View source for Alexandru Averescu

{{short description|Romanian marshal and populist politician (1859–1938)}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=August 2025}}
{{Infobox officeholder
| name                = Alexandru Averescu
| honorific-prefix    = [[Mareșal (Romania)|Marshal]]
| image               = Le général Averescu, commandant du 1er corps d'armée roumain (cleanup).jpg
| caption             = General Alexandru Averescu, photographed ca. 1916
| order               = 24th [[Prime Minister of Romania]]
| term_start          = 29 January 1918
| term_end            = 4 March 1918
| monarch             = [[Ferdinand I of Romania|Ferdinand I]]
| predecessor         = [[Ion I. C. Brătianu]]
| successor           = [[Alexandru Marghiloman]]
| term_start1         = 13 March 1920
| term_end1           = 16 December 1921
| monarch1            = Ferdinand I
| predecessor1        = [[Alexandru Vaida-Voevod]]
| successor1          = [[Take Ionescu]]
| term_start2         = 30 March 1926
| term_end2           = 4 June 1927
| monarch2            = Ferdinand I
| predecessor2        = Ion I. C. Brătianu
| successor2          = [[Barbu Știrbey]]
| order3              = [[List of Romanian Foreign Ministers|Foreign Affairs Minister of Romania]]
| term_start3         = 29 January 1918
| term_end3           = 4 March 1918
| primeminister3      = ''Himself''
| predecessor3        = Ion I. C. Brătianu
| successor3          = [[Constantin C. Arion]]
| order4              = [[Chief of the Romanian General Staff]]
| term_start4         = 18 November 1911
| term_end4           = 2 December 1913
| monarch4            = [[Carol I of Romania|Carol I]]
| predecessor4        = [[Vasile Zottu]]
| successor4          = [[Constantin Cristescu]]
| order5              = [[Crown Council of Romania|Member of the Crown Council]]
| term_start5         = 30 March 1938
| term_end5           = 2 October 1938
| monarch5            = [[Carol II of Romania|Carol II]]
| order6              = President of the [[People's Party (interwar Romania)|People's Party]]
| term_start6         = 3 April 1918
| term_end6           = March 1938
| successor6          = [[Petre P. Negulescu]]
| birth_date          = {{birth date|1859|3|9|df=y}}
| birth_place         = Babele, [[United Principalities]] (today {{ill|Ozerne, Odesa Oblast|lt=Ozerne|ro|Babele, Ismail|uk|Озерне (Ізмаїльський район)}}, Ukraine)
| death_date          = {{death date and age|1938|10|2|1859|4|3|df=y}}
| death_place         = [[Bucharest]], Romania
| party               = [[People's Party (interwar Romania)|People's Party]]
| spouse              = Clotilda Averescu
| profession          = Officer
| signature           = 
| footnotes           = <!--Military service-->
| nickname            = 
| allegiance          = [[Kingdom of Romania]]
| branch              = [[Romanian Land Forces]]
| serviceyears        = 
| rank                = [[Mareșal (Romania)|Marshal of Romania]]
| unit                = 
| commands            = First Infantry Division<br />Second Army Corps<br />[[Second Army (Romania)|Second Army]]<br />[[Third Army (Romania)|Third Army]]
| battles             = {{Tree list}}
*[[Romanian War of Independence]]
*[[1907 Romanian peasants' revolt]]
*[[Second Balkan War]]
*[[Romania during World War I|World War I]]
**[[Flămânda Offensive]]
**[[Battle of Bazargic]]
**[[First Battle of Cobadin]]
**[[Battle of the Southern Carpathians]]
**[[Battle of Mărăști]]
**[[Battle of Mărășești]]
**[[Third Battle of Oituz]]
{{Tree list/end}}
}}
'''Alexandru Averescu''' ({{IPA|ro|alekˈsandru aveˈresku|-|Ro-Alexandru Averescu.ogg}}; 9 March 1859 – 2 October 1938)<!--Per MOS, full dates in infobox need not be repeated in lede--> was a Romanian marshal, diplomat and [[Populism|populist]] politician. A [[Romanian Armed Forces]] Commander during [[World War I]], he served as [[Prime Minister of Romania|Prime Minister]] of three separate cabinets (as well as being interim [[List of Romanian Foreign Ministers|Foreign Minister]] in January–March 1918 and [[Minister without portfolio]] in 1938). He first rose to prominence during the [[1907 Romanian peasants' revolt|peasants' revolt of 1907]], which he helped repress with violence. Credited with engineering the defense of [[Moldavia]] in the [[Romanian Campaign (World War I)|1916–1917 Campaign]], he built on his popularity to found and lead the successful [[People's Party (interwar Romania)|People's Party]], which he brought to power in 1920–1921, with backing from King [[Ferdinand I of Romania|Ferdinand I]] and the [[National Liberal Party (Romania, 1875)|National Liberal Party]] (PNL), and with the notable participation of [[Constantin Argetoianu]] and [[Take Ionescu]].

His controversial first mandate, marked by a political crisis and oscillating support from the PNL's leader [[Ion I. C. Brătianu]], played a part in legislating [[land reform]] and repressed [[communism|communist]] activities, before being brought down by the rally of opposition forces. His second term of 1926–1927 brought a much-debated treaty with [[Fascist Italy]], and fell after Averescu gave clandestine backing to the ousted [[Carol II of Romania|Prince Carol]]. Faced with the People Party's decline, Averescu closed deals with various [[right-wing]] forces and was instrumental in bringing Carol back to the throne in 1930. Relations between the two soured over the following years, and Averescu clashed with his fellow party member [[Octavian Goga]] over the king's attitudes. Shortly before his death, he and Carol reconciled, and Averescu joined the Crown Council.

Averescu, who authored over 12 works on various military topics (including his memoirs from the frontline),<ref name="otu">Petre Otu, "Mareșalul Alexandru Averescu (1859–1938)" ("Marshal Alexandru Averescu"), in ''Dosarele Istoriei'', 2(30)/1999, p.22-23</ref> was also an honorary [[list of members of the Romanian Academy|member of the Romanian Academy]] and an [[Order of Michael the Brave]] recipient. He became a [[Marshal of Romania]] in 1930.

==Early life and career==
Averescu was born in Babele, [[United Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia]] (later renamed to ''Alexandru Averescu'', today {{ill|Ozerne, Odesa Oblast|lt=Ozerne|ro|Babele, Ismail|uk|Озерне (Ізмаїльський район)}}, a village northwest of [[Izmail]], Ukraine). The son of Constantin Averescu, who held the [[Historical Romanian ranks and titles|rank]] of ''[[sluger]]'', he studied at the [[Romanian Orthodox Church|Romanian Orthodox]] seminary in Izmail, then at the School of Arts and Crafts in [[Bucharest]] (intending to become an engineer).<ref name="parean">{{in lang|ro}} Ioan Parean, [http://www.actrus.ro/revista2_2000/art_17.html ''Mareșalul Averescu, conducător militar de excepție'' ("Marshal Averescu, Outstanding Military Leader")] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070928003922/http://www.actrus.ro/revista2_2000/art_17.html |date=2007-09-28 }} at the [[Nicolae Bălcescu Land Forces Academy|Sibiu Land Forces Academy]]; retrieved 16 October 2007</ref> He had partial [[Gagauz people|Gagauz]] ancestry.<ref>https://gup.ugal.ro/ugaljournals/index.php/across/article/download/7565/6359/</ref> In 1876, he decided to join the [[Jandarmeria Română|Gendarmes]] in Izmail.<ref name="parean"/>

Seeing action as a [[cavalry]] sergeant with the Romanian troops engaged in the [[Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878)|Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878]], he was decorated on several occasions, but was later moved to reserve (after failing his medical examination due to the effects of [[frostbite]]).<ref name="parean"/> He was, however, reinstated later in 1878, and subsequently received a military education in Romania, at the military school of [[Târgoviște]] ([[Dealu Monastery]]), and in [[Italy]], at the Military Academy of [[Turin]].<ref name="otu"/><ref name="parean"/><ref name="argeto31968">[[Constantin Argetoianu]], "Memorii" ("Memoirs"; fragment), in ''Magazin Istoric'', March 1968, p.71-76, 79-81</ref><ref name="bulei">{{in lang|ro}} Ion Bulei, [http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi1997/current10/mi7.htm "Suntem cu toții cuprinși de grija cea mare" ("We Are All Overwhelmed by the Greatest of Concerns")] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070224110919/http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi1997/current10/mi7.htm |date=2007-02-24 }}, in ''Magazin Istoric'', October 1997; retrieved 16 October 2007</ref> Averescu married an Italian [[opera]] singer, Clotilda Caligaris, who had been the [[prima donna]] of [[La Scala]].<ref name="otu"/><ref name="parean"/><ref name="argeto31968"/> His future collaborator and rival [[Constantin Argetoianu]] stated that Averescu "chose Mrs. Clotilda at random".<ref name="argeto31968"/>

Upon his return, Averescu steadily climbed through the ranks. He was head of the Bucharest Military Academy (1894–1895), and, in 1895–1898, Romania's military ''[[attaché]]'' in the [[German Empire]]; a colonel in 1901, he was advanced to the rank of [[brigadier general]] and became head of the [[Tecuci]] regional Army Command Center in 1906.<ref name="otu"/><ref name="parean"/>

Before the First World War, he led the troops in crushing the [[1907 Romanian Peasants' Revolt|1907 peasants' revolt]] &mdash; where he engaged in using very harsh means of repression, especially when dealing with soldiers who refused to fight against the rebels &mdash; and was subsequently Minister of War in [[Dimitrie Sturdza]]'s [[National Liberal Party (Romania, 1875)|National Liberal Party]] (PNL) cabinet (1907–1909).<ref name="parean"/><ref name="bulei"/><ref name="hitchins">[[Keith Hitchins]], ''România, 1866–1947'', Humanitas, Bucharest, 1998 (translation of the English-language edition ''Rumania, 1866–1947'', Oxford University Press, USA, 1994), p.184-185, 270, 290-291, 389, 392, 402-403, 406-407</ref> According to the recollections of [[Eliza Brătianu]], a split occurred between him and the PNL after Averescu attempted to advance various political goals &mdash; the conflict erupted when he sought support with King [[Carol I of Romania|Carol I]] and then, as the National Liberals deeply resented Romania's alliance with the [[Central Powers]], he approached the Germans for backing.<ref name="eliza">{{in lang|ro}} [[Eliza Brătianu]], [http://www.memoria.ro/index.php?location=view_article&id=723 ''Averescu - 1918''] at the [http://www.memoria.ro/ ''Memoria'' Virtual Library]; retrieved 16 October 2007</ref>

Subsequently, he was commander of the First Infantry Division (stationed in [[Drobeta-Turnu Severin|Turnu Severin]]) and, later, of the Second Army Corps in [[Craiova]].<ref name="parean"/> In 1912, he became a [[major general]], and, in 1911–1913, he was [[List of the Chiefs of the General Staff of Romania|Chief of the General Staff]].<ref name="otu"/><ref name="parean"/> In the latter capacity, Averescu organized the actions of Romanian troops operating south of the [[Danube]] in the [[Second Balkan War]] (the campaign against [[Bulgaria]], during which his troops met no resistance).<ref name="otu"/><ref name="parean"/>

==World War and first cabinet==
{{main|Romanian Campaign (World War I)}}
During the First World War (which Romania entered in 1916), General Alexandru Averescu led the Second Romanian Army in the successful [[Battle of Predeal Pass|defense]] of the [[Predeal Pass]], and was then moved to the head of the Third Army (following the latter's defeat in the [[Battle of Turtucaia]]).<ref name="otu"/> He commanded Army Group South in the [[Flămânda Offensive|Flămânda operation]] against the Third Bulgarian Army and other forces of the [[Central Powers]], ultimately stopped by the German offensive (Averescu's forces did not register important losses, and orderly retreated to [[Moldavia]], where Romanian authorities had taken refuge from the successful German operations).<ref name="otu"/>
[[File:AlexandruAverescu21085v.jpg|thumb|General Averescu]]
Averescu again led the Second Army to victory in the [[Battle of Mărăști]] (August 1917);<ref name="hitchins"/> his achievements, including his brief breakthrough at Mărăști, were considered impressive by public opinion and his officers.<ref name="otu"/><ref name="parean"/> However, several military historians rate Averescu and his fellow Romanian generals very poorly, arguing that, overall, their direction of the war "could not have been worse".<ref>Vincent J. Esposito, ''The West Point Atlas of American Wars: 1900-1918'', [[United States Military Academy]] Dept. of Military Art and Engineering, text for map 40</ref> Despite controlling an army of 500,000 plus 100,000 [[Imperial Russia|Russian]] reinforcements, they were defeated by a German-[[Austria-Hungary|Austrian]]-Bulgarian army of 910,000 in less than four months of combat.

{{blockquote|"The strictness of General Averescu is well known in his army... There is no pardon for a coward, whoever he may be. I was present a few days ago at the execution of a wealthy young cavalry reserve officer. He retired his detachment from a position without reason or order;  he was tried and shot four days later. If General Averescu is strict with delinquents, the brave know that they will find in him their best friend and protector. His contact with the army under him is so close that he gets to know of the smallest act of bravery, and rewards, as far as possible personally, the man who has done it."|the correspondent of [[The  Times]] from Rumanian headquarters, February 10, 1917<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://archive.org/details/timeshistoryofwa12londuoft/page/140/mode/2up?view=theater|title=The Times history of the war, Vol. 12|work=The Times|page=140|place=London|oclc=862770522|access-date=2023-05-21}}</ref>}}

Averescu was widely seen as the person behind a relatively successful resistance to further offensives on [[Moldavia]] (the single piece of territory still held by the Romanian state), and he was considered by many of his contemporaries to have stood in contrast to what was seen as endemic corruption and incompetence.<ref name="otu"/><ref name="parean"/><ref name="eliza"/><ref name="boia">[[Lucian Boia]], ''History and Myth in Romanian Consciousness'', [[Central European University]] Press, [[Budapest]], 2001 {{ISBN|963-9116-97-1}}, p.210-211</ref> The state of affairs, together with the [[October Revolution]] in Russia, was to be blamed for the eventual Romanian surrender to the Central Powers; promoted Premier by King [[Ferdinand I of Romania|Ferdinand I]] during the period of crisis, Averescu began [[armistice]] talks with [[August von Mackensen]] in [[Buftea]] and [[Focșani]], but was vehemently opposed to the terms &mdash; he resigned, leaving the [[Alexandru Marghiloman]] cabinet when it signed the [[Treaty of Bucharest, 1918|Treaty of Bucharest]].<ref name="parean"/><ref name="argeto31968"/><ref name="constantinescu61971">Ion Constantinescu, "«Domnilor, vă stricați sănătatea degeaba...»" ("«Gentlemen, You're Ruining Your Health over Nothing...»"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', July 1971, p.23, 26</ref> Despite Averescu's talks yielding no result, he was repeatedly attacked by his political adversaries for having initiated them.<ref name="argeto31968"/>

[[File:Romania-WW1-3.jpg|thumb|270px|The Romanian Front in late 1916-early 1917]]
During the period, he also faced a [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|Russian Bolshevik]] military action: just before Averescu came to power, as Russia's [[Leon Trotsky]] negotiated the [[Treaty of Brest-Litovsk]] with Germany, the ''[[Rumcherod]]'' administrative body in [[Odessa]], led by [[Christian Rakovsky]], ordered an offensive from the east into Romania.<ref name="tanase">{{in lang|ro}} [[Stelian Tănase]], [http://www.magazinistoric.itcnet.ro/?module=displaystory&story_id=650&edition_id=3&format=html "Cristian Racovski" (Part I)] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070926230225/http://www.magazinistoric.itcnet.ro/?module=displaystory&story_id=650&edition_id=3&format=html |date=2007-09-26 }}, in ''Magazin Istoric'', April 2004; retrieved 16 October 2007</ref> In order to prevent further losses, Averescu signed his name to a much-criticized temporary armistice with the ''Rumcherod''; eventually, Rakovsky was himself faced with a German offensive (sparked by the temporary breakdown of negotiations at Brest-Litovsk), and had to abandon both his command and the base in Odessa.<ref name="tanase"/>

==People's Party==
===Character===
Averescu quit the army in the spring of 1918, aiming for a career in politics &mdash; initially, with a message that was hostile to the [[National Liberal Party (Romania, 1875)|National Liberal Party]] (PNL) and its leader [[Ion I. C. Brătianu]].

He presided over the [[People's Party (interwar Romania)|People's Party]] (initially named ''People's League''), and he was immensely popular especially among peasants after the end of the war. His force had an appealing [[populism|populist]] message, translated into vague promises and relying on the image of the General: peasants had been promised land at the beginning of the war (and they were being rewarded with it at the very moment, through an [[land reform|agrarian reform]] that reached its full scope in 1923); they had formed the larger part of the Army, and had come to see Averescu as the one to fulfill their expectations, as well as a figure who was still commanding their allegiance.<ref name="boia"/> [[Eliza Brătianu]], the PNL leader's wife, placed Averescu's ascension in the context of [[Greater Romania]]'s creation through the addition of [[Bessarabia]], [[Bukovina]], and [[Transylvania]] (while making use of the condescending National Liberal tone towards the [[Romanian National Party]] that was emerging triumphant in previously [[Austria-Hungary|Austro-Hungarian]] Transylvania):
<blockquote>"[The] so very harsh losses [during the war], the defeats suffered by the [[Romanian Old Kingdom|Old Kingdom]], the traces of foreign domination in the newly acquired provinces, but most of all the state of unhealthy euphoria that had taken hold of Transylvania, who had begun, in all good faith, to believe that only she had [[Union Day (Romania)|made the union happen]], all of these have created a sort of insecurity within the borders of [Greater Romania]."<ref name="eliza"/></blockquote>

As the movement initially tended to describe itself as a social trend rather than a political party, it also attracted former members of the [[Conservative Party (Romania, 1880-1918)|Conservative Party]] (such as [[Constantin Argetoianu]], [[Constantin Garoflid]], and [[Take Ionescu]]), military men such as [[Constantin Coandă]], the [[Democratic Nationalist Party (Romania)|Democratic Nationalist Party]] leader [[A. C. Cuza]], the notorious ''[[dirigisme]]'' supporters [[Mihail Manoilescu]] and [[Ștefan Zeletin]],<ref name="ornea1930s">[[Zigu Ornea|Z. Ornea]], ''Anii treizeci. Extrema dreaptă românească'' ("The 1930s: The Romanian Far Right"), [[Editura Fundației Culturale Române]], Bucharest, 1995, p.48, 243</ref> the moderate nationalist [[Duiliu Zamfirescu]], the future diplomat [[Citta Davila]], the journalist [[D. R. Ioaniţescu]], the left-wing agrarian [[Petru Groza]], the Bukovinian leader [[Iancu Flondor]], and the lawyer [[Petre Papacostea]].<ref name="argeto31968"/> Additional support came from Transylvanian activists such as [[Octavian Goga]] and [[Teodor Mihail]], who had previously left the [[Romanian National Party]] there in protest over the policies of its president [[Iuliu Maniu]].<ref name="argeto31968"/> Nevertheless, the People's Party did attempt to approach Maniu for an alliance at various intervals after summer 1919<ref name="argeto31968"/> (according to Argetoianu, their attempts were frustrated by King [[Ferdinand I of Romania|Ferdinand I]], whose relationship with Maniu was cordial at the time, and who allegedly stated "Maniu is no one else's! Maniu is mine!").<ref name="argeto31968"/>

The grouping also established close links with ''Garda Conștiinței Naționale'' (GCN, "The National Awareness Guard"), a [[reactionary]] group formed by the electrician [[Constantin Pancu]], engaged in violence against [[Communism|communist]] activists in [[Iași]] (the latter were feared by Averescu as well).<ref name="veiga">Francisco Veiga, ''Istoria Gărzii de Fier, 1919-1941: Mistica ultranaționalismului'' ("History of the Iron Guard, 1919-1941: The Mystique of Ultra-Nationalism"), Bucharest, [[Humanitas publishing house|Humanitas]], 1993 (Romanian-language version of the 1989 Spanish edition ''La mística del ultranacionalismo (Historia de la Guardia de Hierro) Rumania, 1919–1941'', Bellaterra, Publicacions de la [[Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona]], {{ISBN|84-7488-497-7}}), p.46-47, 86, 89, 91-93, 98, 252-253, 247-248</ref> Nevertheless, in late 1919, Averescu and Argetoianu approached the [[Socialist Party of Romania]] and its associate, the [[Social Democratic Party of Transylvania and Banat]], with an offer for collaboration, negotiating the matter with the parties' [[Reformism|reformist]] leaders &mdash; [[Ioan Flueraș]], [[Ilie Moscovici]], and [[Iosif Jumanca]].<ref name="argeto31968"/> At the time, Argetoianu claimed, his conversations with Moscovici revealed the fact that the latter was growing suspicious of the party's [[far left]] wing, where "the blanket-maker [[Gheorghe Cristescu|Cristescu]] and others were agitating".<ref name="argeto31968"/> Averescu proposed merging the two parties, as a distinct section, into the People's Party; he was refused, and talks broke down when the general expected the Socialists to support his electoral platform.<ref name="argeto31968"/>

===Impact===
According to Eliza Brătianu (who was comparing Averescu with the [[France|French]] rebel soldier [[Georges Boulanger]]), several voices inside his movement called on Averescu to lead a [[Republicanism|republican]] ''[[coup d'état]]'' against King Ferdinand and his wife &mdash; a move allegedly prevented only by the general's [[loyalism]].<ref name="eliza"/> Argetoianu, who admitted that "I shook hands with Averescu [...] expecting a dictatorial regime",<ref name="argeto31968"/> claimed that, during his stay in Italy, the general had been decisively influenced by [[Radicalism (historical)|Radicalism]] and the ''[[Italian unification|Risorgimento]]'' movement.<ref name="argeto31968"/> This, in Argetoianu's view, was the cause for his repeated involvement in [[Conspiracy (political)|conspiracies]];<ref name="argeto31968"/> he recalled that, in 1919, Davila's house was the scene of regular reunion of officers, who plotted Brătianu's ousting and pondered dethroning the king (in this version of events, Averescu initially accepted to be proclaimed dictator, but, around October of that year, called on conspirators to renounce their plan).<ref name="argeto31968"/>

Aiming to answer most of Romania's social and political issues, the League's founding document called for:
<blockquote>"A land reform, with the passage of the land which is at the moment [[Nationalization|expropriated]] only on principle [ - a reference to the 1917 promise for a land reform] into the effective and immediate ownership of villagers through the means of [[Commune in Romania|communes]]; an [[electoral reform]], through [[universal suffrage]], [[direct election]], [[secret ballot]], and [[compulsory voting]], with [[Representation (politics)|representation]] given to [[Minorities of Romania|ethnic minorities]], since the latter would not hinder the free manifestation of political individualities; [[Decentralization|administrative decentralization]]."<ref>{{in lang|ro}} [http://www.unibuc.ro/eBooks/istorie/istorie1918-1940/4-1.htm ''Actul de constituire a Ligii Poporului'' ("The Founding Act of the People's League")] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060908190100/http://www.unibuc.ro/eBooks/istorie/istorie1918-1940/4-1.htm |date=2006-09-08 }}, 16 April 1918</ref></blockquote>

According to Argetoianu,
<blockquote>"in the autumn of 1919, [Averescu's] popularity had reached its peak. In the villages, people would dream of him, some swore that they had seen him descending from an airplane into their midst, others, who had fought in the war, told that they had lived by his side in the [[Trench warfare|trenches]], it was through him that hopes were solidified, and he was expected of to provide a miracle for people to live a carefree and fulfilling life. His popularity was something [[Mysticism|mystical]], something supernatural, and all sorts of legends had begun to surround this [[Messiah]] of the Romanian people."<ref name="scurtumitrealit">{{in lang|ro}} Ioan Scurtu, [http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi1997/current5/mi41.htm "Mit și realitate. Alexandru Averescu" ("Myth and Reality. Alexandru Averescu")] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070715004505/http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi1997/current5/mi41.htm |date=2007-07-15 }}, in ''Magazin Istoric'', May 1997; retrieved 16 October 2007</ref></blockquote>

Although he was also [[List of Prime Ministers of Romania|Prime Minister of Romania]] for three mandates (1918, 1920–1921, 1926–1927), his political success is not as spectacular as the military one. Averescu ended up as one of the pawns maneuvered by Brătianu. Argetoianu later repeatedly expressed his distaste for Averescu's hesitant stance and openness to compromise.<ref name="argeto31968"/>

==Second cabinet==
===Establishment===
Initially, Brătianu approached Averescu using their shared displeasure over the [[Alexandru Vaida-Voevod]] [[Romanian National Party]] (PNR)-[[Peasants' Party (Romania)|Peasants' Party]] (PȚ) cabinet; the National Liberals managed to obtain the general's renunciation of his goal to prosecute their party for alleged mis-management of Romania before and during the war, as well as his promise to respect the [[1866 Constitution of Romania]] when carrying out [[Land reform in Romania|the planned land reform]]. At the same time, Brătianu kept a tight relationship with King Ferdinand.<ref name="hitchins"/><ref name="scurtumitrealit"/>

On 13 March 1920, he gave news of the Vaida-Voevod cabinet's dissolution, and was widely expected to call for early elections as soon as this had happened. Instead, he read a document convened with King Ferdinand, which suspended [[Parliament of Romania|Parliament]] (the first legislative body in ''[[Greater Romania]]'') for ten days &mdash; the measure was intended to give Averescu the time to negotiate a new majority in the chambers.<ref name="constantinescu61971"/><ref name="scurtuprab">{{in lang|ro}} Ioan Scurtu, [http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi2000/current3/mi24.htm "Prăbuşirea unui mit" ("A Myth's Crumbling")] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071010050219/http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi2000/current3/mi24.htm |date=2007-10-10 }}, in ''Magazin Istoric'', March 2000; retrieved 16 October 2007</ref> These moves caused a vocal response from the opposition: [[Nicolae Iorga]], who was president of the [[Chamber of Deputies of Romania|Chamber of Deputies]] and sided with the National Party, called for a [[motion of no confidence]] to be passed on 26 March; in return, Averescu obtained the support of the monarch in dissolving the Parliament, and invested his cabinet's energies into winning the [[1920 Romanian general election|early elections]] by enlisting the help of [[Counties of Romania|county]]-level officials (local administration came to be dominated by People's Party officials).<ref name="scurtuprab"/><ref name="constantinescu81971">Ion Constantinescu, "Dr. N. Lupu: «Dacă și d-ta ai fi fost bătut...»" ("Dr. [[Nicolae L. Lupu|N. Lupu]]: «If You Yourself Had Been Beaten...»"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', August 1971, p.37-41</ref> It carried the vote with 206 seats (223 together with [[Take Ionescu]]'s [[Conservative-Democratic Party]]).<ref name="scurtuprab"/>

As agreements between the PNR and PȚ broke down (with the PNR awaiting for new developments), the PȚ joined Iorga's party, the [[Democratic Nationalist Party (Romania)|Democratic Nationalists]], in creating the ''Federation of National-Social Democracy'' (which also drew support from the group around [[Nicolae L. Lupu]]).<ref name="constantinescu81971"/>

===Policies===
His mandate was marked by the signing of the [[Treaty of Trianon]] with [[Hungary]], and initial steps leading to the creation of the [[Little Entente]]—formed by Romania with [[Czechoslovakia]] and the [[Kingdom of Yugoslavia|Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes]]. It was also at this stage that Romania and the [[Second Polish Republic]] inaugurated their military alliance (''see [[Polish–Romanian alliance]]''). The goal to create a ''[[cordon sanitaire (politics)|cordon sanitaire]]'' against [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|Bolshevist Russia]] also brought him and his [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Minister of the Interior]] Argetoianu to oversee repression measures against the group of [[Socialist Party of Romania]] members who voted in favor of joining the [[Comintern]] (arrested on suspicion of "attempt against the state's security" on 12 May 1921).<ref name="parean"/><ref name="diac">Cristina Diac, [http://www.jurnalul.ro/articol_19402/la__kilometrul_0__al_comunismului_romanesc.html "La «kilometrul 0» al comunismului românesc. «S-a terminat definitiv cu comunismul in România!»" ("At «Kilometer 0» in Romanian Communism. «Communism in Romania Is Definitely Over!»")] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140328053649/http://jurnalul.ro/articol_19402/la__kilometrul_0__al_comunismului_romanesc.html |date=2014-03-28 }}, in ''[[Jurnalul Național]]'', 6 October 2004; retrieved 16 October 2007</ref><ref name="troncota">Cristian Troncotă, "Siguranța și spectrul revoluției comuniste" ("[[Siguranța]] and the Specter of Communist Revolution"), in ''Dosarele Istoriei'', 4(44)/2000, p.18-19</ref> This came after a long debate in Parliament over the imprisonment of [[Mihai Gheorghiu Bujor]], a Romanian citizen who had joined the Russian [[Red Army]] in [[Bessarabia]] during the later stages of the [[October Revolution]], and who had been tried for [[treason]].<ref name="constantinescu81971"/> Argetoianu, who proclaimed communism to be "over in Romania",<ref name="diac"/><ref name="troncota"/> later indicated that Averescu and other members of the cabinet were hesitant about the crackdown, and that he ultimately resorted to taking initiative for the arrests &mdash; thus presenting his fellow politicians with a ''[[fait accompli]]''.<ref name="diac"/>

The regions coming under Romania's administration at the end of the war still maintained their ''[[ad hoc]]'' administrative structures, including the [[Transylvania]]n Directory Council, set up and dominated by the PNR; Averescu ordered these dissolved in April, facing protest from local notabilities.<ref name="livezeanu">[[Irina Livezeanu]], ''Cultural Politics in Greater Romania: Regionalism, Nation Building and Ethnic Struggle, 1918–1930'', [[Cornell University Press]], New York City, 1995 {{ISBN|0-8014-8688-2}}, p.23-24</ref> At the same time, he ordered all troops to be [[Demobilization|demobilized]].<ref name="argeto31968"/> He unified currency around the [[Romanian leu]], and imposed a [[land reform]] in the form in which it was to be carried out by the new Brătianu executive.<ref name="argeto31968"/><ref name="livezeanu"/> In fact, the latter measure had been imposed by the outgoing PNL cabinet through the order of [[Ion G. Duca]], in a manner which Argetoianu described as "destructive".<ref name="argeto31968"/> As an initial step, Averescu's government appointed the noted activist [[Vasile Kogălniceanu]], a deputy for [[Ilfov County]], as ''[[rapporteur]]''; Kogălniceanu used this position to give an account of the agrarian situation in Romania, stressing the role played by his ancestor, [[Constantin Kogălniceanu|Constantin]], in abolishing [[Moldavia]]n [[serfdom]], as well as that of his father, [[Mihail Kogălniceanu]], in eliminating ''[[corvée]]s'' throughout Romania.<ref>Ștefan Gorovei, "Kogălnicenii" ("The Kogălniceanu Family"), in ''[[Magazin Istoric]]'', July 1977, p.10, 60</ref>

The People's Party found itself hard pressed to limit the effects of the reform as promised by Duca &mdash; reason why [[Constantin Garoflid]], seen by Argetoianu as "the Conservative and theorist of large-scale [[landed property]]", was promoted as Minister of Agriculture.<ref name="argeto31968"/> Argetoianu also accused the Premier of endorsing reform in an even more radical shape,<ref name="argeto31968"/> and contended that:
<blockquote>"[...] peasants blessed «father Averescu», who gave them land, and rallied around him even tighter. Brătianu, Duca, they were nowhere mentioned except in curses. O, human gratitude!"<ref name="argeto31968"/></blockquote>

In October 1920, Averescu reached an agreement with the [[Allies of World War I|Allied Powers]], recognizing Bessarabia's union with Romania &mdash; expressing a hope for the Bolshevik government to be overthrown, it also imposed the region's cession on a projected democratic government in Russia (while calling for further negotiations between it and Romania); throughout the [[interwar period]], the [[Soviet Union]] refused to bind itself to the provisions of the agreement.<ref name="hitchins"/> [[Italy]] also refused to [[Ratification|ratify]] the document, citing, alongside various foreign interests (including its friendship with the Soviet Union),<ref name="clark">[[Charles Upson Clark]], [http://depts.washington.edu/cartah/text_archive/clark/bc_28.shtml ''Bessarabia. Russia and Roumania on the Black Sea'': Chapter XXVIII, "The Tatar-Bunar Episode"], at the [[University of Washington]]; retrieved 16 October 2007</ref><ref name="hincu">Dumitru Hîncu, "O acțiune politică contestată. Descoperiri în arhivele Ministerului de externe din Viena" ("A Controversial Political Action. Discoveries in the Vienna Foreign Ministry Archives"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', November 1995, pp. 68–70</ref> the 250 million [[Italian lira|Italian lire]] owed to Italian investors in Romanian state [[Bond (finance)|bonds]].<ref name="hincu"/>

===Scandals and fall===
In March 1921, Argetoianu became implicated in a scandal involving the actions of his associate Aron Schuller, who had attempted to contract a 20 million lire loan with a bank in Italy, using as [[Collateral (finance)|collateral]] Romanian [[war bond]]s that he had illegally obtained from the Finance Ministry reserve.<ref>Ion Constantinescu, "Duiliu Zamfirescu: «Zero la purtare lui Ionel Brătianu!»" ("[[Duiliu Zamfirescu]]: «Grade Zero in Manners to [[Ion I. C. Brătianu|Ionel Brătianu]]!»"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', September 1971, p.68-70</ref>

With [[Nicolae Titulescu]] as Finance Minister, Averescu resumed the [[interventionism (politics)|interventionist]] course in economic policies, but broke with tradition when he attempted to legislate a major increase in taxes and proposed [[nationalization]]s &mdash; with potential negative effects on the PNL-voting [[middle class]].<ref name="hitchins"/><ref name="scurtuprab"/><ref name="slabey">Joseph Slabey Rouček, ''Contemporary Roumania and Her Problems'', Ayer Publishing, [[Manchester, New Hampshire]], 1971, p.106, 111-113</ref> The National Liberals, through the voice of [[Alexandru Constantinescu-Porcu]], helped exploit the rivalry between the Peasants' Party and Iorga, using the latter's rejection of [[Constantin Stere]] (a conflict sparked by Stere's support for Germany during the World War); Stere won partial elections for the deputy seat in [[Soroca]], Bessarabia, causing a political scandal which saw all parties (including the PNR) declare their dissatisfaction.<ref name="scurtuprab"/> The conflict worsened during a prolonged parliamentary debate over Averescu's proposal to nationalize enterprises in [[Reșița]] (an initiative the opposition mistrusted, alleging that the new owners were to be People's Party members), when Argetoianu addressed a mumbled insult to the Peasant Party's [[Virgil Madgearu]].<ref name="scurtuprab"/> [[Ion G. Duca]] of the PNL expressed his sympathies to Madgearu (who had repeated out an obscene word whispered by Argetoianu), and all opposition groups appealed to Ferdinand, asking for Averescu's recall (14 July 1921).<ref name="scurtuprab"/>

Ferdinand then attempted to facilitate a fusion between the [[Romanian National Party]] and the National Liberals, but negotiations broke down after disagreements over the possible leadership.<ref name="scurtuprab"/> Eventually, Brătianu convened with Ferdinand his return to power, and the king called on [[List of Romanian Foreign Ministers|Foreign Minister]] [[Take Ionescu]] to resign, thus causing a political crisis that profited the PNL and put an end to the Averescu cabinet.

Shows of popular support in [[Bucharest]] were called of by Averescu himself, after he had negotiated with Brătianu for a People's Party cabinet to be formed "at a proper time".<ref name="scurtumitrealit"/> Ionescu took over as premier until late January 1922, when he was replaced by Brătianu.<ref name="slabey"/>

==Third cabinet==

===New political alliances===
In early 1926, the general was again named Premier, and approached the PNR and its close ally, the Peasants' Party, proposing a merger around his leadership. This met with a stiff refusal, as it seemed that the two were about to win the elections with additional support, but the king, suspicious of the [[left-wing]] credentials of the Peasants' Party, used his [[Royal Prerogative]] and nominated Averescu as premier (with PNL support).<ref name="hitchins"/><ref name="scurtumitrealit"/><ref name="constantinescu101971">Ion Constantinescu, "V. Madgearu: «Rechinii așteaptă prada!»" ("[[Virgil Madgearu|V. Madgearu]]: «The Sharks Await Their Pray!»"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', October 1971, p.81-82</ref>

Averescu's party was instead joined by PNR dissidents, [[Vasile Goldiș]] and [[Ioan Lupaș]], who represented a [[Romanian Orthodox Church|Romanian Orthodox]] segment of the Transylvanian voters (rather than the [[Romanian Church United with Rome, Greek-Catholic|Greek Catholics]] supporting [[Iuliu Maniu]]).<ref name="slabey"/> The [[1926 Romanian general election|1926 elections]], which Averescu's cabinet organized in March and won with a landslide (269 mandates) also brought a massive defeat for the PNL, who held just 16 seats in the Chamber of Deputies.<ref name="hitchins"/><ref name="slabey"/><ref name="constantinescu101971"/>

===Italian-Romanian Treaty===
Although not [[Fascism|fascist]] itself, the new government he formed displayed gestures of friendship towards [[Benito Mussolini]]'s [[Fascist Italy]],<ref name="parean"/><ref name="veiga"/><ref name="hincu"/> a state which advertised itself as a rising force &mdash; ''[[The Nation (U.S. periodical)|The Nation]]'' called Averescu "Romania's Mussolini", as "an epithet which the new premier of Rumania bestowed upon himself".<ref>James Fuchs, "Averescu: Rumania's Mussolini", in ''[[The Nation (U.S. periodical)|The Nation]]'', Vol. 122, no. 3175, 12 May 1926</ref> Contacts established (as early as June 1926, when [[Mihail Manoilescu]] had negotiated a loan in [[Rome]])<ref name="hincu"/><ref name="slabey"/> were one of the major points of divergence between the policies of Averescu and those of Brătianu: the former attempted to overcome the embarrassment provoked by Mussolini when, due to Romania's debt, the Italian government had recalled the ambassador and had refused to permit King Ferdinand's pre-convened visit.<ref name="hincu"/>

The loan convened by Manoilescu and Mussolini made important concessions to Italy in return for a clarification of Romania's debt status; it also led to the signing of a five-year "Friendship Treaty" (16 September), widely condemned by Romanian public opinion for not having called on Italy to state its support for Romanian rule in [[Bessarabia]],<ref name="clark"/><ref name="hincu"/><ref name="visoianu">{{citation|author=Constantin Vișoianu|title=Cronica Externă. (Pactul Franco-Romîn.&mdash;Pactul Italo-Romîn)|trans-title=Foreign Column. (The Franco-Romanian Pact.—The Italo-Romanian Pact)| lang=ro| url=http://dspace.bcu-iasi.ro/handle/123456789/27209| magazine=[[Viața Românească]]|volume=18|issue=10|year=1926|pages=103–110}}</ref> and created tension inside the [[Little Entente]] ([[Kingdom of Yugoslavia|Yugoslavia]] feared that Italy had attempted to gain Romania's neutrality in case of a potential [[Italia irredenta|irredentist]] conflict).<ref name="hincu"/><ref name="visoianu"/>{{rp|108}} Writing at the time, [[Constantin Vișoianu]] also criticized the vague terms in which the sections of the document dealing with mutual defense had been drafted:
<blockquote>"What have we gained from Italy through this pact? Nothing. In truth, article 3 &mdash; which does not [even] refer to Bessarabia &mdash; makes provisions for the eventuality of a ''violent'' incursion and organizes a mutual assistance system [that is] original through its [[Platonic love]]-like character."<ref name="visoianu"/>{{rp|108}}<ref>Slabey Roucek (''Contemporary Roumania and Her Problems'', p. 112) believed a protocol over [[Bessarabia]] to have been in fact concluded, probably based on the vague character of the text</ref></blockquote>

The treaty expired in 1932, and, after being prolonged by six months, it was not renewed.<ref name="hincu"/> Overall, the political impact of contacts was minor, given that the Italians mistrusted the Romanian movement for its traditional role as instrument for Brătianu.<ref name="veiga"/> Referring to the parallel project to marry [[Princess Ileana of Romania|Princess Ileana]] to [[Umberto II of Italy|Prince Umberto of Italy]],<ref name="time20121926">"Dynastic Alliance?", in ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'', 20 December 1926</ref> Averescu himself allegedly stated: "I didn't get much from Italy except a throne for a Princess of Rumania".<ref name="time20121926"/>

===Averescu's controversial projects===
Averescu continued to offer his support to far-right groups (especially to the [[National-Christian Defense League]] formed by [[A. C. Cuza]], his early collaborator), and probably considered assuming dictatorial powers.<ref name="veiga"/>

The cabinet clashed with Brătianu when it was discovered that it had been negotiating in secret with the disinherited [[Carol II of Romania|Prince Carol]] (a traditional adversary of the PNL) as Ferdinand's health was taking a turn for the worse<ref name="argeto31968"/><ref name="hitchins"/><ref name="constantinescu101971"/><ref name="time21111927">"Manoilescu Trial", in ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'', 21 November 1927</ref> (Averescu later claimed that he had been asked by Brătianu: "So, after I have brought you to power, you wish to rise and dominate?").<ref name="scurtumitrealit"/><ref>Slabey Roucek (''Contemporary Roumania and Her Problems'', p. 113) supports the version of events later dismissed by Averescu himself, according to which the general had opposed Carol's return</ref> The PNL withdrew its support, and, through an order signed by [[Constantin Hiott]],<ref name="argeto31968"/> Averescu's was replaced by the [[broad coalition government]] of [[Barbu Știrbey]], Brătianu's brother-in-law.<ref name="livezeanu"/><ref name="constantinescu101971"/> The general's deposition, confirmed by King Ferdinand on his deathbed,<ref name="constantinescu101971"/> created a vacuum on [[Right-wing|the Right]], soon filled by the [[Iron Guard]], a fascist movement formed by [[Corneliu Zelea Codreanu]] (formerly an associate of Cuza's).<ref name="veiga"/>

==Late 1920s politics==
[[File:Alexandru Averescu.jpg|thumb|Averescu]]
The People's Party involved itself in solving [[Romanian dynastic crisis|the dynastic crisis]] after Ferdinand's death in July 1927, again approaching Carol to replace the child-king [[Michael I of Romania|Michael]] and [[Prince Nicholas of Romania|Prince Nicholas]]' regency. In November 1927, Averescu took the stand in the trial of his supporter [[Mihail Manoilescu]], who was arrested after having incited pro-Carol sentiment; in his testimony, he backed the notion that, despite his initial anger, Ferdinand had ultimately planned to have Carol return to the throne.<ref name="time21111927"/>

His grouping lost much of its supporters to the newly formed [[National Peasants' Party]],<ref name="hitchins"/> and scored under 2% in the [[1927 Romanian general election|1927 elections]].<ref name="hitchins"/><ref name="scurtumitrealit"/> Around 1930, Averescu began opposing the [[universal suffrage]] he had endorsed earlier, and issued an appeal to the [[intellectual]]s in order to have it discarded from legislation on the basis that it was easily influenced by the parties in power.<ref name="nicanor">P. Nicanor & Co., "Miscellanea. (O. Goga despre votul universal)" ("Miscellanea. ([[Octavian Goga|O. Goga]] on Universal Suffrage)"), in ''[[Viața Românească]]'', 4-5/XXIII (April–May 1926), p.138-139</ref> He and his supporter, the pro-[[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] poet [[Octavian Goga]],<ref name="nicanor"/> received criticism from the [[left-wing]] [[Poporanism|Poporanist]] journal ''[[Viața Românească]]'', who claimed that Averescu had in fact provoked and encouraged widespread electoral irregularities during his time in office.<ref name="nicanor"/>

In November 1930, he filed a complaint against the poet and journalist [[Bazil Gruia]], claiming that the latter had [[libel]]ed him by publishing, in January, an article in ''[[Chemarea]]'' which began by questioning the People's Party claim that Averescu was "the only honest comrade of the Romanian peasant" and contrasted it with the general's activities during the [[1907 Romanian Peasants' Revolt|1907 Revolt]].<ref name="tascu">Valentin Tașcu, "Mareșalul Averescu nu-și mai aduce aminte" ("Marshal Averescu No Longer Recalls"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', March 1973, pp. 61–65</ref> The trial was held in [[Cluj-Napoca|Cluj]], and Gruia was represented in court by [[Radu R. Rosetti]].<ref name="tascu"/> On 1 December, Gruia was found guilty and sentenced to 15 days in a correctional facility with reprieve, and to a fine of 3,000 [[Romanian leu|lei]] (soon after, Gruia benefited from a pardon).<ref name="tascu"/>

Averescu was promoted to [[Mareșal (Romania)|Marshal of Romania]] in the same year,<ref name="parean"/><ref name="time2361930">"King at Work", in ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'', 23 June 1930</ref> during the time when Carol returned to rule as King &mdash; the appointment was attributed by ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' to his political support for the latter's return.<ref name="time2361930"/><ref name="time511931">"End of a Dynasty?", in ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'', 5 January 1931</ref> According to the same source, by the end of 1930, Averescu was again at the center of Romanian politics, owing to Carol's favor, to the deaths of Ion I. C. and [[Vintilă Brătianu]], and to the unexpected support he gained from the PNL dissident [[Gheorghe I. Brătianu]].<ref name="time511931"/>

== Final years ==
[[File:RO AB Bustul lui Alexandru Averescu.jpg|thumb|{{center|Bust of Alexandru Averescu in [[Alba Iulia]]}}]]
He ultimately showed himself hostile to Carol's inner circle, and especially to the king's lover [[Magda Lupescu]]; consequently, Goga was instigated by Carol to take over as leader of the People's Party, and the latter attacked Averescu for "subverting [...] the traditional respect enjoyed by the Crown".<ref name="scurtumitrealit"/> The clash led to Goga's creation of the splinter [[National Agrarian Party (Romania)|National Agrarian Party]], which, although never an important force, obtained more of the vote in the [[1932 Romanian general election|1932 elections]] (approx. 3% compared to Averescu's 2%).<ref name="scurtumitrealit"/>

Around 1934, as the Guard proclaimed its allegiance to [[Nazi Germany]], the Italians (still rivals of [[Adolf Hitler]]), approached Averescu (as well as Manoilescu, [[Nicolae Iorga]], [[Nichifor Crainic]], Cuza, Goga, and other non-Guardist reactionaries), with an offer for collaboration (''see [[Comitati d'azione per l'universalità di Roma]]'').<ref name="veiga"/> This apparent alliance was, in fact, marked by major dissensions &mdash; Averescu and Iorga were routinely attacked by Crainic's ''[[Calendarul]]''.<ref name="ornea1930s"/> Eventually, Averescu's group formed, in 1934, the ''Constitutional Front'', a nationalist [[electoral alliance]] with the [[National Liberal Party-Brătianu]], which was joined by [[Mihai Stelescu]]'s [[Crusade of Romanianism]] (an Iron Guard offshoot), and the minor party created by [[Grigore Forțu]] (the ''Citizen Bloc''); after the latter two parties disappeared, the Front survived in its original form until 1936, when it disbanded.<ref>{{in lang|ro}} Victoria Gabriela Gruber, [http://doctorate.ulbsibiu.ro/obj/documents/an-gruber_000.pdf ''Partidul Național Liberal (Gheorghe Brătianu)'' (summary)], Chapter V, at the [[Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu]]; retrieved 16 October 2007</ref>

In 1937, despite his ongoing feud with Carol, Averescu was appointed a member of the Crown Council. Argetoianu recalled that he and the Marshal had reconciled &mdash; at a time when Argetoianu pondered rallying all opposition forces, including the National Peasants' Party, the National Liberal Party-Brătianu, and the Iron Guard, in a single electoral bloc<ref name="argetoianu121967">[[Constantin Argetoianu]], "Memorii" ("Memoirs"; fragment), in ''[[Magazin Istoric]]'', December 1967, p.80-82, 83-85</ref> (before the [[1937 Romanian general election|general election of December]], the various groups successfully negotiated an electoral pact against the government of [[Gheorghe Tătărescu]]). Averescu, who, according to Argetoianu, declared was more interested in convincing Carol to allow his estranged wife [[Elena of Greece and Denmark|Elena of Greece]] to return to Romania, remained opposed to the deal.<ref name="argetoianu121967"/>

The following year, he was briefly [[minister without portfolio]] in the cabinet of Premier [[Patriarch Miron of Romania|Miron Cristea]], created by Carol to combat the ascension of the Iron Guard,<ref name="veiga"/> and opposed the monarch's option to renounce the [[1923 Constitution of Romania|1923 Constitution]] and proclaim his dictatorship (the latter move signaled the end of the People's Party),<ref name="scurtumitrealit"/> but was among the figures displayed by Carol's regime.<ref name="veiga"/> He died soon after in Bucharest, and was buried in the World War I heroes' crypt in [[Mărăști, Vrancea|Mărăști]].<ref name="parean"/> In December, the king created the [[National Renaissance Front]] as the political instrument of his authoritarian rule.<ref name="veiga"/>

==References==
{{Reflist|2}}

==Bibliography==
* {{Cite book |title=Durchleuchtung eines Verrats Der Fall des Oberst Alexandru D. Sturdza |last1=Otu |first1=Petre |publisher=Lektor |trans-title=Examination of a treason. The Case of Colonel Alexandru D. Sturdza |year=2022 |isbn=9783941866089 |location=Hainburg |language=German |last2=Georgescu |first2=Maria |oclc=1335552122}}
* {{Cite book |title=Alexandru Averescu Marschall, Politiker, Legende |last1=Otu |first1=Petre |publisher=Lektor |year=2012 |isbn=9783941866027 |location=Hainburg/Hessen |language=German |last2=Bucur |first2=Viorel V. |trans-title=Alexandru Averescu Marshal, Politician, Legend |oclc=815951423}}

==External links==
*[http://www.firstworldwar.com/bio/averescu.htm FirstWorldWar.com Biography]
* {{PM20|FID=pe/000782}}

{{Marshals of Romania}}
{{RomanianPrimeMinisters}}
{{RomanianForeignMinisters}}
{{Defence Ministers of Romania}}
{{RomanianInteriorMinisters}}
{{First Cristea Cabinet}}
{{SMG chiefs}}
{{Great Union}}

{{Authority control}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Averescu, Alexandru}}
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