View source for 1880 Democratic National Convention

{{short description|U.S. political convention}}
{{featured article}}
{{Use mdy dates|date=January 2025}}
{{Infobox National Political Convention
| year = 1880
| party = Democratic
| image = DP1880.png
| image2 = DVP1880.png
| caption = Nominees <br> Hancock and English
| date = June 22–24, 1880
| venue = [[Cincinnati Music Hall|Music Hall]]
| city = [[Cincinnati]], [[Ohio]]
| presidential_nominee = [[Winfield Scott Hancock|Winfield Hancock]]
| presidential_nominee_state = [[Pennsylvania]]
| vice_presidential_nominee = [[William Hayden English|William English]]
| vice_presidential_nominee_state = [[Indiana]]
| previous_year = 1876
| next_year = 1884
}}
The '''1880 Democratic National Convention''' was held June 22 to 24, 1880, at the [[Cincinnati Music Hall|Music Hall]] in [[Cincinnati]], [[Ohio]], and nominated [[Winfield Scott Hancock|Winfield S. Hancock]] of [[Pennsylvania]] for [[President of the United States|president]] and [[William Hayden English|William H. English]] of [[Indiana]] for [[Vice President of the United States|vice president]] in the [[1880 United States presidential election|United States presidential election of 1880]].

Six men were officially candidates for nomination at the convention, and several more also received votes. Of these, the two leading candidates were Hancock and [[Thomas F. Bayard]] of [[Delaware]]. Not officially a candidate, but wielding a heavy influence over the convention, was the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] nominee from 1876, [[Samuel J. Tilden]] of New York. Many Democrats believed Tilden to have been unjustly deprived of the presidency in 1876 and hoped to rally around him in the 1880 campaign. Tilden, however, was ambiguous about his willingness to participate in another campaign, leading some delegates to defect to other candidates, while others stayed loyal to their old standard-bearer.

As the convention opened, some delegates favored Bayard, a conservative Senator, and some others supported Hancock, a career soldier and [[American Civil War|Civil War]] hero. Still others flocked to men they saw as surrogates for Tilden, including [[Henry B. Payne]] of Ohio, an attorney and former representative, and [[Samuel J. Randall]] of Pennsylvania, the [[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives]]. The first round of balloting was inconclusive. Before the second round, Tilden's withdrawal from the campaign became known for certain and delegates flocked to Hancock, who was nominated. English, a conservative politician from a [[swing state]], was nominated for vice president. Hancock and English were narrowly defeated in the race against [[Republican Party (United States)|Republicans]] [[James A. Garfield]] and [[Chester A. Arthur]] that autumn.

== Issues and candidates ==
In 1876, [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] [[Rutherford B. Hayes]] of [[Ohio]] defeated Democrat [[Samuel J. Tilden]] of [[New York (state)|New York]] in the most [[1876 United States presidential election|hotly contested election]] to that time in the nation's history.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=17–21}} The results initially indicated a Democratic victory, but the electoral votes of several states were ardently disputed until mere days before the new president was to be inaugurated. Members of both parties in Congress agreed to convene a bi-partisan [[Electoral Commission (United States)|Electoral Commission]], which ultimately decided the race for Hayes.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=17–21}} Most Democrats believed Tilden had been robbed of the presidency, and he became the leading candidate for nomination in 1880.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=52–55}} In the meantime, issues of [[tariff]] reform and the [[gold standard]] divided the country and the major parties.{{sfn|Wiebe 1967|pp=31–37}}

The monetary issue played a large role in selecting the nominees in 1880, but had little effect on the general election campaign. The debate concerned the basis for the United States dollar's value. Nothing but gold and silver coin had ever been legal tender in the United States until the [[American Civil War|Civil War]], when the mounting costs of the war forced Congress to issue "[[united States Note|greenbacks]]" ([[United States one-dollar bill#History|dollar bills]] backed by government bonds).{{sfn|Unger 1964|pp=14–16}} They paid for the war, but resulted in the most severe [[inflation]] seen since the [[American Revolution]].{{sfn|Unger 1964|pp=14–16}} After the war, bondholders and other creditors (especially in the North) wanted to return to a gold standard. At the same time, debtors (often in the South and West) benefited by the way inflation reduced their debts, and workers and some businessmen liked the way inflation made for easy credit.{{sfn|Unger 1964|pp=43–67}} The issue cut across parties, producing dissension among Republicans and Democrats alike and spawning a third party, the [[Greenback Party]], in 1876, when both major parties nominated hard money men. Monetary debate intensified as Congress effectively demonetized silver in 1873 and began redeeming greenbacks in gold by 1879, while limiting their circulation.{{sfn|Wiebe 1967|p=6}} By the 1880 convention, the nation's money was backed by gold alone, but the issue was far from settled.{{sfn|Unger 1964|pp=374–407}}

Debate over tariffs would come to play a much larger role in the campaign. During the Civil War, Congress raised protective tariffs to new heights. This was done partly to pay for the war, but partly because high tariffs were popular in the North. A high tariff meant that foreign goods were more expensive, which made it easier for American businesses to sell goods domestically.{{sfn|Peskin 1980|pp=175–176}} Republicans [[Protectionism|supported high tariffs]] as a way to protect American jobs and increase prosperity.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=297}} Democrats, generally, saw them as making goods unnecessarily expensive and adding to the growing federal revenues when, with the end of the Civil War, that much revenue was no longer needed.{{sfn|Peskin 1980|pp=175–176}} Many Northern Democrats supported high tariffs, however, for the same economic reasons that their Republican neighbors did, so while Democratic platforms called for a tariff "for revenue only," their speakers avoided the question as much as possible.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=297}}

=== Tilden ===
[[File:SamuelJonesTilden.png|thumb|Former Governor [[Samuel J. Tilden]] of New York]]
Samuel Jones Tilden began his political career in the "[[Barnburners and Hunkers|Barnburner]]," or Free Soil, faction of the New York Democratic Party.{{sfn|Flick 1939|pp=57–64}} He was a successful lawyer and had accumulated a considerable fortune. A disciple of former president [[Martin Van Buren]], Tilden was first elected to the [[New York State Assembly]] in 1846. Tilden defected with Van Buren to the 1848 [[Free Soil Party]] convention before returning to the Democratic party after the election.{{sfn|Flick 1939|pp=82–87}} Unlike many free-soil Democrats, Tilden stayed with his party in the 1850s instead of transferring his allegiance to the newly formed Republican party. When the Civil War began, he remained loyal to the Union and considered himself a [[War Democrat]].{{sfn|Hirsch 1951|p=790}} In 1866, he became chairman of the New York State Democratic party, a post he held for eight years.{{sfn|Hirsch 1951|p=790}} Tilden initially cooperated with [[Tammany Hall]], the New York City political machine of [[William M. Tweed|William "Boss" Tweed]], but the two men soon became enemies.{{sfn|Hirsch 1951|pp=792–794}} In the early 1870s, as reports of Tammany's corruption spread, Tilden took up the cause of reform.{{sfn|Hirsch 1951|pp=792–794}} He formed a rival faction that captured control of the party and led the effort to uncover proof of Tammany's corruption and remove its men from office. Tweed was soon indicted and convicted; Tammany was weakened and reformed, but not vanquished.{{sfn|Hirsch 1951|pp=796–798}}

The triumph over Tammany paved the way for Tilden's election to a two-year term as governor in 1874.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=14}} As a popular, reformist governor of a large [[swing state]], Tilden was a natural candidate for the presidency in 1876, when one of the main issues was the corruption of the administration of President [[Ulysses S. Grant]].{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=15}} He was nominated on the second ballot, and campaigned on a platform of reform and sound money (i.e. the gold standard).{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=15}} His opponent was Governor Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio, likewise noted for his honesty and hard-money views.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=14}} After the closely contested election, with the question still unresolved, Congress and President Grant agreed to submit the dispute to a bipartisan Electoral Commission, which would determine the fate of the disputed electoral votes.{{sfn|Hoogenboom 1995|pp=286–293}} Tilden opposed the idea, but many Democrats supported it as the only way to avoid a second Civil War.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|pp=152–153}} The commission voted 8–7 to award Hayes the disputed votes. Congressional Democrats acquiesced in Hayes's election, but at a price: the new Republican president [[Compromise of 1877|withdrew federal troops from Southern capitals]] after his inauguration.{{sfn|Robinson 1968|p=182–184}} Tilden was defeated—robbed, in his opinion and that of his supporters.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=20–21}}

Tilden spent the next four years as the presumptive Democratic candidate in 1880.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=52}} In 1879, he declined to run for another term as governor and focused instead on building support for the 1880 presidential nomination.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=52}} He considered many of his former friends (including Senator Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware) enemies now for their support of the Electoral Commission, and sought to keep the "fraud of '76" in the spotlight and burnish his own future candidacy by having his congressional allies investigate the events of the post-election maneuvering.{{sfn|Guenther 1983|pp=283–284}} For ten months beginning in May 1878, the Potter Committee, chaired by Democratic Congressman [[Clarkson Nott Potter]] of New York, investigated allegations of fraud and corruption in the states which had contested electoral votes in 1876. Rather than produce conclusive evidence of Republican malfeasance, as Tilden's supporters hoped, the committee exonerated Tilden of wrongdoing, but uncovered conflicting evidence that showed state election officials of both parties in an unfavorable light.{{sfn|Guenther 1983|p=281}} This, and Tilden's declining health, made many Democrats question his candidacy.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=56–57}} Even so, Tilden's presumed ability to carry New York, combined with his political organization and personal fortune, made him a serious contender.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=56–57}}

The first of these qualifications was shattered with the Republican victory in the [[1879 New York state election|New York gubernatorial election in 1879]].{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=61–63}} In that election, a revitalized Tammany split from the regular Democratic party in a patronage dispute with Tilden's faction (now known as the "Irving Hall Democrats"). Tammany ran its new leader, [[John Kelly (New York politician)|"Honest" John Kelly]], as an independent candidate for governor, allowing the Republicans to carry the state with a plurality of the vote.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=61–63}} Tilden began to waver, issuing ambiguous statements about whether he would run again.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=70–71}} Rumors circulated wildly in the months before the convention, with no definitive word from Tilden.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=74–75}} As the New York delegation left for the national convention in Cincinnati, Tilden gave a letter to one of his chief supporters, [[Daniel Manning]], suggesting that his health might force him to decline the nomination.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=122–123}} Tilden hoped to be nominated, but only if he was the unanimous choice of the convention; if not, Manning was entrusted to make the contents of Tilden's letter available to the New York delegation. When it became clear that the nomination would be contested, Manning revealed the contents of the Tilden letter; it was vague and inconclusive, but once its contents became known to Tilden's home state delegates, they chose to interpret it as a withdrawal. The New York delegation now considered Tilden's candidacy to be ended, and sought a new standard-bearer.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=124–126}}

=== Bayard ===
[[File:Thomas F. Bayard, Brady-Handy photo portrait, circa 1870-1880.jpg|thumb|left|Senator [[Thomas F. Bayard]] of Delaware]]
One beneficiary of Tilden's departure from the scene was Senator Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware. Bayard was the scion of [[Bayard family|an old political family]] in Delaware and had represented his state in the United States Senate since 1869. As one of a relative handful of conservative Democrats in the Senate at the time, Bayard began his career opposing vigorously, if ineffectively, the Republican majority's plans for the [[Reconstruction era|Reconstruction]] of the Southern states after the Civil War.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=16}} Like Tilden, Bayard supported the gold standard and had a reputation for honesty.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=64–65}} At the 1876 convention, Bayard had placed a distant fifth in the balloting, but supported Tilden's cause in the general election, speaking on his behalf around the country.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|pp=121–132}} The political friendship between the two quickly soured in the election's aftermath as Bayard supported the Electoral Commission and Tilden opposed it.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|pp=152–153}} Bayard believed the commission was the only alternative to civil war, and served as one of the Democratic members; Tilden took this as a personal betrayal.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|pp=152–153}}

In the four years that followed, Bayard sought to build support for another run at the nomination. He and Tilden competed for support among Eastern conservatives because of their support for the gold standard.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|pp=242–250}} The gold standard was less popular in the South, but there Bayard stacked his years-long advocacy in the Senate for pro-Southern conservative policies against Tilden's [[political machine]] and wealth in the contest for Southern delegates.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|pp=242–250}} A blow to Bayard's cause came in February 1880 when the ''[[The Sun (New York City)|New York Sun]]'', a newspaper friendly to Tilden, published a transcript of a speech Bayard made in [[Dover, Delaware]], in 1861. As the states of the Deep South were seceding from the Union, a young Bayard had proclaimed "with this secession, or revolution, or rebellion, or by whatever name it may be called, the State of Delaware has naught to do", and urged that the South be permitted to withdraw from the Union in peace.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|pp=251–252}} To many in the South, this confirmed their view of Bayard as their champion, but paradoxically it weakened Bayard's support with other Southerners, who feared that a former [[Copperhead (politics)|Peace Democrat]] would never be acceptable to Northerners.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|pp=252–253}} At the same time, Bayard's uncompromising stance on the money question pushed some Democrats to support Major General Winfield Scott Hancock, who had not been identified with either extreme in the gold–silver debate and had a military record that appealed to Northerners.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=68–70}} As the convention opened, Bayard was still among the leading candidates, but was far from certain of victory.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|pp=256–260}}
{{Clear}}

=== Hancock ===
[[File:Winfield Scott Hancock - Brady-Handy.jpg|thumb|Major General [[Winfield Scott Hancock]] of Pennsylvania]]
[[Winfield Scott Hancock]] represented an unusual confluence in the post-war nation: a man who believed in the Democratic Party's principles of states' rights and limited government, but whose anti-secessionist sentiment was unimpeachable.{{sfn|Tucker 1960|pp=301–302}} A native of Pennsylvania, Hancock graduated from the [[United States Military Academy]] at [[West Point, New York|West Point]] in 1844 and began a forty-year career as a soldier.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=5–12}} He served with distinction in the [[Mexican–American War]] and in the antebellum peacetime army.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=13–34}} At the outbreak of the Civil War, Hancock remained loyal to the Union. He was promoted to [[Brevet (military)|brevet]] [[Brigadier general (United States)|brigadier general]] in 1861 and placed in command of a brigade in the [[Army of the Potomac]].{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=36–39}} In the [[Peninsula campaign|Peninsula Campaign]] of 1862, he led a critical counterattack and earned the nickname "Hancock the Superb" from his commander, Major General [[George B. McClellan]].{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=44–48}} At [[Battle of Antietam|Antietam]], he led a division in the Union victory and was promoted to major general.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=49–56, 60}} Hancock's shining moment came at the [[Battle of Gettysburg]] when he organized the scattered troops, rallied defenses, and was wounded on the third day as his troops turned back [[Pickett's Charge]].{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=82–100}}

Since 1864, when he received a single unsolicited vote at the Democratic National Convention, Hancock had been a perennial candidate.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=202}} As military governor of [[Fifth Military District|Louisiana and Texas]] in 1867, Hancock had won the respect of the white conservative population by issuing his General Order Number 40, in which he stated that if the residents of the district conducted themselves peacefully and the civilian officials performed their duties, then "the military power should cease to lead, and the civil administration resume its natural and rightful dominion."{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=203}} He had a larger following at [[1868 Democratic National Convention|the 1868 convention]], finishing as high as second place in some rounds of balloting.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=213–228}} In 1876, Hancock again drew a considerable following, but never finished higher than third place at [[1876 Democratic National Convention|that year's convention]].{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=238–239}} In 1880, another Hancock boom began, this time centered mostly in the South.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=68–69}} In March of that year, the ''[[The Times-Picayune/The New Orleans Advocate|New Orleans Picayune]]'' ran an editorial that called for the general's nomination, partly for who he was—a war hero with conservative political principles—and partly for who he was not—a known partisan of either side of the monetary or tariff debates.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=68–69}} As Tilden and Bayard rose and fell in the estimation of Democratic voters, Hancock's bid for nomination gathered steam. Some were unsure whether, after eight years of Grant, himself a former general, the party would be wise to give the nomination to another "man on horseback", but Hancock remained among the leading contenders as the convention began that June.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=70–71, 77–79}}

=== Other contenders ===
Several other candidates arrived in Cincinnati with delegates pledged to them. Former Representative [[Henry B. Payne]], an Ohio millionaire, had gathered a number of former Tilden supporters to his cause.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=70–71}} Payne was a corporate lawyer and hard money advocate, but also a relative unknown outside Ohio.{{sfn|House 1960|pp=196–197}}{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=272}} In April 1880, the ''[[New York Star (1800s newspaper)|New York Star]]'' published a tale that Tilden had bowed out of the race and instructed the Irving Hall faction to back Payne for the presidency.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=70–71}} Tilden never confirmed the rumor, but after his letter of June 1880 to the New York delegation, many of his supporters did consider Payne among their likely choices.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=122–123}} Payne, like Bayard, had served on the Electoral Commission of 1876, but had nevertheless maintained Tilden's friendship.{{sfn|Weisenburger 1934|p=325}} He maintained his loyalty to Tilden until the convention, when his withdrawal was certain.{{sfn|House 1960|pp=196–197}} Payne was hindered by a fellow Ohioan, Senator [[Allen G. Thurman]], who controlled their home state's delegation.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=135n}} Thurman looked like a natural successor to Tilden, as a popular conservative from a swing state with a background as an attorney, but he, like Bayard, had earned Tilden's enmity by serving on the Electoral Commission.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=54}} Thurman was also less wedded to the gold standard than some Northeastern delegates would tolerate.{{sfn|House 1960|p=212}}

Another would-be heir to Tilden was [[Samuel J. Randall]], since 1863 a congressman from [[Philadelphia]].{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=122–123}} Like Tilden, Randall was conservative on the money question but, unusually for a Democrat, he supported high tariffs to protect American industry.{{sfn|House 1935|pp=350–351}} He also advocated legislation to reduce the power of monopolies.{{sfn|House 1960|p=206}} Tilden had supported Randall in his quest to become Speaker of the House, and Randall returned the favor by remaining a loyal Tilden man up to the convention.{{sfn|House 1960|pp=201–203}} He now hoped for the support of the former Tilden adherents in his quest for the presidency.{{sfn|House 1960|pp=210–211}} Former Governor [[Thomas A. Hendricks]] of Indiana, Tilden's 1876 running mate, also sought a claim on the previous nominee's support. He came from a crucial swing state that the Democrats had narrowly carried in 1876 and had some support in the Midwestern states.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=16}} His popularity with delegates from the Northeast was impaired by his views on the currency question; he sided with those who wanted looser money.{{sfn|Woodburn 1932|p=534}}

Two candidates stood with rather less support. [[William Ralls Morrison]] of Illinois had served in Congress since 1873 and was best known for advocating tariff reductions despite hailing from a protectionist district.{{sfn|Scott 1934|p=232}} He commanded little support outside his home state, and was seen as only a [[favorite son]].{{sfn|House 1960|p=213}} Justice [[Stephen Johnson Field]] of the United States Supreme Court was better known, but still an unlikely contender. The only candidate from the Far West, Field was respected as a scholar of the law, but had greatly diminished his chances with his home state of California by striking down [[Pigtail Ordinance|anti-Chinese legislation]] in that state in 1879.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=132}} Even so, some observers, including [[Edwards Pierrepont]], considered Field a likely choice for the nomination.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=132}}

<gallery class="center">
File:StephenField.png|[[Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States|Associate Justice]] [[Stephen Johnson Field|Stephen J. Field]] of [[California]]
File:Thomas Andrews Hendricks.jpg|Former [[Governor of Indiana|Governor]] [[Thomas A. Hendricks]] of [[Indiana]]
File:WilliamRallsMorrison.png|[[United States House of Representatives|Representative]] [[William Ralls Morrison|William R. Morrison]] of [[Illinois]]
File:HenryBPayne.png|Former [[United States House of Representatives|Representative]] [[Henry B. Payne]] of [[Ohio]]
File:Samuel J. Randall - Brady-Handy.jpg|[[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives|Speaker of the House]] [[Samuel J. Randall]] of [[Pennsylvania]]
File:AllenGThurman.png|[[United States Senate|Senator]] [[Allen G. Thurman]] of [[Ohio]]
</gallery>

== Convention ==

=== Preliminaries ===
[[File:Cincinnati-Music-Hall.jpg|thumb|The site of the 1880 Democratic National Convention: Cincinnati's [[Cincinnati Music Hall|Music Hall]]]]
The delegates assembled on June 22, 1880, at Cincinnati's [[Cincinnati Music Hall|Music Hall]]. The venue was a large, red brick building in the [[Gothic Revival architecture|High Victorian Gothic]] style, which had opened in 1878.{{sfn|Smiddy 2005|p=22}} Intended, as the name suggests, for musical performances, the hall also functioned as Cincinnati's convention center until a separate building was constructed in 1967.{{sfn|Smiddy 2005|p=22}} [[William Henry Barnum]] of [[Connecticut]], the chairman of the [[Democratic National Committee]], called the convention to order at 12:38&nbsp;p.m.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=128–129}} An opening prayer was presented by [[Unitarianism|Unitarian]] minister [[Charles William Wendte]]. Then, [[George Hoadly]], a Tilden associate and future governor of Ohio, was elected temporary chairman. Hoadly addressed the crowd, then adjourned the convention until 10:00&nbsp;a.m. the next day, so that the Committee on Credentials could consider certain disputes among the delegates.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=128–129}}

At the start of the second day, June 23, the Committee on Permanent Organization announced the roster of officers, including the permanent president, [[John W. Stevenson]] of [[Kentucky]].{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=21}} Before the delegates could formally elect Stevenson, they heard the report on the Committee on Credentials.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=25}} Two rival factions of [[Massachusetts]] Democrats had agreed to compromise, both being admitted as a united delegation.{{efn|The two factions were known as the "[[Faneuil Hall]] Democrats and the "[[Massachusetts Charitable Mechanic Association|Mechanics Hall]] Democrats"{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=25}}}}{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=25}} A similar dispute in New York was not resolved so easily: Tammany Hall and Tilden's Irving Hall had sent rival delegations as well, and neither was willing to compromise.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=128–129}} The committee had voted to consider the Irving Hall Democrats to have been regularly elected; Tammany was consequently excluded.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=128–129}} Debate followed, in which some delegates urged compromise, with the idea that a united delegation would help unite the party in New York in the coming general election.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=130–131}} The argument was unpersuasive, as the delegates endorsed the committee's decision by a vote of 457 to {{frac|205|1|2}}; Tammany was banished.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=49}} Stevenson was then installed as permanent chairman and, as the Committee on Resolutions had not finished writing the platform, the delegates moved on to nominations.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=130–131}}

=== Nominations ===
The clerk called the roll of states alphabetically. The first delegation to nominate a candidate was California. [[John Edgar McElrath]], an [[Oakland, California|Oakland]] attorney, rose to nominate Justice Stephen J. Field.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=130–131}} Extolling Field's virtues and learning, McElrath promised that, if nominated, "he will sweep California like the winds that blow through her Golden Gate."{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=70}} [[George Gray (Delaware politician)|George Gray]], Delaware's [[Attorney General of Delaware|Attorney General]] and a future United States Senator, next nominated Thomas F. Bayard.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=130–131}} Gray, in a speech that evinced his admiration for the Senator, said of Bayard:
{{blockquote|Thomas Francis Bayard is a statesman who will need no introduction to the American people. His name and record are known wherever our flag floats, aye, wherever the English tongue is spoken.&nbsp;... With his sympathies as broad as this great continent, a private character as spotless as the snow from heaven, a judgment as clear as the sunlight, an intellect as keen and bright as a flashing sabre, honest in thought and deed, the people all know him by heart.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=72}}}}
[[File:Daniel Dougherty cropped.jpg|thumb|[[Daniel Dougherty]] gave a rousing speech to nominate Winfield Scott Hancock.]]
Illinois was the next state to offer a name, as former Representative [[Samuel S. Marshall]] rose to submit that of his erstwhile colleague, William R. Morrison. Marshall immediately antagonized the South by comparing Morrison to [[Abraham Lincoln]], and proclaimed that Morrison's belief in tariff reduction would be a "tower of strength" in the election.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=133}}

Next, Senator [[Daniel W. Voorhees]] of Indiana spoke on behalf of Thomas A. Hendricks, praising Hendricks as a candidate of national unity: "[T]o the South, who has been more faithful? To the North, who has been truer? To the East, who has been better, wiser, more conservative and more faithful? And to the West I need not appeal, for he is our own son."{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=78}} The next few states made no nominations. When the roll reached New York, there were cries from the crowd for Tilden, and some confusion when that state's delegation made no nomination.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=135}}

The next nomination came from Ohio, as [[John McSweeney (lawyer)|John McSweeney]] made the case for Senator Allen G. Thurman. "Great in genius, correct in judgment," as McSweeney described him in a lengthy speech, Thurman was "of unrivaled eloquence in defense of the right, with a spotless name, he stands forth as a born leader of the people."{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=82}} Next came the Pennsylvania delegation, from which [[Daniel Dougherty]] rose. Dougherty, a Philadelphia lawyer, gave a short and effective speech in favor of Winfield Scott Hancock.{{efn|Dougherty was not a delegate, but was admitted as a substitute for a delegate who had yielded his seat so Dougherty could make the nomination.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=275}}}}{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=136}}
{{blockquote|I present&nbsp;... one who, on the field of battle, was styled "the Superb,"&nbsp;... Whose nomination will thrill the land from end to end and crush the last embers of sectional strife, and be hailed as the dawning of the longed-for day of perpetual brotherhood.&nbsp;... With him as our chieftain, the bloody banner of the Republicans will fall from their palsied grasp. We can appeal to the supreme tribunal of the American people against the corruptions of the republican party and its untold violations of constitutional liberty.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=85}}}}
As Dougherty finished his speech, delegates and spectators shouted for Hancock.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=137}} After five minutes, the cheers subsided.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=276}} Senator [[Wade Hampton III]] of [[South Carolina]], a former [[Confederate States of America|Confederate]] general, next spoke to praise Hancock, saying "we of the South would feel safe in his hands", but said that Bayard was ultimately his choice "because we believe he is the strongest man".{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=87}} [[Richard B. Hubbard]], a former governor of Texas and Confederate soldier, spoke in favor Hancock as his state seconded the Pennsylvanian's nomination. Hubbard praised Hancock's conduct as military governor of Texas and Louisiana, saying, "in our hour of sorrow, when he held his power at the hands of the great dominant Republican party&nbsp;... there stood a man with the constitution before him, reading it as the fathers read it; that the war having ended we resumed the habiliments that as a right belong to us, not as a conquered province, but as a free people."{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=88}} The last few states were called and the nominations ended. After a motion to adjourn failed, the delegates proceeded directly to the balloting.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=137}}

=== Balloting ===
[[File:1880 DNC (cropped).jpg|thumb|A scene inside the convention]]
The clerk called the roll of the states again, and a band played "[[Yankee Doodle]]" and "[[Dixie (song)|Dixie]]" as the ballots were tallied.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=277}} The results showed that the delegates had scattered their ballots to a variety of candidates, with no one close to the 492 necessary to nominate (at that time, Democratic conventions required a two-thirds majority for nomination).{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=138}} There was a clear delineation, however, as Hancock and Bayard, with 171 and {{frac|153|1|2}} respectively, were far ahead of the pack.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=138}} The next closest, Payne, had less than half of Hancock's number, with 81.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=138}} After one minor shift of {{frac|1|2}} ballot, the totals were announced to the delegates.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=100}} They voted to adjourn for the day, clearing the way for the off-site negotiations that would influence the next day's ballot.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=138}}

The delegates assembled the next day, June 24, to resume the balloting. Before that could begin, [[Rufus W. Peckham|Rufus Wheeler Peckham]] of the New York delegation produced Tilden's letter and read it to the crowd.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=139}} The first mention of Tilden's name provoked excitement, but the meaning of the message soon quieted the crowd. Peckham announced that, with Tilden's withdrawal, New York, now supported Samuel J. Randall.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=139}} Moving then to the second ballot, more than one hundred delegates followed Peckham's lead in voting for Randall, boosting his total to {{frac|128|1|2}}, just above Bayard's 112.{{sfn|Tansill 1946|p=281}} But the shift to Hancock had been greater. Before the totals were announced to the crowd, Hancock had gathered 320 delegates to him; as soon as the voting stopped, however, [[Wisconsin]], and [[New Jersey]] changed all of their votes to Hancock.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=111}} Pennsylvania added those of their votes that were not already for Hancock.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=111}} Then [[Smith Mead Weed|Smith M. Weed]] of New York, a Tilden confidante, announced that his state, too, would shift all of its 70 votes to Hancock. After that, according to the party records, "every delegate was on his feet and the roar of ten thousand voices completely drowned the full military band in the gallery."{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=112}}

Nearly all of the remaining states now stampeded for Hancock. When the second vote was finally tallied, Hancock had 705. Only Indiana refrained completely from joining in, casting its 30 votes for Hendricks; two Bayard voters from [[Maryland]] and one Tilden man from [[Iowa]] were the remaining hold-outs.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=114}} After the second round was tallied, the nomination was made unanimous.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=118}} Several delegates then spoke to praise Hancock and promise that he would triumph in the coming election. Even Tammany's John Kelly was permitted to speak.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=140}} Kelly pledged his faction's loyalty to the party, saying, "Let us unite as a band of brothers and look upon each other kindly and favorably."{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=123}}

{| class="wikitable sortable"
!Presidential candidate !! 1st before<br>shifts{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=99}} !! 1st after<br>shifts{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=100}} !! 2nd before<br>shifts{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|pp=108–111}} !! 2nd after<br>shifts{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|p=114}} !! Unanimous
|-
|{{sortname|Winfield Scott|Hancock}} ||style="background:#5cb3ff"|171 ||style="background:#5cb3ff"| 171 ||style="background:#5cb3ff"| 320 ||style="background:#5cb3ff"| 705 ||style="background:#5cb3ff"| 738
|-
|{{sortname|Thomas F.|Bayard}} ||style="background:#82caff"| 153.5 ||style="background:#82caff"|  153.5 ||style="background:#c2dfff"| 112 ||style="background:#c2dfff"|  2 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Samuel J.|Randall}}* || 6 || 6 ||style="background:#82caff"| 128.5 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Henry B.|Payne}}* ||style="background:#c2dfff"| 81 ||style="background:#c2dfff"| 81 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Allen G.|Thurman}} || 68.5 || 68.5 || 50 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Stephen J.|Field|Stephen Johnson Field}} || 64.5 || 65 || 65.5 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|William R.|Morrison|William Ralls Morrison}} || 62 || 62 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Thomas A.|Hendricks}} || 49.5 || 49.5 || 31 ||style="background:#82caff"| 30 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Samuel J.|Tilden}}* || 38 || 38 || 6 || 1 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|James E.|English}}* || 1 || 1 || 19 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Thomas|Ewing|Thomas Ewing, Jr.}}* || 10 || 10 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Horatio|Seymour}}* || 8 || 8 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|William A. H.|Loveland}}* || 5 || 5 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Joseph E.|McDonald}}* || 3 || 3 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|George B.|McClellan}}* || 2 || 2 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Joel|Parker|Joel Parker (politician)}}* || 1 || 1 || 2 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Jeremiah S.|Black}}* || 1 || 1 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|Hugh J.|Jewett}}*  || 1 || 1 || 1 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
|{{sortname|George V. N.|Lothrop}}* || 1 || 1 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|-
| Blank || 11 || 10.5 || 3 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"| 0 ||style="background:#d3d3d3"|
|}
<nowiki>*</nowiki> The candidate was not formally nominated.

<br>
<gallery perrow="4">
File:1880DemocraticPresidentialNomination1stBallotBefore.png|{{center|'''1st Presidential Ballot<br> Before Shifts<br>'''}}
File:1880DemocraticPresidentialNomination1stBallotAfter.png|{{center|'''1st Presidential Ballot<br> After Shifts<br>'''}}
File:1880DemocraticPresidentialNomination2ndBallotBefore.png|{{center|'''2nd Presidential Ballot<br> Before Shifts<br>'''}}
File:1880DemocraticPresidentialNomination2ndBallotAfter.png|{{center|'''2nd Presidential Ballot<br> After Shifts<br>'''}}
</gallery>

=== Platform and vice presidential nominee ===
[[File:WHEnglish-sketch.jpg|thumb|upright|Former Representative [[William Hayden English]] of Indiana was nominated for vice president.]]
Turning to other matters, the delegates listened as [[Susan B. Anthony]] addressed them with a plea for [[women's suffrage]].{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|pp=125–127}} The delegates took no action, and moved on to the platform, which [[Henry Watterson]] of Kentucky read aloud. The spirit of unanimity continued as the delegates approved it without dissent. The platform was, in the words of historian Herbert J. Clancy, "deliberately vague and general" on some points, designed to appeal to the largest number possible.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=162}} In it, they pledged to work for "constitutional doctrines and traditions," to oppose centralization, to favor "honest money consisting of gold and silver", a "tariff for revenue only", and to put an end to [[History of Chinese Americans|Chinese immigration]].{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|pp=127–129}} Most of this was uncontroversial, but the "tariff for revenue only" would become a major point of debate in the coming campaign.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=148}}

Finally, the delegates turned to the vice presidency. [[Edmund Pettus]], representing [[Alabama]], moved the nomination of [[William Hayden English]], a banker and former representative from Indiana. English, a member of the Indiana delegation, was fairly unknown to most delegates.{{sfn|House 1962|pp=183–184}} He had been a Bayard enthusiast and was known as a successful businessman and hard money supporter; more crucially, he hailed from an important swing state.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=140}} While Hendricks was a better-known representative of Indiana, Easterners in the party preferred English, who they saw as sounder on the money question.{{sfn|House 1962|pp=183–184}} Several states seconded the nomination.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|pp=132–136}} [[John P. Irish]] of Iowa nominated former governor [[Richard M. Bishop]] of Ohio but, after all the other states expressed support for English, the Ohio delegation requested that Bishop's name be withdrawn and English's nomination made unanimous; the motion carried.{{sfn|Proceedings 1882|pp=133, 137}}

== Aftermath ==
[[Image:1880DemocraticCampaignPoster.png|thumb|left|Hancock-English campaign poster]]
{{main article|1880 United States presidential election}}
Keeping with the custom at the time, Hancock did not campaign personally, but stayed at his post at [[Fort Jay|Fort Columbus]] on [[Governors Island]], in [[New York Harbor]] and met with visitors there (as General Grant had in [[1868 United States presidential election|1868]], Hancock remained on active duty throughout the campaign).{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=283–288}} Both parties' campaigns began with a focus on the candidates rather than the issues. Democratic newspapers attacked the Republican nominee, [[James A. Garfield]] of Ohio, over rumors of corruption and self-dealing in the [[Crédit Mobilier scandal|Crédit Mobilier affair]], among others.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=222–231}} Republicans characterized Hancock as uninformed on the issues, and some of his former comrades-in-arms gave critical speeches regarding his character.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=201–204}} Democrats never made clear what about their victory would improve the nation; Hancock biographer David M. Jordan later characterized their message as simply "our man is better than your man".{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=297}}

Both parties knew that, with the end of Reconstruction and the [[disfranchisement after the Reconstruction era|disenfranchisement of black Southerners]], the [[Solid South|South would be solid]] for Hancock, netting 137 electoral votes of the 185 needed for victory.{{sfn|Peskin 1980|pp=176–177}} To this, the Democrats needed only add a few of the closely balanced Northern states; New York (35 electoral votes) and Indiana (15) were two of their main targets, but New Jersey and the Midwestern states were also battlegrounds.{{sfn|Peskin 1980|pp=176–177}} Early in the campaign, Republicans used their standard tactic of "[[waving the bloody shirt]]", that is, reminding Northern voters that the Democratic Party was responsible for [[Secession in the United States|secession]] and four years of civil war, and that if they held power they would reverse the gains of that war, dishonor Union veterans, and pay Confederate veterans pensions out of the federal treasury.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=175–180}} With fifteen years having passed since the end of the war, and Union generals at the head of both tickets, the bloody shirt was of less effect than it had been in the past.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=297}}

By October, Republicans shifted to a new issue: the tariff. Seizing on the Democratic platform's call for a "tariff for revenue only", Republicans told Northern workers that a Hancock presidency would weaken the tariff protection that kept them in good jobs.{{sfn|Clancy 1958|pp=232–233}} Hancock made the situation worse when, attempting to strike a moderate stance, he said "the tariff question is a local question".{{sfn|Jordan 1988|p=297}} The answer seemed only to reinforce the Republicans' characterization of him as ignorant of the issues.{{sfn|Jordan 1988|pp=301–303}} In the end, fewer than two thousand votes separated the two candidates, but in the Electoral College, Garfield had an easy victory over Hancock, 214 to 155.{{sfn|NARA 2012}}

{{start U.S. presidential ticket box|pv_footnote=|ev_footnote=}}
{{U.S. presidential ticket box row|name=[[James A. Garfield]]|vp_name=[[Chester A. Arthur]]|party=[[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]]|state=[[Ohio]]|vp_state=[[New York (state)|New York]]|pv=4,446,158{{sfn|NARA 2012}}|pv_pct=48.3%|ev=214{{sfn|NARA 2012}}}}
{{U.S. presidential ticket box row|name=[[Winfield Scott Hancock|Winfield S. Hancock]]|vp_name=[[William Hayden English|William H. English]]|party=[[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]]|state=[[Pennsylvania]]|vp_state=[[Indiana]]|pv=4,444,260{{sfn|NARA 2012}}|pv_pct=48.3%|ev=155{{sfn|NARA 2012}}}}
{{U.S. presidential ticket box row|name=[[James B. Weaver]]|vp_name=[[Barzillai J. Chambers]]|party=[[Greenback Party|Greenback Labor]]|state=[[Iowa]]|vp_state=[[Texas]]|pv=305,997{{sfn|Ackerman 2003|p=221}}|pv_pct=3.3%|ev=0{{sfn|Ackerman 2003|p=221}}}}
{{U.S. presidential ticket box row|name=[[Neal Dow]]|vp_name=[[Henry Adams Thompson|Henry A. Thompson]]|party=[[Prohibition Party|Prohibition]]|state=[[Maine]]|vp_state=[[Ohio]]|pv=10,305{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=243}}|pv_pct=0.1%|ev=0{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=243}}}}
{{U.S. presidential ticket box row|name=[[John W. Phelps]]|vp_name=[[Samuel C. Pomeroy]]|party=[[Know Nothing|American]]|state=[[Vermont]]|vp_state=[[Kansas]]|pv=707{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=243}}|pv_pct=0.0%|ev=0{{sfn|Clancy 1958|p=243}}}}
{{U.S. presidential ticket box other| footnote=| pv=3,631| pv_pct=0.0%}}
{{end U.S. presidential ticket box|pv=9,211,051|ev=369|to_win=185}}

== See also ==
* [[History of the Democratic Party (United States)|History of the United States Democratic Party]]
* [[United States presidential nominating convention]]
* [[Winfield Scott Hancock 1880 presidential campaign]]
* [[List of Democratic National Conventions]]
* [[1880 Republican National Convention]]
* [[1880 United States presidential election]]

== Notes ==
{{notelist}}

== References ==
{{reflist | colwidth = 20em | refs = }}

== Sources ==
{{refbegin}}
'''Books'''
* {{cite book
  | last = Ackerman
  | first = Kenneth D.
  | year = 2003
  | title = Dark Horse: The Surprise Election and Political Murder of President James A. Garfield
  | publisher = Carroll & Graf
  | location = New York, New York
  | isbn = 0-7867-1151-5
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Ackerman 2003}}
  | url = https://archive.org/details/darkhorsesurpris00acke
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Clancy
  | first = Herbert J.
  | year = 1958
  | title = The Presidential Election of 1880
  | url = https://archive.org/details/presidentialelec0000clan
  | url-access = registration
  | publisher = Loyola University Press
  | location = Chicago, Illinois
  | isbn = 978-1-258-19190-0
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Clancy 1958}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Flick
  | first = Alexander Clarence
  | year = 1963
  | orig-year = 1939
  | title = Samuel Jones Tilden: A Study in Political Sagacity
  | publisher = Kennikat Press, Inc.
  | location = Port Washington, New York
  | oclc = 853070572
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Flick 1939}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Hoogenboom
  | first = Ari
  | author-link = Ari Hoogenboom
  | year = 1995
  | title = Rutherford Hayes: Warrior and President
  | publisher = University Press of Kansas
  | location = Lawrence, Kansas
  | isbn = 978-0-7006-0641-2
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Hoogenboom 1995}}
  }}
* {{cite encyclopedia
  | last = House
  | first = Albert V.
  | title = Samuel Jackson Randall
  | encyclopedia = [[Dictionary of American Biography]]
  | volume = XV
  | pages = 350–351
  | publisher = C. Scribner's Sons
  | location = New York
  | url = https://archive.org/stream/dictionaryofamer15amer#page/350/mode/2up
  | year = 1935
  | ref = {{sfnRef|House 1935}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Jordan
  | first = David M.
  | year = 1996
  | orig-year = 1988
  | title = Winfield Scott Hancock: A Soldier's Life
  | publisher = Indiana University Press
  | location = Bloomington, Indiana
  | isbn = 0-253-21058-5
  | ref  = {{sfnRef|Jordan 1988}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | year = 1882
  | title = Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention
  | publisher = [Dayton] Daily Journal Book and Job Room
  | location = Dayton, Ohio
  | oclc = 1853492
  | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=2dNMAAAAYAAJ
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Proceedings 1882}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Robinson
  | first = Lloyd
  | year = 2001
  | title = The Stolen Election: Hayes versus Tilden—1876
  | orig-year = 1968
  | publisher = Tom Doherty Associates
  | location = New York
  | isbn = 978-0-7653-0206-9
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Robinson 1968}}
  | url = https://archive.org/details/stolenelectionha0000robi
  }}
* {{cite encyclopedia
  | last = Scott
  | first = Franklin D.
  | title = William Ralls Morrison
  | encyclopedia = [[Dictionary of American Biography]]
  | volume = XIII
  | pages = 232–233
  | publisher = C. Scribner's Sons
  | location = New York
  | url = https://archive.org/stream/dictionaryofamer13amer#page/232/mode/2up
  | year = 1935
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Scott 1934}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Smiddy
  | first = Betty Ann
  | year = 2005
  | title = Cincinnati's Golden Age
  | publisher = Arcadia Publishing
  | location = Charleston, South Carolina
  | isbn = 978-0-7385-3436-7
  | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=yyS2gD6qNRUC
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Smiddy 2005}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Tansill
  | first = Charles Callan
  | title = The Congressional Career of Thomas F. Bayard
  | url = https://archive.org/details/congressionalcar0000tans
  | url-access = registration
  | publisher = Georgetown University Press
  | location = Washington, D.C.
  | year = 1946
  | oclc = 1518321
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Tansill 1946}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Tucker
  | first = Glenn
  | year = 1960
  | title = Hancock the Superb
  | url = https://archive.org/details/hancockthesuperb010775mbp
  | publisher = Bobbs-Merrill Co., Inc
  | location = Indianapolis, Indiana
  | oclc = 715628
  | ref  = {{sfnRef|Tucker 1960}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Unger
  | first = Irwin
  | author-link = Irwin Unger
  | year = 1964
  | title = [[The Greenback Era|The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865–1879]]
  | publisher = Princeton University Press
  | location = Princeton, New Jersey
  | isbn = 0-691-04517-8
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Unger 1964}}
  }}
* {{cite encyclopedia
  | last = Weisenburger
  | first = Francis Phelps
  | title = Henry B. Payne
  | encyclopedia = [[Dictionary of American Biography]]
  | volume = XIV
  | pages = 325–326
  | publisher = C. Scribner's Sons
  | location = New York
  | url = https://archive.org/stream/dictionaryofamer14amer#page/324/mode/2up
  | year = 1934
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Weisenburger 1934}}
  }}
* {{cite book
  | last = Wiebe
  | first = Robert H.
  | year = 1967
  | title = The Search for Order: 1877–1920
  | url = https://archive.org/details/searchfororder1800wieb
  | url-access = registration
  | publisher = Hill and Wang
  | location = New York, New York
  | isbn = 0-8090-0104-7
  | ref  = {{sfnRef|Wiebe 1967}}
  }}
* {{cite encyclopedia
  | last = Woodburn
  | first = James A.
  | title = Thomas Andrews Hendricks
  | encyclopedia = [[Dictionary of American Biography]]
  | volume = VIII
  | pages = 534–535
  | publisher = C. Scribner's Sons
  | location = New York
  | url = https://archive.org/stream/dictionaryofamer08ilamer#page/534/mode/2up
  | year = 1932
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Woodburn 1932}}
  }}
{{refend}}

'''Articles'''
{{refbegin}}
* {{cite journal
  | last = Guenther
  | first = Karen
  | title = Potter Committee Investigation of the Disputed Election of 1876
  | journal = The Florida Historical Quarterly
  | date = January 1983
  | volume = 61
  | issue = 3
  | pages = 281–295
  | jstor = 30149125
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Guenther 1983}}
  }}
* {{cite journal
  | last = Hirsch
  | first = Mark D.
  | date = July 1951
  | title = Samuel J. Tilden: The Story of a Lost Opportunity
  | journal = The American Historical Review
  | volume = 56
  | issue = 4
  | pages = 788–802
  | jstor = 1851984
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Hirsch 1951}}
  | doi=10.2307/1851984
  }}
* {{cite journal
  | last = House
  | first = Albert V.
  | date = April 1960
  | title = Internal Conflicts in Key States in the Democratic Convention of 1880
  | journal = Pennsylvania History
  | volume = 27
  | issue = 2
  | pages = 188–216
  | jstor = 27769951
  | ref = {{sfnRef|House 1960}}
  }}
* {{cite journal
  | last = House
  | first = Albert V.
  | date = September 1962
  | title = The Democratic State Central Committee of Indiana in 1880: A Case Study in Party Tactics and Finance
  | journal = Indiana Magazine of History
  | volume = 58
  | pages = 179–210
  | jstor = 27789008
  | ref = {{sfnRef|House 1962}}
  | issue = 3
  }}
* {{cite journal
  | last = Peskin
  | first = Allan
  | date = Spring 1980
  | title = The Election of 1880
  | journal = The Wilson Quarterly
  | volume = 4
  | issue = 2
  | pages = 172–181
  | jstor = 40255831
  | ref = {{sfnRef|Peskin 1980}}
  }}
{{refend}}
'''Primary sources'''
* Chester, Edward W ''A guide to political platforms'' (1977) pp 105–108 [https://archive.org/details/guidetopolitical0000ches online]

'''Website'''
{{refbegin}}
* {{cite web
  | url = https://www.archives.gov/federal-register/electoral-college/scores.html#1880
  | title = Historical Election Results: Electoral College Box Scores 1789–1996
  | author = <!--Staff writer(s); no by-line.-->
  | date = 2012<!--???-->
  | publisher = National Archives and Records Administration
  | access-date = 16 January 2014
  | ref = {{sfnRef|NARA 2012}}
  }}
{{refend}}

== External links ==
* [http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=29582 Democratic Party Platform of 1880] ''The American Presidency Project''.

{{sequence|
 prev=[[1876 Democratic National Convention|1876]]<br>[[St. Louis|St. Louis, Missouri]]|
 list=[[Democratic National Convention]]s|
 next=[[1884 Democratic National Convention|1884]]<br>[[Chicago|Chicago, Illinois]]|
}}

{{United States presidential election, 1880}}
{{Democratic National Convention}}{{Authority control}}

[[Category:1880 conferences|Democratic National Convention]]
[[Category:1880 United States presidential election|Democratic National Convention]]
[[Category:1880 in Ohio|Democratic National Convention]]
[[Category:19th century in Cincinnati]]
[[Category:Conventions in Cincinnati]]
[[Category:Political conventions in Ohio]]
[[Category:Ohio Democratic Party]]
[[Category:Political events in Ohio]]
[[Category:Democratic National Conventions]]
[[Category:June 1880|Democratic National Convention]]
[[Category:19th-century political conferences]]
[[Category:Thomas A. Hendricks]]