint Lawrence River|St. Lawrence spine]]), together with the proximity of a [[global superpower]], have produced in the collective Canadian psyche what [[Northrop Frye]] has called the [[Garrison mentality|''garrison mind'' or ''siege mentality'']], and what novelist [[Margaret Atwood]] has argued is the Canadian preoccupation with ''survival''.<ref>Margaret Atwood, ''Survival: A Thematic Guide to Canadian Lieterature'', Toronto: House of Anansi Press Limited, p. 32.</ref> For [[Herschel Hardin]], because of the remarkable hold of the ''siege mentality'' and the concern with survival, Canada in its essentials is "a public enterprise country." According to Hardin, the "fundamental mode of Canadian life" has always been, "the un-American mechanism of redistribution as opposed to the mystic American mechanism of market rule." Most Canadians, in other words, whether on the right or left in politics, expect their governments to be actively involved in the economic and social life of the nation.<ref>The typology is based on George A. Rawlyk, "Politics, Religion, and the Canadian Experience: A Preliminary Probe," in Mark A. Noll, ed. ''Religion and American Politics: From the Colonial Period to the 1980s.'' 1990. pp 259-60.</ref>

==Historical development==
{{main|History of Canada|History of monarchy in Canada|Historiography of Canada}}

===Introduction===
Canada's large geographic size, the presence and survival of a significant number of indigenous peoples, the conquest of one European linguistic population by another, and relatively open [[immigration policy]] have led to an extremely [[ethnic groups in Canada|diverse society]]. The exploration of national character and regional culture is a longstanding subject of inquiry for scholars in both Canada and the United States. Baer et al. argue that "Questions of national character and regional culture have long been of interest to both Canadian and American social scientists. The Canadian literature has focussed largely on historical and structural reasons for regional distinctiveness and the possible role of regionalism in undermining a truly national Canadian character or ethos."<ref>Baer, Grabb, and Johnston, "National character, regional culture, and the values of Canadians and Americans."  (1993) p 13.</ref>

===Indigenous people===
[[File:Edward S. Curtis Collection People 020.jpg|upright|thumb|Young girl from [[Tla-o-qui-aht First Nations]] in traditional tree fibre clothing - {{Circa|1916}}]]
The indigenous peoples of Canada are divided among a large number of different ethnolinguistic groups, including the [[Inuit]] in the northern territory of [[Nunavut]], the [[Algonquian languages|Algonquian]] language groups in eastern Canada ([[Mi'kmaq people|Mi'kmaq]] in the [[The Maritimes|Maritime Provinces]], [[Abenaki people|Abenaki]] of [[Quebec]] and [[Ojibway]] of the central region), the [[Iroquois]] of central Canada, the [[Cree]] of northern Ontario, Quebec and the Great Plains, peoples speaking the [[Athabaskan languages]] of Canada's northwest, the [[Salishan languages|Salishan]] language groups of [[British Columbia]] and other peoples of the Pacific coast such as the [[Tsimshian]], [[Haida people|Haida]], [[Kwakwaka'wakw]] and [[Nuu-chah-nulth people|Nuu-chah-nulth]].<ref> This list is not an exhaustive description of all [[aboriginal peoples in Canada]].</ref> Each of the indigenous peoples developed vibrant societies with complex economies, political structures and cultural traditions that were subsequently affected profoundly by interaction with the European populations. The [[Métis people (Canada)|Métis]] are an indigenous people whose culture and identity was produced by a fusion of First Nations with the French, Irish and Scottish [[North American fur trade|fur trade]] society of the north and west.

===French settlement and the struggle for francophone identity in Canada===
From the founding by [[Pierre Dugua, Sieur de Mons]] of [[Port-Royal (Acadia)|Port Royal]] ([[Annapolis Royal]]) in 1605, (the beginnings of French settlement of [[Acadia]]) and the founding of [[Quebec City]] in 1608 by [[Samuel de Champlain]], Canada was ruled from and settled almost exclusively by French colonists. John Ralston Saul, among others, has noted that the east–west shape of modern Canada had its origins in decisions regarding alliances with the indigenous peoples made by early French colonizers or explorers such as Champlain or [[Pierre Gaultier de Varennes, sieur de La Vérendrye]]. By allying with the [[Algonquin people|Algonquins]], for example, Champlain gained an alliance with the [[Wyandot people|Wyandot]] or Huron of today's Ontario, and the enmity of the [[Iroquois]] of what is now northern [[New York State]].<ref>Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'', p. 161</ref>

[[File:Deportation Grand-Pré.jpg|thumb|The [[Expulsion of the Acadians|deportation of the Acadians]] - 1893 painting, depicting an event in 1755]]

Although English settlement began in [[Colony of Newfoundland|Newfoundland]] in 1610, and the [[Hudson's Bay Company]] was chartered in 1670, it was only with the [[Treaty of Utrecht]] in 1713 that France ceded to [[Kingdom of Great Britain|Great Britain]] its claims to mainland [[Nova Scotia]] and significant British settlement of what would become mainland Canada would begin. Even then, prior to the [[American Revolution]], Nova Scotia was settled largely by [[Farmer|planters]] from [[New England]] who took up lands following the [[Deportation of the Acadians|deportation of the French-speaking Acadian]] population, in 1755 in an event known in French to Acadians as ''Le Grand Dérangement'', one of the critical events in the formation of the Canadian identity.<ref>Saul describes the event as "one of the most disturbing" of Canada's "real tragedies", Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'', p. 31</ref> During the period of French hegemony over New France the term ''Canadien'' referred to the French-speaking inhabitants of Canada.{{fact|date=February 2021}}

[[File:Benjamin West 005.jpg|thumb|''[[The Death of General Wolfe]]'' by [[Benjamin West]], whose subject led the British to victory at the Battle of Quebec]]

The [[Seven Years' War]] between Great Britain and France resulted in the conquest of New France by the British in 1759 at the [[Battle of the Plains of Abraham]], an event that reverberates profoundly even today in the national consciousness of Quebecers. Although there were a number of attempts made by the British authorities to assimilate the French speaking population to the English language and culture, most notably the 1840 [[Act of Union (1840)|Act of Union]] that followed the seminal report of [[John Lambton, 1st Earl of Durham|Lord Durham]], British colonial policy for Canada on the whole was one which acknowledged and permitted the continued existence of French language and culture. Nevertheless, the efforts at assimilation of French Canadians, the fate of the French-speaking [[Acadian]]s and the revolt of the [[Lower Canada Rebellion|''patriotes'']] in 1837 would not be forgotten by their Québécois descendants. ''Je me souviens'', (English: "I remember"), the motto of Quebec, became the watchword of the Québécois. Determined to maintain their cultural and linguistic distinctiveness in the face of Anglophone cultural hegemony and massive immigration of English speaking people to the pre-Confederation [[Province of Canada]], this survivalist determination is a cornerstone of current Québécois identity and much of the political discourse in Quebec. The English Canadian writer and philosopher John Ralston Saul also considers the [[Ultramontane]] movement of [[Catholic Church|Catholicism]] as playing a pivotal and highly negative role in the development of certain aspects of Québécois identity.<ref>Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'', p 32 quote: "The Ultramontanes took French Canada off a relatively normal track of political and social evolution...The infection of healthy nationalism with a sectarianism that can still be felt in the negative nationalists was one of their accomplishments.</ref>

===British settlement in Canada: revolution, invasion, and Confederation===
[[File:Henry Sandham - The Coming of the Loyalists.jpg|thumb|''The Coming of the Loyalists'' by [[Henry Sandham]] depicts a romanticised image of the Loyalists' arrival in [[New Brunswick]].]]
For its part, the identity of English speaking Canada was profoundly influenced by another pivotal historic event, the American Revolution. American colonists who remained loyal to the Crown and who actively supported the British during the Revolution saw their lands and goods confiscated by the new republic at the end of the war. Some 60,000 people, known in Canada as [[United Empire Loyalists]] fled the [[United States]] or were evacuated after the war, coming to Nova Scotia and Quebec where they received land and some assistance from the British government in compensation and recognition for having taken up arms in defence of King [[George III]] and British interests. This population formed the nucleus for two modern Canadian provinces—Ontario and New Brunswick—and had a profound demographic, political and economic influence on Nova Scotia, [[Prince Edward Island]] and Quebec. Conservative in politics, distrustful or even hostile towards Americans, republicanism, and especially American republicanism,<ref>see MacGregor, ''Canadians'', at p. 62</ref> this group of people marked the British of [[British North America]] as a distinctly identifiable cultural entity for many generations, and Canadian commentators continue to assert that the legacy of the Loyalists still plays a vital role in English Canadian identity. According to the author and political commentator [[Richard Gwyn (Canadian writer)|Richard Gwyn]] while "[t]he British connection has long vanished...it takes only a short dig down to the sedimentary layer once occupied by the Loyalists to locate the sources of a great many contemporary Canadian convictions and conventions."<ref>[[Richard Gwyn (Canadian writer)|Richard Gwyn]], ''John A: The Man Who Made Us'', 2007, Random House of Canada Ltd., p. 367</ref>

[[File:Invasion of Quebec.tif|thumb|right|Defending [[Battle of Quebec (1775)|Quebec from an American attack]] - 1860 painting, depicting a 1775 event]]

Canada was twice invaded by armed forces from the United States during the American Revolution and the [[War of 1812]]. The first invasion occurred in 1775, and succeeded in capturing [[Montreal]] and other towns in Quebec before being [[Battle of Quebec (1775)|repelled]] at Quebec City by a combination of British troops and local militiamen. During this invasion, the French-speaking ''Canadiens'' assisted both the invaders from the United Colonies and the defending British. The War of 1812 also saw the invasion of American forces into what was then [[Upper Canada|Upper]] and [[Lower Canada]], and important British victories at [[Battle of Queenston Heights|Queenston Heights]], [[Battle of Lundy's Lane|Lundy's Lane]] and [[Battle of Crysler's Farm|Crysler's Farm]]. The British were assisted again by local militia, this time not only the ''Canadiens'', but also the descendants of the Loyalists who had arrived barely a generation earlier. The Americans however captured control of Lake Erie, cutting off what is today western Ontario; they killed [[Tecumseh]] and dealt the Indian allies a decisive defeat from which they never recovered. The War of 1812 has been called "in many respects a war of independence for Canada".<ref>Northrop Frye, ''Divisions on a Ground: Essays on Canadian Culture'', 1982: House of Anansi Press, p. 65.</ref>

The years following the War of 1812 were marked by heavy immigration from Great Britain to the Canadas and, to a lesser degree, the Maritime Provinces, adding new British elements (English, Scottish and Protestant Irish) to the pre-existing English-speaking populations. During the same period immigration of [[Catholic Irish]] brought large numbers of settlers who had no attachment, and often a great hostility, toward Great Britain. The hostility of other groups to the autocratic colonial administrations that were not based on democratic principles of [[responsible government]], principally the French-speaking population of Lower Canada and newly arrived American settlers with no particular ties to Great Britain, were to manifest themselves in the short-lived but symbolically powerful [[Rebellions of 1837–1838]]. The term "Canadian", once describing a francophone population, was adopted by English-speaking residents of the Canadas as well, marking the process of converting 'British' immigrants into 'Canadians.'<ref>See for example [[Susanna Moodie]], ''Roughing It in the Bush'', Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Limited, 1970, p. 31: quote: "British mothers of Canadian sons!—learn to feel for their country the same enthusiasm which fills your hearts when thinking of the glory of your own. Teach them to love Canada...make your children proud of the land of their birth."</ref>

[[File:Fathers of Confederation LAC c001855.jpg|thumb|[[Fathers of Confederation]]]]

The merger of the two [[The Canadas|Canadas]] in 1840, with political power divided evenly between the former Lower and Upper Canadas, created a political structure that eventually exacerbated tensions between the French and English-speaking populations and which would prove an enduring feature of Canadian identity. As the population of English-speaking and largely Protestant Canada West grew to surpass that of majority French-speaking Catholic Canada East, the population of Canada West began to feel that its interests were becoming subservient to the francophone population of Canada East. [[George Brown (Canadian politician)|George Brown]], founder of ''The Globe'' newspaper (forerunner of today's ''[[The Globe and Mail]]'') and a [[Father of Confederation]] wrote that the position of Canada West had become "a base vassalage to French-Canadian Priestcraft."<ref>letter from George Brown, cited in Richard Gwyn, ''John A: The Man Who Made Us'', p. 143.</ref> For its part, the French Canadians distrusted the growing anti-Catholic 'British' population of Canada West and sought a structure that could provide at least some control over its own affairs through a Provincial legislature founded on principles of [[responsible government]].

[[File:Proclamation Canadian Confederation.jpg|thumb|Proclamation of Canadian Confederation (1867)]]

The [[Confederation (Canada)|union]] of the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick into a federation in 1867 drew on all of the primary aspects of the Canadian identity: loyalty to Britain (there would be self-governance under a federal parliament, but no rupture from British institutions), limited but significant home rule for a French-speaking majority in the new Province of Quebec (and a longed for solution to English-French tensions), and a collaboration of British North Americans in order to resist the pull and the possible military threat from the United States. The republic to the south had just finished its [[Civil War (United States)|Civil War]] as a powerful and united nation with little affection for Britain or its neglected colonies strung along its northern border. So great was the perceived threat that even [[Queen Victoria]] thought, prior to Confederation, that it would be "impossible" for Britain to retain Canada.<ref>Prior to Confederation, Queen Victoria remarked on "...the impossibility of our being able to hold Canada, but we must struggle for it; and by far the best solution would be to let it go as an independent kingdom under an English prince." quoted in Stacey, C.P. ''British Military Policy in the Era of Confederation'', CHA Annual Report and Historical Papers 13 (1934), p. 25.</ref>

In their search for an early identity, [[English Canadian]]s relied heavily on loyalty and attachment to the British Empire, an attitude shaped by the British role in the building of Canada, as evidenced in the lyrics of the informal anthem ''[[The Maple Leaf Forever]]'' and attitudes of hatred towards French and Irish Canadians. John Ralston Saul sees in the influence of the [[Orange Order in Canada|Orange Order]] the counterpart of the Ultramontane movement among French Canadians, leading certain groups of English Canadian Protestants to provoke persecution of the Métis and suppress or resist francophone rights.<ref>Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'' p. 32</ref>

===Early dominion===
After Confederation, Canada became caught up in settlement of the west and extending the dominion to the Pacific Ocean. [[British Columbia]] joined Confederation in 1871. Residents of a [[Colony of British Columbia (1858–1866)|British colony]] specifically established to forestall American territorial aspirations in the [[Fraser Valley]], British Columbians were no strangers to the implications of the American doctrine of [[Manifest Destiny]] nor the economic attractions of the United States. The construction of the [[Canadian Pacific Railway]], promised to British Columbia as an inducement to join the new dominion, became a powerful and tangible symbol of the nation's identity, linking the provinces and territories together from east to west in order to counteract the inevitable economic and cultural pull from the south.

The settlement of the west also brought to the fore the tensions between the English and French-speaking populations of Canada. The [[Red River Rebellion]], led by [[Louis Riel]], sought to defend the interests of French-speaking Métis against English-speaking Protestant settlers from Ontario. The controversial execution of [[Thomas Scott (Orangeman)|Thomas Scott]], a Protestant from Ontario, on Riel's orders and the furor that followed divided the new dominion along linguistic and religious lines. While [[Manitoba]] was created as a bilingual province in 1870 as a solution to the issue, the tensions remained, and would surface again in the [[North-West Rebellion]] in the 1880s, when Riel led another rebellion against [[Ottawa]].

{{Quote box |width=20em |quoted=true |bgcolor=#FFFFF0 |salign=center |quote=CHILD EMIGRATION TO CANADA
The attention of the Dominion Government has been drawn to the fact that the children sent to Canada from England are street waifs and workhouse paupers, and that the professional philanthropists engaged in the work are largely prompted by mercenary and not charitable motives. A demand will be made that parliament should investigate the matter before voting any money to promote this kind of immigration.|source=The Star, 18 April 1891<ref>{{cite news|title=Child emigration to Canada|last=Anon|date=18 April 1891|work=The Star|location=[[St Peter Port]], England}}</ref>}}

From the mid to late 19th century Canada had a policy of assisting immigrants from Europe, including city people and an estimated 100,000 unwanted "[[Home Children]]" from Britain. The modern descendants of these children have been estimated at five ''million'', contributing to Canada's identity as the "country of the abandoned".<ref>MacGregor, Canadians, p. 231</ref> Offers of free land attracted farmers from Central and Eastern Europe to the prairies,<ref>{{cite news| url=http://history.cbc.ca/history/?MIval=Section.html&series_id=1&episode_id=10&chapter_id=3&lang=E | work=CBC News | title=Pioneers Head West}}</ref><ref>[http://www.civilization.ca/hist/advertis/ads1-01e.html Civilization.ca - Advertising for immigrants to western Canada - Introduction<!-- Bot generated title -->]</ref> as well as large numbers of Americans who settled to a great extent in [[Alberta]]. Several immigrant groups settled in sufficient densities to create communities of a sufficient size to exert an influence on Canadian identity, such as [[Ukrainian Canadians]]. Canada began to see itself as a country that needed and welcomed people from countries besides its traditional sources of immigrants, accepting [[German-Canadian|Germans]], [[Polish-Canadian|Poles]], [[Dutch-Canadian|Dutch]], and Scandinavians in large numbers before the [[World War I|First World War]].

At the same time, there were concerns regarding immigration from Asian by English Canadians on the Pacific coast. At the time, the Canadian identity did not include non-Europeans. While inexpensive Chinese labour had been needed to complete the transcontinental railway, the completion of the railway led to questions of what to do with the workers who were now no longer needed. Further Chinese immigration was limited and then banned by a series of restrictive and racially motivated [[Head Tax (Canada)|dominion statutes]]. The [[Komagata Maru incident]] in 1914 revealed overt hostility towards would-be immigrants, mainly [[Sikh]]s from India, who attempted to land in [[Vancouver]].

===20th century===
<div style="float: right;">
<gallery widths="150px" heights="160px" caption="War bond posters, 1918" perrow="2">
File:Canada WWI l'Emprunt de la Victoire2.jpg|Canadian [[war bond|victory bond]] poster in French. Depicts three French women pulling a plow that had been constructed for horses and men. Lithograph, adapted from a photograph.
File:Canada WWI Victory Bonds2.jpg|The same poster in English, with subtle differences in text. The French version roughly translates as 'All the world can serve' or 'Everyone can serve' and 'Let's buy victory bonds.'
</gallery>
</div>

The main crisis regarding Canadian identity came in [[World War I]]. Canadians of British heritage were strongly in favour of the war effort, while those of French heritage, especially in [[Quebec]], showed far less interest. A series of political upheavals ensued, especially the [[Conscription Crisis of 1917]]. Simultaneously, the role of immigrants as loyal Canadians was contested, with large numbers of men of [[German Canadian|German]] or [[Ukrainian Canadian|Ukrainian]] heritage temporarily stripped of voting rights or incarcerated in camps. The war helped define separate political identities for the two groups, and permanently alienated Quebec and the Conservative Party.<ref>J. L. Granatstein, ''Broken promises: A history of conscription in Canada'' (1977)</ref>

During this period, World War I helped to establish a separate Canadian identity among Anglophoners, especially through the military experiences of the [[Battle of Vimy Ridge]] and the [[Battle of Passchendaele]] and the intense homefront debates on patriotism.<ref>Mackenzie (2005)</ref> (A [[Conscription Crisis of 1944|similar crisis]], though much less intense, erupted in World War II.)

In the 1920s, the Dominion of Canada achieved greater independence from Britain, notably in the [[Statute of Westminster 1931|Statute of Westminster]] in 1931. It remained part of the larger [[Commonwealth of Nations|Commonwealth]] but played an independent role in the [[League of Nations]]. As Canada became increasingly independent and [[sovereignty|sovereign]], its primary foreign relationship and point of reference gradually moved to the United States, the superpower with whom it shared a long border and major economic, social and cultural relationships.

[[File:Join the Team RCAF.jpg|thumb|upright| Join the Team! ([[Royal Canadian Air Force]]) - used from 1939 till 1945]]
The Statute of Westminster also gave Canada [[Monarchy of Canada|its own monarchy]], which remains in [[personal union]] with [[Commonwealth realm|14 other countries]] of the [[Commonwealth of Nations]]. However, overt associations with Britain wound down after the end of the [[Military history of Canada during World War II|Second World War]], when Canada established its own citizenship laws in 1947. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, a number of [[Canadian royal symbols|symbols of the Canadian Crown]] were either removed completely (such as the [[Royal Mail]]) or changed (such as the [[Royal Arms of Canada]]), while others were created (for example, the [[Royal standards of Canada|monarch's royal standard]]).

In the 1960s, Quebec experienced the [[Quiet Revolution]] to modernize society from traditional Christian teachings. [[French-Canadian|Québécois]] nationalists demanded independence and tensions rose until violence erupted during the 1970 [[October Crisis]]. In 1976, the [[Parti Québécois]] was elected to power in Quebec, with a nationalist vision that included securing French linguistic rights in the province and the pursuit of some form of [[Quebec sovereignty movement|sovereignty for Quebec]], leading to a referendum in Quebec in 1980 on the question of [[sovereignty-association]], which was turned down by 59% of voters. At the [[patriation]] of the [[Constitution of Canada|Canadian constitution]] in 1982, the Quebec Premier did not agree to the amendment; this led to two unsuccessful attempts to modify the constitution so it would have the Quebec Cabinet's assent and another referendum on Quebec independence in 1995, which lost by a slim majority of 50.6%.

In 1965, Canada adopted the [[flag of Canada|maple leaf flag]], after considerable debate and misgivings on the part of a large number of English Canadians. Two years later, the country celebrated the [[Canadian Centennial|centennial of Confederation]] and an [[Expo '67|international exposition]] in Montreal.

Legislative restrictions on immigration that had favoured British and other European immigrants were removed in the 1960s. By the 1970s immigrants increasingly came from [[Indo-Canadian|India]], [[Chinese Canadian|Hong Kong]], the [[African Canadian|Caribbean]], and [[Vietnamese Canadian|Vietnam]]. Post-war immigrants of all backgrounds tended to settle in the major urban centres, particularly [[Toronto]], [[Montreal]], and [[Vancouver]].

During his tenure in the office (1968–1979, 1980–1984), Prime Minister [[Pierre Trudeau]] made social and cultural change his political goal for Canada, including the pursuit of an official policy on [[bilingualism]] and plans for significant constitutional change. The west, particularly the oil and gas-producing province of Alberta, opposed many of the policies emanating from central Canada, with the [[National Energy Program]] creating considerable antagonism and growing western alienation.

===Modern times===
 
As for the role of history in national identity, the books of [[Pierre Berton]] and television series like ''[[Canada: A People's History]]'' have done much to spark the popular interest of Canadians in their history. Some commentators, such as Cohen, criticize the overall lack of attention paid by Canadians to their own history, noting a disturbing trend to ignore the broad history in favour of narrow focus on specific regions or groups.
{{quote|It isn't just the schools, the museums and the government that fail us. It is also the professional historians, their books and periodicals. As J.L. Granatstein and Michael Bliss have argued, academic historians in Canada have stopped writing political and national history. They prefer to write labour history, women's history, ethnic history, and regional history, among others, often freighted with a sense of grievance or victimhood. This kind of history has its place, of course, but our history has become so specialized, so segmented, and so narrow that we are missing the national story in a country that has one and needs to hear it.<ref>Cohen, ''The Unfinished Canadian'', p. 84</ref>}}

Much of the debate over contemporary Canadian identity is argued in political terms, and defines Canada as a country defined by its government policies, which are thought to reflect deeper cultural values. To the political philosopher [[Charles Blattberg]], Canada should be conceived as a civic or political community, a community of citizens, one that contains many other kinds of communities within it. These include not only communities of ethnic, regional, religious, civic (the provincial and municipal governments) and civil associational sorts, but also national communities. Blattberg thus sees Canada as a multinational country and so asserts that it contains a number of nations within it. Aside from the various aboriginal First Nations, there is also the nation of francophone Quebecers, that of the anglophones who identify with English Canadian culture, and perhaps that of the Acadians.<ref>Blattberg, ''Shall We Dance? A Patriotic Politics for Canada'', Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003.</ref>

[[File:Total health expenditure in constant 1997 dollars.png|thumb|Total Canadian health care expenditures in 1997 dollars from 1975 to 2009<ref>CIHI p.119</ref>]]

In keeping with this, it is often asserted that Canadian government policies such as [[Health care in Canada|publicly funded health care]], higher taxation to distribute wealth, outlawing [[Capital punishment in Canada|capital punishment]], strong efforts to eliminate [[poverty in Canada]], an emphasis on [[Multiculturalism in Canada|multiculturalism]], imposing strict [[Gun politics in Canada|gun control]], leniency in regard to drug use, and most recently legalizing [[Same-sex marriage in Canada|same-sex marriage]] make their country politically and culturally different from the United States.<ref>{{cite book|first1 = Darrell | last1 =Bricker |first2= John|last2 =Wright|title = What Canadians think-- about almost-- everything|publisher = Doubleday Canada|year = 2005|isbn = 0-385-65985-7|url = https://books.google.com/books?id=oCWHHfJhUvEC&q=Canadians&pg=PT16|pages = 8–23}}</ref>

In a poll that asked what institutions made Canada feel most proud about their country, number one was [[health care]], number two was the [[Canadian Broadcasting Corporation]], and number three was [[peacekeeping]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.queensu.ca/cora/_files/fc2010report.pdf|title=Focus Canada (Final Report) - Queen's University|publisher=Queen's University|date=2010|author=The Environics Institute|page=7|access-date=December 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160204231952/http://www.queensu.ca/cora/_files/fc2010report.pdf|archive-date=February 4, 2016|url-status=dead}}</ref> In a CBC contest to name "[[The Greatest Canadian]]", the three highest ranking in descending order were the [[social democracy|social democratic]] politician and [[father of medicare]] [[Tommy Douglas]], the legendary cancer activist [[Terry Fox]], and the [[Liberal Party of Canada|Liberal]] [[Prime Minister of Canada|prime minister]] [[Pierre Trudeau]], responsible for instituting Canada's official policies of bilingualism and multiculturalism, which suggested that their voters valued [[left-wing politics|left-of-centre]] political leanings and community involvement.

Most of Canada's recent [[Prime Minister of Canada|prime ministers]] have been from Quebec, and thus have tried to improve relations with the province with a number of tactics, notably [[official bilingualism]] which required the provision of a number of services in both official languages and, among other things, required that all commercial packaging in Canada be printed in French and English. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's first legislative push was to implement the [[Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism|Royal Commission on Bilingualism]] within the ''[[Official Languages Act (Canada)|Official Languages Act]]'' in 1969. Again, while this bilingualism is a notable feature to outsiders, the plan has been less than warmly embraced by many English Canadians some of whom resent the extra administrative costs and the requirement of many key federal public servants to be fluently bilingual.<ref>Sandford F. Borins. ''The Language of the Skies: The Bilingual Air Traffic Control Conflict in Canada'' (1983) p. 244</ref> Despite the widespread introduction of French-language classes throughout Canada, very few anglophones are truly bilingual outside of Quebec. Pierre Trudeau in regards to uniformity stated:

{{Quotation |Uniformity is neither desirable nor possible in a country the size of Canada. We should not even be able to agree upon the kind of Canadian to choose as a model, let alone persuade most people to emulate it. There are few policies potentially more disastrous for Canada than to tell all Canadians that they must be alike. There is no such thing as a model or ideal Canadian. What could be more absurd than the concept of an "all-Canadian" boy or girl? A society which emphasizes uniformity is one which creates intolerance and hate.<ref name="Hines2018">{{cite book|first=Pamela|last=Hines|title=The Trumping of America: A Wake Up Call to the Free World|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9yFnDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA180|date=August 2018|publisher=FriesenPress|isbn=978-1-5255-0934-6|page=180}} -Pierre Elliott Trudeau, as cited in The Essential Trudeau, ed. Ron Graham. (pp.16 – 20)</ref>}}

In 2013, more than 90 percent of polled Canadians believed that the ''[[Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms]]''  and the national flag were the top symbols of Canadian identity.<ref>{{Cite web|title = The Daily — Canadian identity, 2013|url = http://www.statcan.gc.ca/daily-quotidien/151001/dq151001a-eng.htm|website = www.statcan.gc.ca| date=October 2015 |access-date = 2015-10-01}}</ref> As Professor [[Alan Cairns]] noted about the '' Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms '' , "the initial federal government premise was on developing a pan-Canadian identity"'.<ref name="saunders">{{cite web|url=http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/constitution/|title=The Charter at 20|last=Saunders|first=Philip|date=April 2002|website=CBC News Online|publisher=[[CBC/Radio-Canada]]|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060307194214/http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/constitution/|archive-date=March 7, 2006|access-date=March 17, 2006}}</ref> Pierre Trudeau himself later wrote in his ''Memoirs (1993)'' that "Canada itself" could now be defined as a "society where all people are equal and where they share some fundamental values based upon freedom", and that all Canadians could identify with the values of liberty and equality.<ref name="Trudeau 1993 p. 323">{{cite book | last=Trudeau | first=P.E. | title=Memoirs | publisher=McClelland & Stewart | year=1993 | isbn=978-0-7710-8588-8 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zqsJbzlwtwsC&pg=PA323  | page=323}}</ref>

===Migration to Canada===
Canada was the home for 'American' British [[United Empire Loyalists|Loyalists]] during and following the American Revolution, making much of Canada distinct in its unwillingness to embrace republicanism and populist democracy during the nineteenth century. Canada was also the destination for slaves from America via the [[Underground Railroad]] (the 'North Star' as heralded by [[Martin Luther King Jr.]]); Canada was the refuge for American [[Canada and the Vietnam War|Vietnam draft-dodgers]] during the turbulent 1960s.

In response to a declining [[birth rate]], Canada has increased the [[per capita]] immigration rate to one of the [[Immigration to Canada#Immigration rate|highest in the world]].

==Outsider perceptions==
<!--Note: While relevant content can certainly be added to this section, please ensure that additions specifically address how Canadians ''respond'' to real or alleged stereotypes.-->
A very common expression of Canadian identity is to ridicule American ignorance of things Canadian.<ref name="Sheila Petty 2005 p. 58">Sheila Petty, et al. ''Canadian cultural poesis: essays on Canadian culture'' (2005) p. 58</ref>

During his years with ''[[This Hour Has 22 Minutes]]'', comic [[Rick Mercer]] produced a recurring segment, ''[[Talking to Americans]].'' Petty says, the segment "was extraordinarily popular and was initiated by viewer demand."<ref name="Sheila Petty 2005 p. 58"/>  Mercer would pose as a journalist in an American city and ask passers-by for their opinions on a fabricated Canadian news story. Some of the "stories" for which he solicited comment included the legalization of staplers, the coronation of [[Svend Robinson|King Svend]], the border dispute between Quebec and [[Chechnya]], the campaign against the Toronto Polar Bear Hunt, and the reconstruction of the historic "[[Peter Mansbridge|Peter Mann's Bridge]]". During the [[2000 United States presidential election|2000 election]] in the [[United States]], Mercer successfully staged a ''Talking to Americans'' segment in which presidential candidate [[George W. Bush]] gratefully accepted news of his endorsement by Canadian Prime Minister "Jean [[Poutine]]".<ref>Jonathan A. Gray, et al. ''Satire TV: politics and comedy in the post-network era'' (2009) p 178</ref><ref>John Herd Thompson and Stephen J. Randall, ''Canada and the United States: ambivalent allies'' (2002) p. 311</ref>

While Canadians may dismiss comments that they do not find appealing or stereotypes that are patently ridiculous, Andrew Cohen believes that there is a value to considering what foreigners have to say: "Looking at Canadians through the eyes of foreigners, we get a sense of how they see us. They say so much about us: that we are nice, hospitable, modest, blind to our achievements. That we are obedient, conservative, deferential, colonial and complex, particularly so. That we are fractious, envious, geographically impossible and politically improbable."<ref>Cohen p. 48</ref> Cohen refers in particular to the analyses of the French historian [[André Siegfried]],<ref>André Siegfried, ''Canada: An International Power; New and Revised Edition'', London: Jonathan Cape, 1949 quoted in Cohen, at pp. 35-37. Siegfried noted, among other things, the stark distinction between the identities of French and English-speaking Canadians.</ref> the Irish born journalist and novelist [[Brian Moore (novelist)|Brian Moore]]<ref>Brian Moore, ''Canada''. New York: Time-Life Books, 1963, quoted in Cohen, ''The Unfinished Canadian''at pp. 31-33, commenting on the lack of a hero culture in Canada: "There are no heroes in the wilderness. Only fools take risks."</ref> or the Canadian-born American journalist Andrew H. Malcolm.<ref>Andrew H. Malcolm, ''The Canadians: A Probing Yet Affectionate Look at the Land and the People'' Markham: Fitzhenry & Whiteside Ltd., 1985, quoted in Cohen, ''The Unfinished Canadian'' at pp. 44 to 47. "Canadians always seemed to be apologizing for something. It was so ingrained."</ref>

==French Canadians and identity in English Canada==
The Canadian philosopher and writer [[John Ralston Saul]] has expressed the view that the French fact in Canada is central to Canadian, and particularly to English Canadian identity:<blockquote>
It cannot be repeated enough that Quebec and, more precisely, francophone Canada is at the very heart of the Canadian mythology. I don't mean that it alone constitutes the heart, which is after all a complex place. But it is at the heart and no multiple set of bypass operations could rescue that mythology if Quebec were to leave. Separation is therefore a threat of death to anglophone Canada's whole sense of itself, of its self-respect, of its role as a constituent part of a nation, of the nature of the relationship between citizens."<ref>Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'', p. 293</ref>
</blockquote>

Many Canadians believe that the relationship between the English and French languages is a central or defining aspect of the Canadian experience. Canada's [[Office of the Commissioner of Official Languages|Official Languages Commissioner]] (the federal government official charged with monitoring the two languages) has stated, "[I]n the same way that race is at the core of what it means to be American and at the core of an American experience and class is at the core of British experience, I think that language is at the core of Canadian experience."<ref>Official Languages Commissioner [[Graham Fraser]] is quoted in the ''[[Hill Times]]'', August 31, 2009, p. 14.</ref>

==Aboriginal Canadians and Canadian identity==
[[File:RK 0908 9604 Spirit of Haida Gwaii the Jade Canoe.jpg|thumb|200px|right|''The Spirit of Haida Gwaii'', sculpture by [[Bill Reid]] in [[Vancouver Airport]]]]Saul argues that Canadian identity is founded not merely on the relationship built of French/English pragmatic compromises and cooperation but rests in fact on a triangular foundation which includes, significantly, Canada's aboriginal peoples.<ref>Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'' p. 88.</ref> From the reliance of French and later English explorers on Native knowledge of the country, to the development of the indigenous Métis society on the Prairies which shaped what would become Canada, and the military response to their resistance to annexation by Canada,<ref>Saul ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'' at p. 91</ref> indigenous peoples were originally partners and players in laying the foundations of Canada. Individual aboriginal leaders, such as [[Joseph Brant]] or [[Tecumseh]] have long been viewed as heroes in Canada's early battles with the United States and Saul identifies [[Gabriel Dumont (Métis leader)|Gabriel Dumont]] as the real leader of the [[North-West Rebellion]], although overshadowed by the better-known [[Louis Riel]].<ref>Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'' p. 93</ref> While the dominant culture tended to dismiss or marginalize First Nations to a large degree, individual artists such as the British Columbia painter [[Emily Carr]], who depicted the [[Northwest Coast art|totem poles and other carvings]] of the [[Indigenous peoples of the Northwest Coast|Northwest Coast peoples]], helped turn the then largely ignored and undervalued culture of the first peoples into iconic images "central to the way Canadians see themselves".<ref>Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'' p. 41.</ref> First Nations art and iconography are now routinely integrated into public space intended to represent Canada, such as ''The Great Canoe"'', a sculpture by Haida artist [[Bill Reid]] in the courtyard of the [[Embassy of Canada, Washington, D.C.|Canadian embassy]] in [[Washington D.C.|Washington, D.C.]], and its copy, ''The Spirit of Haida Gwaii'', at the apex of the main hall in the [[Vancouver Airport]].

===War of 1812===
The War of 1812 is often celebrated in Ontario as a British victory for what would become Canada in 1867. The Canadian government spent $28 million on three years of bicentennial events, exhibits, historic sites, re-enactments, and a new national monument.<ref>Jasper Trautsch, "Review of Whose War of 1812? Competing Memories of the Anglo-American Conflict," ''Reviews in History'' (review no. 1387) [http://www.history.ac.uk/reviews/review/1387 2013; Revise 2014], accessed: 10 December 2015</ref> The official goal was to make Canadians aware that:
*Canada would not exist had the American invasion of 1812–15 been successful.
*The end of the war laid the foundation for Confederation and the emergence of Canada as a free and independent nation.
*Under the Crown, Canada's society retained its linguistic and ethnic diversity, in contrast to the greater conformity demanded by the American Republic.<ref>Government of Canada, [http://canada.pch.gc.ca/eng/1442344384984/1442924691345 "The War of 1812, Historical Overview, Did You Know?"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151120083809/http://canada.pch.gc.ca/eng/1442344384984/1442924691345 |date=2015-11-20 }}</ref>

In a 2012 poll, 25% of all Canadians ranked their victory in the War of 1812 as the second most important part of their identity after free health care (53%).<ref>Trautsch, "Review of Whose War of 1812? Competing Memories of the Anglo-American Conflict"</ref>

Canadian historians in recent decades look at the war as a defeat for the First Nations of Canada, and also for the merchants of Montreal (who lost the fur trade of the Michigan-Minnesota area).<ref>"The Indians and the fur merchants of Montreal had lost in the end," says Randall White, ''Ontario: 1610-1985'' p. 75</ref> The British had a long-standing goal of building a pro-British [[Indian barrier state]] in the American Midwest.<ref>Dwight L. Smith, "A North American Neutral Indian Zone: Persistence of a British Idea" ''Northwest Ohio Quarterly'' 1989 61(2-4): 46-63</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Francis M. Carroll|title=A Good and Wise Measure: The Search for the Canadian-American Boundary, 1783-1842|url=https://archive.org/details/goodwisemeasures0000carr|url-access=registration|year=2001|publisher=U of Toronto Press|page=[https://archive.org/details/goodwisemeasures0000carr/page/24 24]}}</ref> They demanded a neutral Indian state at the peace conference in 1814 but failed to gain any of it because they had lost control of the region in the [[Battle of Lake Erie]] and the [[Battle of the Thames]] in 1813, where [[Tecumseh]] was killed. The British then abandoned their Indian allies south of the lakes. The royal elite of (what is now) Ontario gained much more power in the aftermath and used that power to repel the idea of American republicanism, especially in the areas of southern Ontario settled by American immigrants. Many of those settlers returned to the states and were replaced by immigrants from Britain who were imperial-minded.<ref>Fred Landon, ''Western Ontario and the American Frontier'' (1941) p. 44; see also Gerald M. Craig, ''Upper Canada: The Formative Years, 1784-1841'' (1963)</ref> [[W. L. Morton]] says the war was a "stalemate" but the Americans "did win the peace negotiations."<ref>Morton, ''Kingdom of Canada'' 1969 pp 206-7</ref> Arthur Ray says the war made "matters worse for the native people" as they lost military and political power.<ref>Arthur Ray in Craig Brown ed. ''Illustrated History of Canada'' (2000) p 102.</ref> Bumsted says the war was a stalemate, but regarding the Indians "was a victory for the American expansionists."<ref>J. M. Bumsted, ''Peoples of Canada'' (2003) 1:244-45</ref> Thompson and Randall say "the War of 1812's real losers were the Native peoples who had fought as Britain's ally."<ref>John Herd Thompson and Stephen J. Randall, ''Canada and the United States'' (2008) p. 23</ref> On the other hand, the "1812 Great Canadian Victory Party will bring the War of 1812...to life," promised the sponsors of a festival in Toronto in November 2009.<ref>There is no mention of the historians in the announcement of [http://www.oldtowntoronto1793.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=95:otta-festival-20092&catid=1:community-news&Itemid=179 "Great 1812 Canadian Victory Party"]</ref>

==Multiculturalism and identity==
{{Further|Multiculturalism in Canada}}
[[File:Canflagcartoon.jpg|thumb|right|300px|Political cartoon on Canada's multicultural identity, from 1911]]
Multiculturalism and  inter-ethnic relations in Canada is relaxed and tolerant, allowing ethnic or linguistic particularism to exist unquestioned. In metropolitan areas such as [[Toronto]] and [[Vancouver]], there is often a strong sense that multiculturalism is a normal and respectable expression of being Canadian. Canada is also considered a mosaic because of the multi-culturalism.

Supporters of Canadian multiculturalism will also argue that cultural appreciation of ethnic and religious diversity promotes a greater willingness to tolerate political differences, and multiculturalism is often cited as one of Canada's significant accomplishments and a key distinguishing element of Canadian identity. Richard Gwyn has suggested that "tolerance" has replaced "loyalty" as the touchstone of Canadian identity.<ref>Gwyn, ''The Man Who Made Us What We Are'', p. 365.</ref>

On the other hand, critics of Canada's multiculturalism argue that the country's "timid" attitude towards the assimilation of immigrants has actually weakened, not strengthened Canada's national identity through factionalism. Columnist and author Richard Gwyn expresses concern that Canada's sense of self may become so weak that it might vanish altogether.<ref>Richard Gwyn, ''Nationalism Without Walls: The Unbearable Lightness of Being Canadian'', Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1996</ref> The indulgent attitude taken towards cultural differences is perhaps a side effect of the vexed histories of French-English and Aboriginal-settler relations, which have created a need for a civic national identity, as opposed to one based on some homogenous cultural ideal.{{Citation needed|date=December 2009}} On the other hand, concerns have been raised of the danger that "ethnic nationalism will trump civic nationalism"<ref>Cohen, ''The Unfinished Canadian''p. 162</ref> and that Canada will leap "from colony to post-national cosmopolitan" without giving Canadians a fair chance of ever finding a centre of gravity or certain sense of Canadian identity.<ref>Cohen, ''The Unfinished Canadian'' pp. 163-164</ref><ref>See also: Resnick, quote: "But let us not make diversity a substitute for broader aspects of national identity or turn multiculturalism into a shibboleth because we are unwilling to reaffirm underlying values that make Canada what it has become. And those values, I repeat again, are largely European in their derivation, on both the English-speaking and French—speaking sides." at p. 64.</ref>

For John Ralston Saul, Canada's approach of not insisting on a single national mythology or identity is not necessarily a sign of the country's weakness, but rather its greatest success,<ref>Saul, p. 8.</ref> signalling a rejection of or evolution from the European mono-cultural concept of a national identity to something far more "soft" and less complex: <blockquote>The essential characteristic of the Canadian public mythology is its complexity. To the extent that it denies the illusion of simplicity, it is a reasonable facsimile of reality. That makes it a revolutionary reversal of the standard nation-state myth. To accept our reality—the myth of complexity—is to live out of sync with élites in other countries, particularly those in the business and academic communities.<ref>Saul, ''Reflections of a Siamese Twin'', p. 9.</ref></blockquote>

In January 2007, [[Prime Minister of Canada|Prime Minister]] [[Stephen Harper]] advised the creation of a new sub-ministerial cabinet portfolio with the title ''Canadian Identity'' for the first time in Canadian history, naming [[Jason Kenney]] to the position of [[Secretary of State (Canada)|Secretary of State for Multiculturalism and Canadian Identity]].

==The role of Canadian social policy and identity==
{{refimprove section|date=July 2023}}
[[File:Towards the Dawn.jpg|thumb|"Towards the Dawn!" — a 1930s poster from Saskatchewan promoting the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation]]
Critics of the idea of a fundamentally "liberal Canada" such as [[David Frum]] argue that the Canadian drive towards a more noticeably leftist political stance is largely due to the increasing role that [[Quebec]] plays in the Canadian government (three of the last five elected Prime Ministers have been [[French-speaking Quebecer|Quebecers]], four if one includes Ontarian-born Paul Martin). Quebec historically was the most conservative, religious and traditional part of Canada. Since the [[Quiet Revolution]] of the 1960s, however, it has become the most secular and [[social democratic]] region of Canada. However, it is noteworthy that many Western provinces (particularly [[Saskatchewan]] and [[British Columbia]]) also have reputations as supporting leftist and social democratic policies. For example, Saskatchewan is one of the few provinces (all in the West) to reelect social democratic governments and is the cradle of the [[Co-operative Commonwealth Federation]] and its successor the [[New Democratic Party of Canada|New Democratic Party]]. Much of the energy of the early Canadian feminist movement occurred in [[Manitoba]].

By contrast, the Conservative provincial government of Alberta has frequently quarrelled with federal administrations perceived to be dominated by "eastern liberal elites."<ref>Panizza 2005</ref> Part of this is due to what Albertans feel were federal intrusions on provincial jurisdictions such as the [[National Energy Program]] and other attempts to 'interfere' with Albertan oil resources.

==Distinctly Canadian==

[[File:Winnipeg snowstorm aftermath.jpg|thumb|right|225px|Canada's landscape is noted for its cold climate, particularly in contrast to the rest of North America.]]
<!--quite a few dubious quotes have been here, please add citations: https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Canadian_identity&type=revision&diff=727585148&oldid=727317052 -->
*In 1971, [[Peter Gzowski]] of [[CBC Radio One|CBC Radio]]'s ''[[This Country in the Morning]]'' held a competition whose goal was to compose the conclusion to the phrase: "As Canadian as..." The winning entry was "... possible, under the circumstances." It was sent in to the program by Heather Scott.<ref name=globe96>"On the origin of an aphorism", PETER GZOWSKI, 24 May 1996, [[The Globe and Mail]], page A15</ref>
*[[Pierre Berton]], a Canadian journalist and novelist, has been attributed with the quote "A Canadian is someone who knows how to make love in a canoe without tipping it", although Berton himself denied that he ever actually said or wrote this.<ref>[https://www.cbc.ca/newsblogs/yourcommunity/2013/06/ascanadianas-making-love-in-a-canoe.html "#AsCanadianAs 'making love in a canoe'? Not so fast"]. [[CBC News]], June 21, 2013.</ref>

{{-}}
==See also==
{{Portal|Canada}}
*[[Culture of Canada]]
*[[Canadian nationalism]]
*[[Canadian sovereignty]]
*[[Cultural cringe]]

==References==
{{Reflist|colwidth=30em}}

===Bibliography===
{{refbegin|2}}
*{{cite book |first=Andrew |last=Cohen |title=The Unfinished Canadian: The People We Are |publisher=Emblem ed |year=2008 |isbn=978-0-7710-2286-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=glcBcaMC6doC&q=who%20is%20a%20Canadian&pg=PP1}}
*{{Cite book |last=Studin |first=Irvin |year=2006 |title=What is a Canadian?: forty-three thought-provoking responses |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=madTgTiR5KUC&q=Canadian&pg=PP1 |publisher=Marks & Spencer |isbn=978-0-7710-8321-1}}
*{{Cite book |first=Philip |last=Resnick |title=The European Roots Of Canadian Identity |publisher=Broadview Press |location=Peterborough, Ont. |isbn=1-55111-705-3 |year=2005 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JJLOERVCUg0C&q=The%20European%20Roots%20Of%20Canadian%20Identity&pg=PP1}}
*Adams, Michael. ''Fire and Ice'' (2004)
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*Bashevkin, Sylvia B. ''True Patriot Love: The Politics of Canadian Nationalism'' (1991),
*Carl Berger, ''The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914'' (1970).
*Berton, Pierre [https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0140104429 ''Why we act like Canadians: A personal exploration of our national character'']
*[[Charles Blattberg]] (2003) ''Shall We Dance? A Patriotic Politics for Canada''. McGill-Queen's University Press. {{ISBN|0-7735-2596-3}}.
*[[John Bartlet Brebner]], ''North Atlantic Triangle: The Interplay of Canada, the United States, and Great Britain,'' (1945)
*Breton, Raymond. "The production and allocation of symbolic resources: an analysis of the linguistic and ethnocultural fields in Canada." ''Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology'' 1984 21:123-44.
*Andrew Cohen. ''While Canada Slept: How We Lost Our Place in the World'' (2004), on foreign affairs
*Cook, Ramsay. ''The Maple Leaf Forever'' (1977), essays by historian
*[[Douglas Coupland|Copeland, Douglas]] (2002) ''Souvenir of Canada''. Douglas & McIntyre. {{ISBN|1-55054-917-0}}.
*Copeland, Douglas [https://web.archive.org/web/20030807070456/http://coupland.com/books/books03.html coupland.com]
*{{Cite book |last1=Kearney |first1=Mark |first2=Randy |last2=Ray |year=2009 |title=The Big Book of Canadian Trivia |url=https://archive.org/details/bigbookofcanadia0000kear |url-access=registration |quote=The Big Book of Canadian Trivia. |publisher=Dundurn Press |isbn=978-1-55488-417-9}}
*Leslie Dawn. ''National Visions, National Blindness: Canadian Art and Identities in the 1920s'' (2007)
*Will Ferguson. ''Why I Hate Canadians'' (2007), satire
*Fleras, Angie and Jean Leonard Elliot. ''Multiculturalism in Canada: The Challenge of Diversity'' 1992 .
*Stephanie R. Golob. "North America beyond NAFTA? Sovereignty, Identity and Security in Canada-U.S. Relations." ''Canadian-American Public Policy.'' 2002. pp 1+. [https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5002523716 online version]
*Hurtig, Mel. ''The Vanishing Country: Is It Too Late to Save Canada?'' (2003), left-wing perspective
*Mahmood Iqbal, "The Migration of High-Skilled Workers from Canada to the United States:Empirical Evidence and Economic Reasons" (Conference Board of Canada, 2000) {{usurped|1=[https://web.archive.org/web/20020416021609/http://www.ccis-ucsd.org/PUBLICATIONS/wrkg20.PDF online version]}}
*Jackson, Sabine. ''Robertson Davies And the Quest for a Canadian National Identity'' (2006)
*Jones, David T., and David Kilgour. ''Uneasy Neighbors: Canada, The USA and the Dynamics of State, Industry and Culture'' (2007)
*Keohane, Kieran. ''Symptoms of Canada: An Essay on the Canadian Identity'' (1997)
*Kim, Andrew E. "The Absence of Pan-Canadian Civil Religion: Plurality, Duality, and Conflict in Symbols of Canadian Culture." ''Sociology of Religion.'' 54#3. 1993. pp 257+ [https://web.archive.org/web/20110814070635/http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=97820477 online version]
*Lipset, Seymour Martin, Noah Meltz, Rafael Gomez, and Ivan Katchanovski. ''The Paradox of American Unionism: Why Americans Like Unions More Than Canadians Do, but Join Much Less'' (2004)
*Lipset, Seymour Martin. ''Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the United States and Canada'' (1990)
*Little, J.I. . ''Borderland Religion: The Emergence of an English-Canadian Identity, 1792-1852'' (2004)
* McKillop, Alexander Brian. ''Contours of Canadian Thought'' (University of Toronto Press, 2016).
*Mackenzie, David, ed. ''Canada and the First World War'' (2005)
*Magocsi, Paul Robert, ed. ''Encyclopedia of Canada's people'' (1999)
*Matheson, John Ross. ''Canada's Flag: A Search for a Country.'' 1980 .
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*Moogk, Peter; ''La Nouvelle France: The Making of French Canada: a Cultural History'' (2000)
* Morra, Linda. "'Like Rain Drops Rolling Down New Paint': Chinese Immigrants and the Problem of National Identity in the Work of Emily Carr." ''American Review of Canadian Studies''. Volume: 34. Issue: 3. 2004. pp 415+. [https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5008438185 online version]
* Morton, W. I.  ''The Canadian Identity'' (1968)
* Panizza, Francisco. ''Populism and the Mirror of Democracy''(2005)
*Philip Resnick. ''The European Roots of Canadian Identity'' (2005)
*Peter Russell (ed.), ''Nationalism in Canada'' (1966)
*Joe Sawchuk. ''The Metis of Manitoba: Reformulation of an ethnic identity'' (1978)
*Mildred A Schwartz. ''Public opinion and Canadian identity'' (1967)
*Allan Smith. ''Canada - An American Nation?: Essays on Continentalism, Identity, and the Canadian Frame of Mind'' (1994)
*David M. Thomas, ed. ''Canada and the United States: Differences that Count'' (1990) Second Edition
*Wallin, Pamela [http://www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/can-am/new_york/home_page/current_state_future_directions_779-en.asp "Current State, Future Directions: Canada - U.S. Relations" by Pamela Wallin (Canada’s Consul General to New York); April 28, 2003] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060617173337/http://dfait-maeci.gc.ca/can-am/new_york/home_page/current_state_future_directions_779-en.asp |date=June 17, 2006 }}
*William Watson, ''Globalization and the Meaning of Canadian Life'' (1998)
*Matthias Zimmer and Angelika E. Sauer. ''A Chorus of Different Voices: German-Canadian Identities''(1998)
*Aleksandra Ziolkowska. ''Dreams and reality: Polish Canadian identities'' (1984)
*Нохрин И.М. ''Общественно-политическая мысль Канады и становление национального самосознания. — Huntsville: Altaspera Publishing & Literary Agency, 2012. — 232 pp. — {{ISBN|978-1-105-76379-3}}''
{{refend}}
{{Statistics Canada}}

==Further reading==
{{refbegin}}
*Clift, Dominique, ''The Secret Kingdom: Interpretations of the Canadian Character''. Toronto, Ont.: McClelland & Stewart, 1989. {{ISBN|0-7710-2161-5}}
*[https://books.google.com/books?id=kj-GdEjeL6MC&dq=Canadian+identity&pg=PT7 The European Roots of Canadian Identity]
{{refend}}

==External links==
{{Wikiquote|Canada}}
*[http://pch.gc.ca/ pch.gc.ca]
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20031228114729/http://www.culture.ca/canada/explore-explorez-e.jsp?pre=n&category=243 Canadian Society @ Culture.ca]
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20140821200252/http://www.iccs-ciec.ca/blackwell.html Canadian Studies: A Guide to the Sources]

{{Canada topics}}
{{People of Canada}}
{{Canadian identity}}

[[Category:Canadian identity| ]]
[[Category:Society of Canada]]